Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Discussion Paper 13/2013 Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Bonn 2013 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN 1860-0441 The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de. ISBN 978-3-88985-616-6 Markus Loewe, Department "Competitiveness and Social Development", German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn E-Mail: [email protected] © Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik gGmbH Tulpenfeld 6, 53113 Bonn +49 (0)228 94927-0 +49 (0)228 94927-130 E-Mail: [email protected] www.die-gdi.de Contents Abbreviations Summary 1 1 Introduction 3 2 Industrial policies in developing countries – a conceptual framework 5 3 The context of industrial policy-making in Egypt from 2004 to 2011 9 3.1 Framework conditions for economic development 9 3.2 Main challenges for industrial transformation 13 3.3 The history of industrial policy from 1952 to 2004 17 3.4 The political constellation between 2004 and 2011 26 4 Strategies and instruments of industrial policies in Egypt from 2004 to 2011 30 4.1 General economic policy reforms 30 4.2 The ‘Egypt Industrial Development Strategy’ of the Ministry for Trade and Industry 31 4.3 Micro- and small enterprise promotion by the Social Fund for Development 39 4.4 The Ministry of Investment and the General Authority for Investment and Free Zones 40 4.5 Strengths and weaknesses of the strategies and instruments 43 5 Effects of industrial policies in Egypt from 2004 to 2011 46 5.1 Macro-level evidence 47 5.2 The instruments and their implementation 53 5.2.1 Effectiveness 54 5.2.2 Efficiency 60 5.2.3 Transparency and fairness 62 5.2.4 Relevance 65 5.3 Explanation for the strengths and weaknesses 74 5.4 Who benefited and who did not 76 6 After Mubarak … a new beginning 78 6.1 Political and economic developments since the revolution in 2011 78 6.2 Lessons learnt 80 6.3 Recommendations for the new government 81 6.3.1 Reforming the framework of industrial policies 81 6.3.2 Reorganising the making and management of industrial policies 83 6.3.3 Redesigning industrial policies 84 Bibliography 89 List of interviewees 97 Annex 101 Boxes: Box 1: Main deficits of the industrial policies implemented by the Nazif government (2004–2011) 53 Figures: Figure 1: Diversification of Egyptian exports (2004) 15 Figure 2: Egypt’s three growth spurts (1980–2010) 23 Figure 3: Egyptian industrial policy: The actors and their responsibilities 32 Figure 4: Main constraints for doing business in Egypt – according to the World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Reports (GCRs) of 2003 and 2010 48 Figure 5: Main obstacles for SMEs in Egypt – according to a case study from 2012 50 Figure 6: Egypt’s ranking in 2006 and 2010 compared with Tunisia in 2010 – based on indicators of structural change in the WEF Global Competitiveness Reports 52 Tables in Text: Table 1: Non-hydrocarbon exports to world trade partners by technology content (1985–2005) (% of total exports) 16 Table 2: Nominal and effective protection of selected manufacturing sectors in Egypt (2004) 26 Tables in Annex: Table A1: Selected governance indicators related to industrial policy (2008) 103 Table A2: Quality of Egypt’s business climate – according to World Bank Doing Business Reports 105 Table A3: Most problematic factors for doing business in Egypt – according to World Economic Forum Global Competitiveness Reports 108 Table A4: Egypt’s global-competitiveness ranking – according to the World Economic Forum 109 Abbreviations BDS business development service BTI Bertelsmann Transformation Index CAPMAS Central Agency for Public Mobilization and Statistics CIDA Canadian International Development Agency CPI Corruption Perception Index of Transparency International DBI Doing Business Index DIE Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik / German Development Institute ECES Egyptian Center for Economic Studies EGP Egyptian pound EIDS Egypt Industrial Development Strategy EIU Economist Intelligence Unit ETTICs Egypt Technology Transfer and Innovation Centres EU European Union EUR Euro FDI foreign direct investment GAFI General Authority for Investment and Free Zones GAFTA Greater Arab Free Trade Area GCR Global Competitiveness Report GDP gross domestic product GIZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Internationale Zusammenarbeit GTZ Deutsche Gesellschaft für Technische Zusammenarbeit ICT information and communication technology IDA Industrial Development Agency IMC Industrial Modernisation Centre IMF International Monetary Fund ITDA Internal Trade Development Agency MENA Middle East and North Africa MFTI Ministry for Trade and Industry MOF Ministry of Finance MOI Ministry of Investment MSEs micro- and small enterprises NDP National Democratic Party NGO non-governmental organisation QIZ Qualifying Industrial Zone R&D research and development SCAF Supreme Council of the Armed Forces SFD Social Fund for Development SMEs small and medium-size enterprises TIEC Technology Innovation and Entrepreneurship Centre UNDP United Nations Development Programme US United States USD United States Dollar WEF World Economic Forum WGI World Bank Governance Indicators WTO World Trade Organization Industrial policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Summary Egypt experienced considerable economic growth during President Mubarak’s last term, with annual per-capita growth averaging 6 per cent from 2004 to 2008 and only dropping below 2 per cent after the January 25th revolution of 2011. However, this growth was nei- ther pro-poor nor sustainable. Because it was not labour-intensive, it did not reduce either poverty or unemployment. It was based on windfall profits (high oil prices and high receipts from tourism and the Suez Canal) rather than improvements in international competitive- ness. Although foreign direct investments (FDIs) and exports rose, almost all FDIs were in the extractive industries or service sectors rather than manufacturing or agriculture. Imports increased even faster than exports, creating a negative balance of trade – dropping from a surplus of United States Dollar (USD) 3 billion in 2004 to a deficit of USD 5 billion in 2008 that worsened in 2011 and 2012. Since Egypt has to import crude oil and its natural gas reserves are shrinking, it is unlikely that the country’s external position will improve. Moreover, current exports are undiversified and have low technological content, and only one-third of all exports are finished goods. The challenge for the Egyptian economy is to become more productive and diversified through the development of more knowledge-intensive industries and exploitation of inter- firm specialisation. But the question for Egypt and for other low- and middle-income coun- tries is how structural change can be achieved and what the state can do to facilitate it. In- creasingly there is a consensus that industrial policies can be decisive in solving market failures – especially regarding the provision of public goods (research and development, (R&D), workers’ training, market information, etc.) and the coordination of complementary investments. But uncertainty persists about how and how much a government should inter- vene, given the risk of government failure (misallocation of funds, political capture and the creation of perverse incentives for investors and bureaucrats). This is especially true for countries with weak political checks and balances – like the Egypt of Mubarak. Egypt has a long history of strong interventionist, top-down industrial policies. After the ‘Free Officers’ staged a coup d’état in 1952, the new regime embarked on a statist path of development to promote structural change and growth. It attempted to channel labour and capital into sectors that would help develop the country. But industrial policies were also used to channel privileges and resources to the regime’s clientele. A substantial reorientation took place in 2004 when President Mubarak appointed a new government, which included several former businessmen. It endorsed a new strategy for industrial policy that was considerably more market- and demand-oriented and less inter- ventionist. It was intended to address the market failures that were preventing structural change in Egypt and avoid vertical discrimination as much as possible. The question is whether the businessmen in Egypt’s government were more successful at facilitating structural change without political capture: How did they diversify the econo- my? What instruments did they use? Were they more effective and efficient than their statist predecessors? Were their policies fair and transparent – or did they serve their own busi- nessmen-minister interests and those of their clientele? What can Egypt’s new government, which came to power after the revolution and parliamentary and presidential elections, learn from the industrial policies of the businessmen-ministers? German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) 1 Markus Loewe This study demonstrates that Egypt’s post-2004 industrial policies have been comparatively effective in promoting investment and exports but much less so in facilitating structural change. While they have improved entrepreneurs’ access to finance, simplified tax rates and procedures and cut away red tape, they have not substantially improved the technology con- tent of exports, firms’ business sophistication and technology absorption, or
Recommended publications
  • Class Politics and Ideology in Revolutionary Egypt
    Class Politics and Ideology in Revolutionary Egypt Matthew Wainscott, BA (Hons.) Macquarie University Department of Modern History, Politics, and International Relations Submitted: 11/02/2018 Table of Contents Table of Contents 1 INTRODUCTION 1 Chapter Outline 11 Chapter One: 17 A THEORETICAL FOUNDATION 17 Existing Approaches 19 Antonio Gramsci: A Brief Introduction 24 Gramsci in this Thesis 27 Reading Gramsci 28 Gramsci and the State 31 Historical Bloc 36 War of Manoeuvre/War of Position 41 Passive Revolution 43 Counter-Reformation 51 Hegemony 53 Conclusion 58 Chapter Two: 61 STATE DEVELOPMENT, CLASS, AND IDEOLOGY IN EARLY CAPITALIST EGYPT 61 The Origins of Egyptian Capitalism 63 British Rule, Social Class, and the Rise of the Wafd 66 Egyptian Nationalism 71 Corporatism and the Moral Economy 76 Class Structure in Pre-Nasser Egypt 81 Nasser’s Egypt 85 Nasser’s Decline 91 Conclusion 94 Chapter Three 98 SADAT AND THE ORIGINS OF EGYPTIAN NEOLIBERALISM 98 Sadat: Uncertain Beginnings 101 Political Consolidation 103 Economic Reconfiguration 107 The Impact of Camp David 110 The Foundations of Neoliberalism 113 Class Divisions in A Neoliberal World 117 The Reconstitution, Or Restoration, Of Class Power 120 Neoliberalism and the International Institutions 124 Neoliberalism, Class, and Ideology in Sadat’s Egypt 127 Sadat’s Demise 131 A Door Left Ajar 132 Chapter Four 136 MUBARAK 1981-2004: THE NEOLIBERAL STATE TAKES SHAPE 136 Political Torpidity and Attempted Reform: 1981-1987 139 IFI Agreements 146 Mubarak and Subaltern Struggles 159 Class in
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking U.S. Economic Aid to Egypt
    Rethinking U.S. Economic Aid to Egypt Amy Hawthorne OCTOBER 2016 RETHINKING U.S. ECONOMIC AID TO EGYPT Amy Hawthorne OCTOBER 2016 © 2016 Project on Middle East Democracy. All rights reserved. The Project on Middle East Democracy (POMED) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit, Washington, D.C. based 501(c)(3) organization. The views represented here do not necessarily reflect the views of POMED, its staff, or its Board members. Limited print copies are also available. Project on Middle East Democracy 1730 Rhode Island Avenue NW, Suite 617 Washington DC 20036 www.pomed.org CONTENTS I. Introduction. 2 II. Background . .4 III. The Bilateral Economic Aid Program: Understanding the Basics. 16 IV. Why Has U.S. Economic Aid Not Had A Greater Positive Impact? . 18 V. The Way Forward . 29 VI. Conclusion . 34 PROJECT ON MIDDLE EAST DEMOCRACY 1 RETHINKING U.S. ECONOMIC AID TO EGYPT I. INTRODUCTION Among the many challenges facing the next U.S. administration in the Middle East will be to forge an effective approach toward Egypt. The years following the 2011 popular uprising that overthrew longtime U.S. ally President Hosni Mubarak have witnessed significant friction with Egypt over issues ranging from democracy and human rights, to how each country defines terrorism (Egypt’s definition encompasses peaceful political activity as well as violent actions), to post-Qaddafi Libya, widening a rift between the two countries that began at least a decade ago. Unless the policies of the current Egyptian government shift, the United States can only seek to manage, not repair, this rift. The next U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011
    A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Loewe, Markus Working Paper Industrial policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Discussion Paper, No. 13/2013 Provided in Cooperation with: German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn Suggested Citation: Loewe, Markus (2013) : Industrial policy in Egypt 2004–2011, Discussion Paper, No. 13/2013, ISBN 978-3-88985-616-6, Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE), Bonn This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/199399 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Discussion Paper 13/2013 Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Industrial Policy in Egypt 2004–2011 Markus Loewe Bonn 2013 Discussion Paper / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik ISSN 1860-0441 The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.d-nb.de.
    [Show full text]
  • Playing with Fire. the Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian
    Playing with Fire.The Muslim Brotherhood and the Egyptian Leviathan Daniela Pioppi After the fall of Mubarak, the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) decided to act as a stabilising force, to abandon the street and to lend democratic legiti- macy to the political process designed by the army. The outcome of this strategy was that the MB was first ‘burned’ politically and then harshly repressed after having exhausted its stabilising role. The main mistakes the Brothers made were, first, to turn their back on several opportunities to spearhead the revolt by leading popular forces and, second, to keep their strategy for change gradualist and conservative, seeking compromises with parts of the former regime even though the turmoil and expectations in the country required a much bolder strategy. Keywords: Egypt, Muslim Brotherhood, Supreme Council of the Armed Forces, Arab Spring This article aims to analyse and evaluate the post-Mubarak politics of the Muslim Brotherhood (MB) in an attempt to explain its swift political parable from the heights of power to one of the worst waves of repression in the movement’s history. In order to do so, the analysis will start with the period before the ‘25th of January Revolution’. This is because current events cannot be correctly under- stood without moving beyond formal politics to the structural evolution of the Egyptian system of power before and after the 2011 uprising. In the second and third parts of this article, Egypt’s still unfinished ‘post-revolutionary’ political tran- sition is then examined. It is divided into two parts: 1) the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (SCAF)-led phase from February 2011 up to the presidential elections in summer 2012; and 2) the MB-led phase that ended with the military takeover in July 2013 and the ensuing violent crackdown on the Brotherhood.
    [Show full text]
  • “Jesters Do Oft Prove Prophets” William Shakespeare King Lear (Act 5, Scene 3)
    CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION “Jesters do oft prove prophets” William Shakespeare King Lear (Act 5, Scene 3) During Medieval times, kings kept jesters for amusement and telling jokes. Jesters played the role of both entertainers and advisers, sarcastically mocking reality to entertain and amuse. The jester’s unique position in the court allowed him to tell the king the truth upfront that no one else dared to speak, under the cover of telling it as a jest (Glenn, 2011). In this sense, contemporary political satire has given birth to many modern-day jesters, one of the most famous worldwide being Jon Stewart, and on a more local scale but also gaining widespread popularity, Bassem Youssef. Political satire is a global genre. It dates back to the 1960s, originating in Britain, and has now become transnational, with cross-cultural flows of the format popular and flourishing across various countries (Baym & Jones, 2012). The Daily Show with Jon Stewart and The Colbert Report are examples of popular political satire shows in the United States. Both shows have won Emmy awards and Jon Stewart was named one of Time magazine’s 100 most influential people in the world. Research on political satire shows that it does not have unified effects on its audiences. Different types of satire lead to distinct influences on viewers (Baumgartner & Morris, 2006; Baumgartner & Morris, 2008; Holbert et al, 2013; Lee, 2013). Moreover, viewers of different comedy shows are not homogeneous in nature. The Daily Show's audience was found to be more politically interested and knowledgeable than Leno and Letterman viewers (Young & Tisinger, 2006).
    [Show full text]
  • 'Bread, Dignity and Social Justice': the Political
    briefing paper page 1 ‘Bread, Dignity and Social Justice’: The Political Economy of Egypt’s Transition Jane Kinninmont Middle East and North Africa Programme | April 2012 | MENAP BP 2012/01 Summary points zz In Egypt’s 2011 uprising, political and economic grievances were closely linked in attempts to address complex problems of corruption and injustice. But the cross- class, cross-ideology coalition that united behind the uprising has predictably fragmented, and different groups now have divergent views on the applicability of liberal economic policies to Egypt. zz The Islamist parties which between them won a majority in the 2011–12 parliamentary election appear to favour the continuation of a broadly pro-market policy, although, like all parties, they have emphasized the need for greater ‘social justice’ and less corruption. Leftist groups and trade unions remain largely unrepresented in parliament and tensions may be brewing between labour and Islamist forces over economic policy. zz Uncertainty over future economic policy is currently deterring investment. Although economic policy was not the main focus in the parliamentary election campaign, there is a pressing need for all parties to develop their economic blueprints further. zz Debates over the role of the state, the free market and the nature of globalization are part of democratic self-determination. Rather than repeating old mantras about the intrinsic desirability of a smaller public sector, external actors need to remember that economic policy advice on the role of the state is not purely technical but value-laden. www.chathamhouse.org ‘Bread, Dignity and Social Justice’: The Political Economy of Egypt’s Transition page 2 Introduction and revealed the transformative potential of street protest, When a popular uprising overthrew President Hosni bottom-up coalition-building and mass campaigning.
    [Show full text]
  • Efforts to Introduce Inclusive Planning in Egypt
    GLOBAL ECONOMY & DEVELOPMENT WORKING PAPER 58 | JANUARY 2013 Global Economy and Development at BROOKINGS EFFORTS TO INTRODUCE INCLUSIVE PLANNING IN EGYPT Kei Sakamoto Global Economy and Development at BROOKINGS Kei Sakamoto is the deputy assistant director in the Middle East Division 1, Middle East and Europe Department, in Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA). Acknowledgements: I would like to express my appreciation to the Ministry of Planning and International Cooperation in Egypt, the Egyptian Planning Committee, the Brookings Institution and the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) for their support in writing this paper. I also extend my sincerest appreciation to Homi Kharas and Hafez Ghanem, senior fellows in the Global Economy and Development program at the Brookings Institution, and Shinji Naruo, JICA expert, for providing valuable advice and comments to the contents of the paper. The views expressed in the paper and any errors are those of the author and do not represent the official position of JICA. Abstract: Arab countries lag behind the rest of the world on nearly all governance indicators, particularly those related to voice and participation. Together with a lack of transparency and low accountability, this has led to greater corrup- tion and the emergence of the soft state. A sense of alienation and exclusion, especially among youth, contributed to popular dissatisfaction, which remains unsolved after the revolution. That is why the research paper focuses on ways to improve participation in policymaking and economic planning, and to provide a guiding vision to recover from the crisis after the revolution, using Egypt as an example. The paper reviews the experiences of Japan, Malaysia and Indonesia, which indicate the importance of achieving a national consensus on an economic vision for the future, and the policies and programs needed to achieve it.
    [Show full text]
  • Developing Commitment Towards Change in Bureaucracies the Case
    University of Stirling Developing Commitment towards Change in Bureaucracies The Case Study of the Egyptian Civil Service Sector A Thesis Submitted for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Stirling Management School Division of Management By Nada Ahmed Abdel-Basset October 2009 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS In order to make this thesis possible, there are a lot of people who helped me and have been always there for me that I hope I don’t forget anyone. The first person is my soulemate, bestfriend, and husband who has always been so supportive when I was still doing my Masters degree, and has been going on ever since to help me and empower me throughout my PhD. No matter how I write, words can still not describe how giving, understanding and kind my beloved husband has always been helping me during my times of desperation, and keeping me well during my hard months of pregnancy when I was actually in the final writing-up stage of my thesis. The fact of having such a pleasant and warm-hearted husband really had a miraculous effect on my progress. Finally, I would like to thank my first baby –whom I have not met yet- for bearing to be squeezed inside my tummy for 15 hours per day while I was sitting on my desk chair working and working, and for having exposed him (or her I don’t know yet) to the computer/laptop radiation during my nine months of pregnancy. ii ABSTRACT This thesis examines the management of change in bureaucracies, with a study focus on the Egyptian civil service sector.
    [Show full text]
  • Central Bank Reform in Egypt, 2003 - 2009
    BUILDING THE CAPACITY TO REGULATE: CENTRAL BANK REFORM IN EGYPT, 2003 - 2009 SYNOPSIS Before 2003, the Central Bank of Egypt (CBE) exerted little control over monetary and foreign exchange conditions. High levels of bad debt in the banking sector and erratic government policies had undermined economic growth. Without a credible, independent supervisory authority, Egypt’s economic woes deepened. In the early 2000s, political will for change grew within the ruling National Democratic Party. In June 2003, the Unified Banking Law, pushed through by the party’s economic committee, paved the way for revitalizing the central bank. To implement this law’s mandate and oversee sweeping banking sector reforms, President Hosni Mubarak appointed Farouk El Okdah in late 2003 as CBE governor. El Okdah realized that the central bank had to be overhauled before it could begin the job of cleaning up the banking sector. El Okdah and his team restructured the CBE, aggressively recruiting private sector talent by amending the Unified Banking Law to permit higher salaries, instituting performance-based promotion, expanding training programs and strengthening information-technology systems. By 2009, the results of this institution building were apparent. The CBE commanded authority in the Egyptian banking sector, engaged in independent open- market operations and issued credible monetary and foreign exchange policies. The bank’s structural changes enabled the successful management of a broader banking sector reform effort that mitigated a three-year recession and helped the Egyptian economy weather the global financial crisis. Deepa Iyer drafted this policy note on the basis of interviews conducted in Cairo in September 2010.
    [Show full text]
  • This Electronic Thesis Or Dissertation Has Been Downloaded from the King’S Research Portal At
    This electronic thesis or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Contentious politics and the making of Egyptian public spaces El-Kouedi, Mona Awarding institution: King's College London The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement. END USER LICENCE AGREEMENT Unless another licence is stated on the immediately following page this work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International licence. https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/ You are free to copy, distribute and transmit the work Under the following conditions: Attribution: You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Non Commercial: You may not use this work for commercial purposes. No Derivative Works - You may not alter, transform, or build upon this work. Any of these conditions can be waived if you receive permission from the author. Your fair dealings and other rights are in no way affected by the above. Take down policy If you believe that this document breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 10. Oct. 2021 This electronic theses or dissertation has been downloaded from the King’s Research Portal at https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/ Contentious politics and the making of Egyptian public spaces Title: Author: Mona El-Kouedi The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without proper acknowledgement.
    [Show full text]
  • World Bank Document
    Public Disclosure Authorized The Politics of Partial Liberalization: Cronyism and Non-Tari Protection in Mubarak's Egypt∗ Ferdinand Eiblyand Adeel Malikz Public Disclosure Authorized Abstract This paper provides one of the rst systematic empirical assessments of the impact of political connections on trade protection. Based on a unique compilation of sector-level data on non-tari measures (NTMs) and politically connected businessmen in Mubarak- era Egypt, we explore the within-sector variation in NTMs over time, and show that sectors populated by politically-connected businessmen witnessed systematically higher non-tari protection. To establish causality, we take advantage of the across the board Public Disclosure Authorized cut in taris induced by the EU-Egypt free trade agreement in 2004 to show that sectors with prior exposure to crony activity were compensated signicantly more through new NTMs than non-crony sectors. JEL codes: F13; F14; O24; O53; P26 ∗The authors gratefully acknowledge a small grant from ERF, Cairo, under its research programme on the Political Economy of the Private Sector Dynamism in the Middle East. The authors also wish to thank Philippe Aghion, Ricardo Hausmann, Anthony Venables, Fabrice Defever, Ishac Diwan, and Djavad Salehi Isphahani for their detailed feedback on the paper. We are also grateful to seminar participants in the ERF Workshop at St Peter's College, Oxford; the EBRD conference in London; the Comparative Political Economy seminar at LSE; the Trade Seminar at Oxford University; and the Harvard University's Growth Lab Seminar. The usual disclaimer on errors and omissions applies. Public Disclosure Authorized y King's College London. zCorresponding Author.
    [Show full text]
  • Thesis Morsi Geen Endnote Opmaak 1
    UNIVERSITEIT GENT FACULTEIT POLITIEKE EN SOCIALE WETENSCHAPPEN An Islamist Caesar in Egypt’s Passive Revolution? A Discourse Theoretical Analysis of Morsi’s Hegemonic Project Wetenschappelijk artikel Aantal woorden: 9.865 Seppe Malfait MASTERPROEF MANAMA CONFLICT AND DEVELOPMENT PROMOTOR: DR. BRECHT DE SMET COMMISSARIS: DR. KOENRAAD BOGAERT ACADEMIEJAAR 2014 – 2015 An Islamist Caesar in Egypt’s Passive Revolution? A Discourse Theoretical Analysis of Morsi’s Hegemonic Project SEPPE MALFAIT Department of Conflict and Development Studies, Ghent University, Belgium ABSTRACT (ENG) This paper draws on Laclau and Mouffe’s Discourse Theory to analyse the hegemonic struggle under Morsi’s presidency in Egypt. It uses the conceptual toolbox of Discourse Theory to render the discursive strategies of Morsi’s Renaissance project and the counter-hegemonic Tamarod campaign intelligible. Moreover, this article sets out to show the added analytical value of Discourse Theory for an empirical study of socio-political struggles that takes into account the contingent and constructed nature of the social. It complements Discourse Theory with the Gramscian notions of passive revolution, Caesarism and transformism to embed the research within the interlacing process of revolution/restoration. This paper contends that Morsi, who governed as a civil proxy for the Armed Forces, initially succeeded more or less to pacify the social field by convincing a wide range of people to inscribe their grievances in his project of gradual, orderly rebuilding. This rebuilding amounted to the restoration of the pre- revolutionary status quo with a strengthened position of the Armed Forces and the Muslim Brotherhood. It explores how Morsi’s increasingly antagonizing discourse pushed several disparate opponents into each other’s arms.
    [Show full text]