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Scottish and British? the Scottish Authorities, Richard III and the Cult

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Scottish and British? the Scottish Authorities, Richard III and the Cult This is an Accepted Manuscript of a chapter published by Taylor & Francis Group in Penman M, Buchanan K & Dean L (eds.) Medieval and Early Modern Representations of Authority in Scotland and The British Isles. Abingdon: Routledge, pp. 124-140 on 27 May 2016, available online: https://www.routledge.com/Medieval-and-Early-Modern-Representations-of-Authority-in-Scotland-and/Buchanan-1 Dean/p/book/9781472424488 Scottish and British? The Scottish authorities, Richard III and the cult of St Ninian in late medieval Scotland and Northern England Tom Turpie In 1550 the Scottish poet Sir David Lindsay (c.1495-c.1555) wrote a scathing attack on what he saw as the idolatrous worship of the saints by his fellow Scots.1 Prominent among the individual cults singled out for his wrath was that of ‘Sanct Ringane’, a saint that Lindsay chose to symbolise vividly as a rotten wooden statue.2 Lindsay’s distaste for the saint, commonly known as Ninian of Whithorn, was a reaction to his broad popularity in Scotland, a cult that reached its peak in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. While Ninian had been an important regional patron in the southwest for some centuries, the later middle ages saw his cult emerge on a national scale, with recorded devotion to the saint far surpassing that of traditional Scottish patrons like Columba, Margaret and Kentigern.3 By the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries this popularity had led many Scots, particularly those travelling or 1 Works of Sir David Lyndsay of the Mount, ed. David Laing (Edinburgh, 3 vols, 1879), vol. iii, p. 267. 2 The line reads ‘Sanct Ringane, of ane rottin stoke’. John Higgitt has suggested that the Old Scots word stoke was a contemptuous term for idols: John Higgitt, ‘From Bede to Rabelais: Or how St Ninian got his chains’, in Paul Binski and William Noel (ed.), New Offerings Ancient Treasures: Studies in Medieval Art for George Henderson (Strand, 2001), pp. 187-209 at p. 204 and n.55. A wooden statue of St Ninian was found in a bog during excavations near Whithorn and is now housed in the National Museum of Scotland, Edinburgh: Richard D. Oram et al, Historic Whithorn (Edinburgh, 2010), p. 41. 3 For an extended discussion of the historiography of Ninian and his cult, recorded devotion in comparison to other Scottish saints, and an exploration of the catalysts for his broad popularity, see Tom Turpie, ‘Scottish saints cults and pilgrimage from the Black Death to the Reformation, c.1349-1560’, History and Classics PhD Collection, University of Edinburgh, 2011, http://www.era.lib.ed.ac.uk/handle/1842/5983, pp. 16-57, 63-80 and 98-107. 2 living abroad, to embrace Ninian as their unofficial patron saint.4 The late fifteenth century also saw the spread of the cult beyond Scotland, most notably across the southern frontier into the kingdom of England, where it was wholeheartedly embraced by the last Plantagenet monarch, Richard III (1483-1485). This article will examine how the Scottish authorities engaged with the increasing significance of the Ninian cult as a symbol of religious and political authority in late medieval Scotland, consider how the cult was able to bridge the political divide with England and explore the motivation behind patronage of the cult by Richard III. I The Scottish governmental structures of crown and national church were initially slow to recognise and embrace the growing popularity of the Ninian cult and his development into an informal national patron. Although Robert I (1306-29) visited Whithorn in 1329, the saint and shrine only became the beneficiaries of consistent royal patronage from the 1450s, while regular royal pilgrimages to Whithorn only commenced in the 1460s.5 The catalyst for the close bond that developed between saint and crown from the 1450s was the conflict between James II (1437-1460) and the Black Douglases. Crown patronage of the cult and shrine in the 4 This patronal role is most apparent in dedications to the saint by Scottish mercantile communities residing in Denmark and Flanders. It may well have been that, as David Ditchburn has suggested, Ninian provided those Scottish communities with a more distinctive patron than the universally popular Andrew: Thomas Clancy, ‘Scottish Saints and National Identities in the Early Middle Ages’, in Alan Thacker and Richard Sharpe (ed.), Local saints and local churches in the early medieval West (Oxford, 2002), pp. 397-420, at p. 404; Higgitt, ‘From Bede to Rabelais’, p. 202; David Ditchburn, Scotland and Europe: The Medieval Kingdom and its Contacts with Christendom, 1214-1560, Volume 1: Religion, Culture and Commerce (East Linton, 2000), p. 247. 5 Robert visited Whithorn on 1 April 1329: RRS, p.157. 3 1450s was part of a wider process by which James and his council tried to first interfere with, and after 1455 replace, Black Douglas lordship in the southwest.6 Whithorn’s status as the predominant ecclesiastical centre in the region meant that it formed a natural focus for this patronage, as it had done in the 1310s and 20s during another period of political fragmentation and conflict in Galloway.7 Following James’ death in 1460, patronage of Ninian and Whithorn would continue to be a central part of the display of royal authority in the south-west, reaching its peak in the reign of James IV (1488-1513) who made annual pilgrimages to the shrine.8 The national church was also slow to incorporate Ninian into their pantheon of Scottish saints. By the later middle ages the Scottish religious and secular elites had evolved a confident and coherent vision of their kingdom as a sovereign territory in which the king was 6 James II made a number of grants to the priory in what Oram has suggested was a clear attempt to ‘undermine the earl of Douglas’s position in Galloway’: Richard Oram, A Monastery and its Landscape; Whithorn and Monastic Estate Management in Galloway (c.1250-c.1600) (Whithorn, 2005), pp. 7-8; Registrum Magni Sigilii Regum Scotorum, ed. J.M. Thomson and J.B. Paul (11 vols, Edinburgh, 1882-1914), vol. ii, nos 453, 459 and 698. Michael Brown and Katie Stevenson have discussed the various political means by which James and his council attempted to win the loyalty of key community leaders in Galloway and other Douglas territories: Michael Brown, The Black Douglases: War and Lordship in Late Medieval Scotland, 1300-1455 (East Linton, 1998), pp. 288-9; Katie Stevenson, Chivalry and Knighthood in Scotland, 1424-1513 (Woodbridge, 2006), pp. 179-182. 7 Patronage of Whithorn by the Bruce party was part of a wider policy by which first Edward Bruce, as lord of Galloway, and later his brother, attempted to assert royal authority in a region previously controlled by their Balliol and Comyn rivals: RRS, no. 275. 8 James IV visited the shrine every year from 1491-1513 and made a number of gifts there and at other sites associated with St Ninian. The shrine was also visited on a number of occasions by James III (1460-88) and James V (1513-42): Turpie, ‘Scottish saints cults and pilgrimage’, pp. 82-92. 4 the ultimate secular authority.9 Alongside, and in support of, this narrative of political independence it is possible to identify the development of a distinct history of Christianity in Scotland. This narrative, which can be seen within the diplomatic documents of the Anglo- Scottish wars and the late medieval chronicle tradition, stressed Scotland’s separate spiritual development from England and Ireland. Those saints who were deemed to have been active in Scotland provided the chronological markers for this history, with their careers demonstrating the richness and longevity of the kingdom’s Christian past and, perhaps more importantly, of its independent ecclesiastical institutions.10 The earliest extended versions of this religious history can be found in the chronicles of John of Fordun (compiled in c.1384-87 but containing earlier materials), Andrew of Wyntoun (1407x24) and Walter Bower (1440s). Within these works the catalyst for the development of Christianity in Scotland was the arrival of St Palladius, sent to Scotland from Rome in c.435AD, with his disciples SS Serf and Ternan.11 Further important missionary work was carried out during the sixth century by SS Columba in western and central Scotland, Kentigern in Strathclyde and Boniface in the north.12 The ninth century was marked by further conversions of the Picts with the help of the newly arrived relics of St Andrew, and 9 This narrative seems to have been first developed in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, was refined during the Anglo-Scottish wars and fleshed out in the fifteenth and sixteenth century chronicles: Dauvit Broun, Scottish Independence and the Idea of Britain from the Picts to Alexander III (Edinburgh, 2007), pp. 235-89. 10 Turpie, ‘Scottish saints cults and pilgrimage’, pp. 25-32. 11 Chron. Fordun, vol. i, pp. 85-6; Chron. Wyntoun, vol. iv, p. 11; Chron. Bower, vol. ii, pp. 21-3; Broun, Scottish Independence, pp. 215-30 and 261-2. 12 Chron. Fordun, vol. ii, pp. 103-5, Chron. Wyntoun, vol. iv, pp. 11 and 77-91; Chron. Bower, vol. ii, pp. 2, 65, 79 and 83-5, and vol. ix, pp. 315-20 and 339-47. 5 by missionary groups who spread the gospel to peripheral areas.13 The modern era of church organisation was then introduced by the marriage between Margaret and Malcolm III (1058- 93) in the eleventh century.14 Ninian, whose shrine was located in Galloway, a region of traditionally weak royal authority close to the English border and whose bishops were suffragens of York until 1472, sat awkwardly in this patriotic narrative.
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