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The Palestinian Refugee Issue
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 238 Israeli-Lebanese Negotiations: The Palestinian Refugee Issue Dec 28, 1999 Brief Analysis yrian foreign minister Faruq al-Shara's recent announcement that Damascus and Beirut will sign peace S treaties with Israel together is not surprising, considering Syria's hegemony in Lebanon. But while Israel, Syria, and the United States have expressed guarded optimism about the latest resumption of peace talks, Lebanon has been more reserved in its enthusiasm. This is mainly due to its concern over the final disposition of the Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon. Hostile Minority Under Siege According to United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) figures, there are approximately 350,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon (about 9 percent of the country's total resident population). The refugees have long been viewed with suspicion by their Lebanese hosts, who cite the delicate sectarian balance in the country, heavy Palestinian involvement in the Lebanese civil war, and the military attacks that provoked the Israeli invasions of 1978 and 1982, as justification for their spurning of the refugees. Although no national census has been held in decades, available evidence indicates that the country is 70 percent Muslim and 30 percent Christian. The longstanding conflict between and among the various Muslim and Christian sects led to the explosion of the Lebanese civil war of 1975-89. Their differences--papered over in the 1989 Ta'if agreement which is designed to guarantee representation of each group and subgroup in specific positions in the government–remain pronounced. The Lebanese government rejects the integration of the refugees into the country, largely because it would upset whatever balance exists between religious and ethnic communities. -
Syrian Sponsorship of Global Terrorism: the Need for Accountability by Matthew Levitt
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 660 Syrian Sponsorship of Global Terrorism: The Need for Accountability by Matthew Levitt Sep 19, 2002 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Matthew Levitt Matthew Levitt is the Fromer-Wexler Fellow and director of the Reinhard Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis n September 18, 2002, Matthew Levitt, the Institute's senior fellow in terrorism studies, testified before the O House Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia, Committee on International Relations. The following is a summary of his remarks. Read the full testimony. With its longstanding support for terrorism, Syria poses an exceptional challenge to U.S. antiterror policy. On September 20, 2001, President George W. Bush declared that "from this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime." This declaration implicitly offered state sponsors a virtual amnesty for previous actions if they would cease sponsoring terror, an offer that Syria has thus far rejected. In June 2002, the president directly called on Syria to "choose the right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps and expelling terrorist organizations." Yet to date, there have been no consequences for Syria's continued and proactive support for terrorist groups of "global reach." If nothing else, the Syria Accountability Bill now under consideration would reestablish the credibility of the president's words by setting up a measure of accountability for -
The Palestinians: Background and U.S
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Jim Zanotti Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs January 31, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34074 The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world—including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance in West Bank areas administered by the Fatah-led PA. Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development while trying to prevent the funds from benefitting Palestinians who advocate violence against Israelis. Since the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993, Congress has committed more than $5 billion in bilateral assistance to the Palestinians, over half of it since mid-2007. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society, which is divided between the Fatah-led PA in parts of the West Bank and Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization) in the Gaza Strip. -
The Return of Palestinian Nationalist Terrorism | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 379 The Return of Palestinian Nationalist Terrorism by Matthew Levitt May 3, 2002 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Matthew Levitt Matthew Levitt is the Fromer-Wexler Fellow and director of the Reinhard Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis he State Department's annual Patterns of Global Terrorism report, which is scheduled for release in late May, T is set to be a much longer and more detailed document than before. Among the many issues the report will have to address is the resurrection of secular Palestinian terrorist groups, some of which have not appeared on U.S. government terrorist lists in the past. The steady escalation of terrorist tactics and operations over the past year and a half is due as much to these groups as it is to Palestinian Islamist groups such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad that have dominated the Palestinian terrorism scene over the last decade. Palestinian nationalist terrorism currently has two components: 1) dormant secular groups such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP)—referred to collectively as "the fronts"—that have been revitalized after several years of inactivity; and 2) newly active nationalist, non-Islamist militias connected to the Palestinian Authority (PA), such as the Fatah Tanzim. Resurrection of the Fronts Prior to the start of the current intifada in September 2000, the PFLP had been largely inactive. After three years of relative silence, the PFLP held reconciliation talks with the PA in August 1999 and was almost dropped from U.S. government terrorist lists. -
Palestinians in Syria and the Syrian Uprising
CASE ANALYSIS Palestinians in Syria and the Syrian Uprising Salah Hassan | October 2012 Palestinians in Syria and the Syrian Uprising Series: Case Analysis Salah Hassan | October 2012 Copyright © 2012 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. ____________________________ The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center's paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world - states and communities- to analyze social, economic and cultural policies and to provide political analysis, from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non-Arab researchers. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies PO Box 10277 Street No. 826, Zone 66 Doha, Qatar Tel.: +974 44199777 | Fax: +974 44831651 www.dohainstitute.org Table of Contents Introduction 1 The Palestinian National Movement in Syria 2 The Syrian Uprising: March 2011 5 Palestinians and the Syrian Uprising 6 The Palestinian Public’s Solidarity with the Uprising 16 Conclusion 21 PALESTINIANS IN SYRIA Introduction1 At the beginning of the twentieth century, there were no borders between Palestine and Syria; prior to that time, there was economic and social integration between the Palestinian and Syrian peoples. The Syrians took part in the Palestinian revolution of 1936 and contributed in attempts to repel Israel’s colonizing attack on Palestine’s territories in 1948, resulting in the Nakba. -
Gaza in Strategic Perspective
Gaza in strategic perspective The following is by Thomas Mitchell, Ph. D., an independent scholar who occasionally contributes to this blog: For some 55 out of Israel’s 60 years of existence, Israel and the Arabs have been playing out a long-term strategic game. The Arabs, unable to beat Israel in a conventional war and destroy it or force it to peace on their terms, have preferred a strategy of attrition carried out through Palestinian fedayeen or self-sacrificers. The Palestinian fedayeen usually pursued a terrorist strategy of attacking civilian targets on the grounds that no Israelis were innocent and therefore all were legitimate targets—the argument of terrorists everywhere. Israel attempted to counter them through a series of defensive measures such as roving patrols, minefields, electrified fences, etc. But some of the fedayeen always got through and caused Israeli civilian casualties. Israel therefore developed the strategy of retaliation. It would respond periodically with disproportionate attacks on the infrastructure of the country that the attacks were coming from. Usually it was police stations or even army bases—security infrastructure. This led to a series of escalations resulting in a conventional war followed by a period of quiet. There was a period of Palestinian infiltration from 1949-56, followed by Israeli reprisals from 1953 to 1956, supported by Prime Minister David Ben- Gurion, Defense Minister Pinhas Lavon, and Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Moshe Dayan. This is the period in which Arik Sharon first became a household name in Israel as he was the instrument of Israeli retaliation. This cycle ended with Israeli collaboration with Britain and France in an attack on Egypt that resulted in severe embarrassment for the Europeans and ten years of relative peace and quiet for Israel. -
The Naksa Day Events
The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center June 7, 2011 Following the Naksa Day events, there was strong internal Palestinian criticism of Ahmed Jibril's organization (PFLP-GC), affiliated with the Syrian regime, and of other pro-Syrian organizations. They were blamed for cynically sending young Palestinians to their deaths to serve the interests of the Syrian and other regimes (possibly Iran). PFLP-GC and PFLP-Habash operatives were attacked by relatives of the slain Palestinians during funerals held in Al-Yarmukh refugee camp near Damascus. The PFLP-GC headquarters were torched. Palestinians in Al-Yarmukh refugee camp watch as the PFLP-GC headquarters go up in flames (electronic-intifada.net website, June 6, 2011). קל 128-11 2 Overview 1. The Naksa Day events, which ended (according to the Syrian media) with the deaths of 24 demonstrators, caused serious internal criticism among the refugees in Syria. The criticism was directed at the pro-Syrian Palestinian organizations based in Damascus, accusing them of responsibility for sending Palestinian youths to demonstrate in the Golan Heights, even though they knew of the IDF's preparations for preventing attempted invasions of Israeli territory. 2. The criticism focused on Ahmed Jibril's organization, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine-General Command, which is affiliated with the Syrian regime and promotes its interests, collaborating with it for decades. Other operatives of pro- Syrian organizations, among them George Habash's Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP-Habash), were also targeted and attacked by relatives of the dead youths. Al- Jazeera TV reported that during clashes in Al-Yarmukh refugee camp a number of Palestinians were killed and 20 were injured. -
Lebanon's Legacy of Political Violence
LEBANON Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence A Mapping of Serious Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lebanon, 1975–2008 September 2013 International Center Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence for Transitional Justice Acknowledgments The Lebanon Mapping Team comprised Lynn Maalouf, senior researcher at the Memory Interdisciplinary Research Unit of the Center for the Study of the Modern Arab World (CEMAM); Luc Coté, expert on mapping projects and fact-finding commissions; Théo Boudruche, international human rights and humanitarian law consultant; and researchers Wajih Abi Azar, Hassan Abbas, Samar Abou Zeid, Nassib Khoury, Romy Nasr, and Tarek Zeineddine. The team would like to thank the committee members who reviewed the report on behalf of the university: Christophe Varin, CEMAM director, who led the process of setting up and coordinating the committee’s work; Annie Tabet, professor of sociology; Carla Eddé, head of the history and international relations department; Liliane Kfoury, head of UIR; and Marie-Claude Najm, professor of law and political science. The team extends its special thanks to Dima de Clerck, who generously shared the results of her fieldwork from her PhD thesis, “Mémoires en conflit dans le Liban d’après-guerre: le cas des druzes et des chrétiens du Sud du Mont-Liban.” The team further owes its warm gratitude to the ICTJ Beirut office team, particularly Carmen Abou Hassoun Jaoudé, Head of the Lebanon Program. ICTJ thanks the European Union for their support which made this project possible. International Center for Transitional Justice The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) works to redress and prevent the most severe violations of human rights by confronting legacies of mass abuse. -
News of Terrorism and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (December 25 – 31, 2019)
רמה כ ז מל ו תשר מה ו ד י ע י ן ( למ מ" ) כרמ ז מה י עד מל ו ד י ע י ן ול רט ו ר News of Terrorism and the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (December 25 – 31, 2019) 24, 2019) Overview On December 27, 2019, the return march was held in the Gaza Strip in a limited format, mainly because of the rainy weather. About 2,700 Palestinians participated. Several dozen rioters threw stones and Molotov cocktails, and climbed on the security fence. The Supreme National Authority of the Great Return March issued its program for the return marches of 2020. The next one will be held on March 30, 2020 (Land Day and the second anniversary of the return marches). After that they will be held once a month or on "days of national importance." However, the Authority will monitor developments on the ground and decide whether the program should be changed. The Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ) held a meeting of its political bureau, after which it announced it would continue its policy of exerting pressure on Israel to force it to lift the "siege" of the Gaza Strip. The PIJ announcement also called for an escalation of terrorist attacks in Judea and Samaria. In ITIC assessment, the announcement indicates the PIJ has its own agenda which is not necessarily coordinated with that of Hamas. Israeli Defense Minister Naftali Bennet instructed that the lands of the Israeli settlers in the West Bank not be registered with the Israeli Civil Administration in the territories but rather with the land registry of the Israeli Ministry of Justice. -
The Palestinians: Background and U.S
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs February 10, 2015 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL34074 The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization), and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world—including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance. Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development while trying to prevent the funds from benefitting Palestinians who advocate violence against Israelis. Since the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993, Congress has committed more than $5 billion in bilateral assistance to the Palestinians, over half of it since mid-2007. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society. Although Fatah and Hamas agreed to the June 2014 formation of a consensus PA government appointed by Fatah head and PA President Mahmoud Abbas, Hamas retains de facto control over security in the Gaza Strip, despite forswearing formal responsibility. -
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs October 17, 2017 Congressional Research Service 7-.... www.crs.gov RL34074 The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics, along with descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups —chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization), and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and nonstate actors in the region and around the world—including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to negotiate a peaceful resolution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance. Since the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993, Congress has committed more than $5 billion in bilateral assistance to the Palestinians. Lack of progress on a nearly-25-year-old U.S.-supported peace process with Israel has led the PLO to consider alternative pathways toward a Palestinian state. Such alternatives were initially intended to obtain more widespread international recognition of Palestinian statehood in the West Bank (including East Jerusalem) and the Gaza Strip. A November 2012 resolution in the U.N. General Assembly identified “Palestine” as a “non-member state.” Palestinians also have encouraged international legal and economic pressure on Israel, perhaps to improve their negotiating position. -
Spoiling Inside and Out: Internal Political Contestation and the Middle East Peace Process
Spoiling Inside and Out Spoiling Inside Wendy Pearlman and Out Internal Political Contestation and the Middle East Peace Process Of the thirty-eight peace accords signed between 1988 and 1998, thirty-one failed to last more than three years.1 Contributing to their failure was the behavior of so-called spoilers: those who use violence or other means to undermine negotiations in the expectation that a settlement will threaten their power or interests.2 The stakes for understanding spoiler behavior are high. Where parties kept spoil- ers at bay, such as in Guatemala and South Africa, years of bloody conºict gave way to successful transitions to peace and democracy. Where spoilers proved triumphant, such as in Angola and Rwanda, the violence ensuing after a peace accord failed was more horriªc than what had preceded it. Conventional explanations of conºict resolution assume that both negotia- tors and spoilers act primarily to achieve objectives vis-à-vis their external op- ponent. Politics internal to their national community are relevant only insofar as they increase or decrease audience costs, that is, the domestic price that po- litical actors pay for their foreign policy decisions. This explanation, however, neglects the meaningful ways in which domestic politics are not only a con- straint on actors’ conºict strategies but a motivator as well. Actors turn to ne- gotiating or spoiling to contest both what a proposed settlement entails and who has the power to decide this and other matters on behalf of their commu- nity. For competing factions in a nonstate group, in particular, participation in or spoiling of negotiations offers an opportunity to advance their struggle for political dominance.