The Naksa Day Events
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The Palestinian Refugee Issue
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 238 Israeli-Lebanese Negotiations: The Palestinian Refugee Issue Dec 28, 1999 Brief Analysis yrian foreign minister Faruq al-Shara's recent announcement that Damascus and Beirut will sign peace S treaties with Israel together is not surprising, considering Syria's hegemony in Lebanon. But while Israel, Syria, and the United States have expressed guarded optimism about the latest resumption of peace talks, Lebanon has been more reserved in its enthusiasm. This is mainly due to its concern over the final disposition of the Palestinian refugees living in Lebanon. Hostile Minority Under Siege According to United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) figures, there are approximately 350,000 Palestinian refugees in Lebanon (about 9 percent of the country's total resident population). The refugees have long been viewed with suspicion by their Lebanese hosts, who cite the delicate sectarian balance in the country, heavy Palestinian involvement in the Lebanese civil war, and the military attacks that provoked the Israeli invasions of 1978 and 1982, as justification for their spurning of the refugees. Although no national census has been held in decades, available evidence indicates that the country is 70 percent Muslim and 30 percent Christian. The longstanding conflict between and among the various Muslim and Christian sects led to the explosion of the Lebanese civil war of 1975-89. Their differences--papered over in the 1989 Ta'if agreement which is designed to guarantee representation of each group and subgroup in specific positions in the government–remain pronounced. The Lebanese government rejects the integration of the refugees into the country, largely because it would upset whatever balance exists between religious and ethnic communities. -
General Assembly Security Council
United Nations A/58/837–S/2004/465 General Assembly Distr.: General Security Council 8 June 2004 Original: English General Assembly Security Council Fifty-eighth session Fifty-ninth year Agenda items 37 and 156 The situation in the Middle East Measures to eliminate international terrorism Identical letters dated 8 June 2004 from the Chargé d’affaires a.i. of the Permanent Mission of Israel to the United Nations addressed to the Secretary-General and the President of the Security Council I wish to draw your attention to the latest violations of the Blue Line from Lebanese territory. Yesterday morning, 7 June 2004, six 107-mm missiles were fired from Lebanese territory at an Israeli naval vessel patrolling in Israeli territorial waters. Four of the rockets hit Israeli territory, south of the Israeli-Lebanese border, just meters from the Israeli town of Rosh Hanikra. The rockets also gravely endangered the safety and security of UNIFIL personnel stationed in the area. Israeli security forces identified the source of the rocket fire as Ahmed Jibril’s Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP), a Damascus-based Palestinian terrorist organization operating in southern Lebanon. Israeli aircraft responded to these attacks by measured defensive action, in accordance with its right and duty of self-defense, against a PFLP terrorist base located near Beirut, which is used as a platform for terrorist activity in Lebanon. No injuries resulted from this defensive measure. This afternoon, 8 June 2004, Hizbullah terrorists perpetrated a heavy mortar attack from Lebanon across the Blue Line, wounding an Israeli soldier in the Har Dov region. -
Campaign to Delegitimize Israel
The Meir Amit Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center June 1, 2011 Anti-Israeli organizations examine implementing propaganda displays based on flying large numbers of activists to Ben-Gurion Airport on commercial flights. They seek to express solidarity with the Palestinians, embarrass Israel and impress the "right of return" on international public opinion. Hamas urged "Palestinian refugees" to fly to Israel's airports for Naksa Day. Announcement issued by a group of anti-Israeli organizations and activists from the territories and around the globe calling for people to arrive at Israel's Ben-Gurion International Airport on July 8, 2011, and from there to go to Judea and Samaria for a week of solidarity with the Palestinians. It reads "Welcome to Palestine. Join us or help us? How to contribute?" and an email address (From the bienvenuepalestine.com website). קל 118-11 2 Overview 1. Anti-Israeli Palestinian and Western organizations participating in the campaign to delegitimize Israel are apparently preparing various types of anti-Israeli propaganda displays, using Israel's Ben-Gurion International Airport as their stage. Their objectives are to show solidarity with the Palestinians, embarrass Israel and raise international public consciousness for the so-called "right of return." The various groups and networks regard the displays as an alternative and counterweight to the flotilla currently being organized, whose goal ("lifting the siege of the Gaza Strip") they regard as "too narrow" (their goals is "lifting the siege from all Palestine"). 2. A call was recently posted on Hamas' main website for "Palestinian refugees" to take regular commercial flights to Israel's airports (referred to as the airports of "Palestine occupied since 1948") on June 4 or 5 as part of the events of Naksa Day (the day commemorating the Arab defeat in the Six Day War) (Palestine-info website, May 28, 2011). -
Renewed Possibility of Violence Against Israel
Planning Directorate// Israel Defense Forces Strategic Division// International Military Cooperation Department Military Strategic Information Section 3 June 2011 Six Day War Commemoration: Renewed Possibility of Violence Against Israel 1 | Unclassified For Official Use Only Planning Directorate// Israel Defense Forces Strategic Division// International Military Cooperation Department The “Naksa Day” Military Strategic Information Section The Event “an-Naksa” is Arabic for “The Setback”. The event marks the failure of the regional Arab countries to defeat the IDF and destroy the State of Israel. Because this is the first year of its commemoration, it is impossible to predict the exact nature of the demonstrations. However, Israel expects the event to be modeled after the May 2011 “Nakba Day” protests, which were extremely violent and widespread. Israel calls on its neighboring countries to keep the peace and to secure the borders against attempted breaches of Israeli sovereign territory. For all of the events, Israel expects protests at the borders 3 June- “Friday of Loyalty” and at Israeli embassies. In 5 June- “Sunday of the Fallen” addition, Israel anticipates a 7 June- “Tuesday of Jerusalem” march on Al-Aqsa on 7 June. 2 | Unclassified For Official Use Only Planning Directorate// Israel Defense Forces Strategic Division// International Military Cooperation Department Current Context Military Strategic Information Section A number of regional factors influence the tone and scale of the planned “Naksa Day” events: - The PA’s current political strategy: The Palestinian governments plan to unilaterally declare statehood and procure international recognition in September. - Political unrest in the Arab world: Uprisings in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, etc. demanding democratic reform provide an opportunity for “Naksa Day” Tahrir Square protestors to draw false comparisons between Israel and Arab dictatorships. -
Syrian Sponsorship of Global Terrorism: the Need for Accountability by Matthew Levitt
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 660 Syrian Sponsorship of Global Terrorism: The Need for Accountability by Matthew Levitt Sep 19, 2002 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Matthew Levitt Matthew Levitt is the Fromer-Wexler Fellow and director of the Reinhard Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis n September 18, 2002, Matthew Levitt, the Institute's senior fellow in terrorism studies, testified before the O House Subcommittee on the Middle East and South Asia, Committee on International Relations. The following is a summary of his remarks. Read the full testimony. With its longstanding support for terrorism, Syria poses an exceptional challenge to U.S. antiterror policy. On September 20, 2001, President George W. Bush declared that "from this day forward, any nation that continues to harbor or support terrorism will be regarded by the United States as a hostile regime." This declaration implicitly offered state sponsors a virtual amnesty for previous actions if they would cease sponsoring terror, an offer that Syria has thus far rejected. In June 2002, the president directly called on Syria to "choose the right side in the war on terror by closing terrorist camps and expelling terrorist organizations." Yet to date, there have been no consequences for Syria's continued and proactive support for terrorist groups of "global reach." If nothing else, the Syria Accountability Bill now under consideration would reestablish the credibility of the president's words by setting up a measure of accountability for -
The Palestinians: Background and U.S
The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Jim Zanotti Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs January 31, 2014 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL34074 The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations Summary This report covers current issues in U.S.-Palestinian relations. It also contains an overview of Palestinian society and politics and descriptions of key Palestinian individuals and groups— chiefly the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), the Palestinian Authority (PA), Fatah, Hamas, and the Palestinian refugee population. The “Palestinian question” is important not only to Palestinians, Israelis, and their Arab state neighbors, but to many countries and non-state actors in the region and around the world—including the United States—for a variety of religious, cultural, and political reasons. U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is marked by efforts to establish a Palestinian state through a negotiated two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict; to counter Palestinian terrorist groups; and to establish norms of democracy, accountability, and good governance in West Bank areas administered by the Fatah-led PA. Congress has appropriated assistance to support Palestinian governance and development while trying to prevent the funds from benefitting Palestinians who advocate violence against Israelis. Since the signing of the Oslo Accord in 1993, Congress has committed more than $5 billion in bilateral assistance to the Palestinians, over half of it since mid-2007. Among the issues in U.S. policy toward the Palestinians is how to deal with the political leadership of Palestinian society, which is divided between the Fatah-led PA in parts of the West Bank and Hamas (a U.S.-designated Foreign Terrorist Organization) in the Gaza Strip. -
Palestine History Timeline and Campaigns Calendar the History
Palestine History Timeline and Campaigns Calendar The History Timeline lays out major events in Palestinian history which student groups can choose to build educational events around, or commemorate in other ways, to build the knowledge base of their group and wider university student body. We would be available for advice on possible speakers and would love to hear what events you choose to commemorate and educate on - please let us know! We are planning to hold Palestinian historical / political webinars during the year where broad topics can be delved into and discussed more fully with experts, so keep an eye out for those! The Campaigns Calendar maps out existing international days of solidarity with Palestine. There will be events happening around the globe as thousands of people of conscience express their support for the Palestinian people on these days. By being aware of global solidarity actions we can build on integrating youth solidarity for Palestine here in the UK with its global counterparts. You might want to plan an action for your divestment campaign or maybe post a message on social media. Again, let us know what you’re planning and we can spread the word to inspire others. Over 100 Years of Palestinian History and Resistance Palestine and the Colonial Predicament, 1917-1947 Signing of the Balfour Declaration - 2 November 1917 British Mandate – 29 September 1923 – 14 May 1948 Palestinian ‘Great Revolt’ - 19 April 1936-39 UN decides to partition Palestine – 29 November 1947 ‘From Refugees to Revolutionaries’, 1948-1982 -
The Return of Palestinian Nationalist Terrorism | the Washington Institute
MENU Policy Analysis / PolicyWatch 379 The Return of Palestinian Nationalist Terrorism by Matthew Levitt May 3, 2002 ABOUT THE AUTHORS Matthew Levitt Matthew Levitt is the Fromer-Wexler Fellow and director of the Reinhard Program on Counterterrorism and Intelligence at The Washington Institute. Brief Analysis he State Department's annual Patterns of Global Terrorism report, which is scheduled for release in late May, T is set to be a much longer and more detailed document than before. Among the many issues the report will have to address is the resurrection of secular Palestinian terrorist groups, some of which have not appeared on U.S. government terrorist lists in the past. The steady escalation of terrorist tactics and operations over the past year and a half is due as much to these groups as it is to Palestinian Islamist groups such as Hamas and Palestinian Islamic Jihad that have dominated the Palestinian terrorism scene over the last decade. Palestinian nationalist terrorism currently has two components: 1) dormant secular groups such as the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP)—referred to collectively as "the fronts"—that have been revitalized after several years of inactivity; and 2) newly active nationalist, non-Islamist militias connected to the Palestinian Authority (PA), such as the Fatah Tanzim. Resurrection of the Fronts Prior to the start of the current intifada in September 2000, the PFLP had been largely inactive. After three years of relative silence, the PFLP held reconciliation talks with the PA in August 1999 and was almost dropped from U.S. government terrorist lists. -
Palestinians in Syria and the Syrian Uprising
CASE ANALYSIS Palestinians in Syria and the Syrian Uprising Salah Hassan | October 2012 Palestinians in Syria and the Syrian Uprising Series: Case Analysis Salah Hassan | October 2012 Copyright © 2012 Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies. All Rights Reserved. ____________________________ The Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies is an independent research institute and think tank for the study of history and social sciences, with particular emphasis on the applied social sciences. The Center's paramount concern is the advancement of Arab societies and states, their cooperation with one another and issues concerning the Arab nation in general. To that end, it seeks to examine and diagnose the situation in the Arab world - states and communities- to analyze social, economic and cultural policies and to provide political analysis, from an Arab perspective. The Center publishes in both Arabic and English in order to make its work accessible to both Arab and non-Arab researchers. Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies PO Box 10277 Street No. 826, Zone 66 Doha, Qatar Tel.: +974 44199777 | Fax: +974 44831651 www.dohainstitute.org Table of Contents Introduction 1 The Palestinian National Movement in Syria 2 The Syrian Uprising: March 2011 5 Palestinians and the Syrian Uprising 6 The Palestinian Public’s Solidarity with the Uprising 16 Conclusion 21 PALESTINIANS IN SYRIA Introduction1 At the beginning of the twentieth century, there were no borders between Palestine and Syria; prior to that time, there was economic and social integration between the Palestinian and Syrian peoples. The Syrians took part in the Palestinian revolution of 1936 and contributed in attempts to repel Israel’s colonizing attack on Palestine’s territories in 1948, resulting in the Nakba. -
Gaza in Strategic Perspective
Gaza in strategic perspective The following is by Thomas Mitchell, Ph. D., an independent scholar who occasionally contributes to this blog: For some 55 out of Israel’s 60 years of existence, Israel and the Arabs have been playing out a long-term strategic game. The Arabs, unable to beat Israel in a conventional war and destroy it or force it to peace on their terms, have preferred a strategy of attrition carried out through Palestinian fedayeen or self-sacrificers. The Palestinian fedayeen usually pursued a terrorist strategy of attacking civilian targets on the grounds that no Israelis were innocent and therefore all were legitimate targets—the argument of terrorists everywhere. Israel attempted to counter them through a series of defensive measures such as roving patrols, minefields, electrified fences, etc. But some of the fedayeen always got through and caused Israeli civilian casualties. Israel therefore developed the strategy of retaliation. It would respond periodically with disproportionate attacks on the infrastructure of the country that the attacks were coming from. Usually it was police stations or even army bases—security infrastructure. This led to a series of escalations resulting in a conventional war followed by a period of quiet. There was a period of Palestinian infiltration from 1949-56, followed by Israeli reprisals from 1953 to 1956, supported by Prime Minister David Ben- Gurion, Defense Minister Pinhas Lavon, and Chief of Staff Lt. Gen. Moshe Dayan. This is the period in which Arik Sharon first became a household name in Israel as he was the instrument of Israeli retaliation. This cycle ended with Israeli collaboration with Britain and France in an attack on Egypt that resulted in severe embarrassment for the Europeans and ten years of relative peace and quiet for Israel. -
July August Handful 12 Pages
1 Handful of Salt Volume XXXVXXXV,, Number 444 JulyJuly----August,August, 2011 Let’s re- engaging young people to increase their ignite the involvement in PJALS and to support youth-led torch: efforts. We will a 7-month leadership development program for young activists (ages Re-starting 16-22), from student groups, faith communities, our young and community groups as well as new PJALS activist members. We’ll offer a series of workshops on topics including corporate power, racial justice, leaders nonviolence and militarism, campaign planning, program! project coordination, conversations to move someone to take action, and effective meetings. By Liz Moore, PJALS Director Every month, program participants will volunteer with a group of their choice (including Since the early 80’s, PJALS’ vibrant youth PJALS of course!). program helped countless young people get a We want to provide a gathering place for taste for social justice. I started coming to the young people to ask questions, to educate each youth program (then called Youth for World other, and to explore social justice work Awareness) in 1991—I felt I’d found an oasis together. We can create a program unique for its of like-minded people from different high focus on hands-on organizing skills and we can schools, encouraging each other to ask help grow a vibrant network of young people questions and to educate ourselves about issues committed to social justice. we cared about in our world. I remember We need your help in two ways: impassioned conversations, making signs for 1. Will you donate now to help re-start this protests, and a fundraising concert. -
Lebanon's Legacy of Political Violence
LEBANON Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence A Mapping of Serious Violations of International Human Rights and Humanitarian Law in Lebanon, 1975–2008 September 2013 International Center Lebanon’s Legacy of Political Violence for Transitional Justice Acknowledgments The Lebanon Mapping Team comprised Lynn Maalouf, senior researcher at the Memory Interdisciplinary Research Unit of the Center for the Study of the Modern Arab World (CEMAM); Luc Coté, expert on mapping projects and fact-finding commissions; Théo Boudruche, international human rights and humanitarian law consultant; and researchers Wajih Abi Azar, Hassan Abbas, Samar Abou Zeid, Nassib Khoury, Romy Nasr, and Tarek Zeineddine. The team would like to thank the committee members who reviewed the report on behalf of the university: Christophe Varin, CEMAM director, who led the process of setting up and coordinating the committee’s work; Annie Tabet, professor of sociology; Carla Eddé, head of the history and international relations department; Liliane Kfoury, head of UIR; and Marie-Claude Najm, professor of law and political science. The team extends its special thanks to Dima de Clerck, who generously shared the results of her fieldwork from her PhD thesis, “Mémoires en conflit dans le Liban d’après-guerre: le cas des druzes et des chrétiens du Sud du Mont-Liban.” The team further owes its warm gratitude to the ICTJ Beirut office team, particularly Carmen Abou Hassoun Jaoudé, Head of the Lebanon Program. ICTJ thanks the European Union for their support which made this project possible. International Center for Transitional Justice The International Center for Transitional Justice (ICTJ) works to redress and prevent the most severe violations of human rights by confronting legacies of mass abuse.