DOCSLIB.ORG

Ariel Sharon Biography, Produced by the Israeli Ivlinistry for Foreign Affairs, with Annotations by the Electronic Intifada

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Ariel Sharon Biography, Produced by the Israeli Ivlinistry for Foreign Affairs, with Annotations by the Electronic Intifada The copyright of this thesis vests in the author. No quotation from it or information derived from it is to be published without full acknowledgementTown of the source. The thesis is to be used for private study or non- commercial research purposes only. Cape Published by the University ofof Cape Town (UCT) in terms of the non-exclusive license granted to UCT by the author. University J ustificational Narratives: What is the role of fear in Israeli narratives of war? El Inocente stood before the table and gestured for silence. He preached a long sermon, of which I cannot recall a single word, but I can tell you that it was full of vileness, decorated and embellished to the point where one might almost believe that it was a nobleTown speech.'l Cape of By Sasha Evans, EVNSASOOl Supervised by Professor Kay McCormick UniversityMay 2004, UCf. 1 De Bernieres, 1998. P3 2 1. Justificational Narratives: What is the role of fear in Israeli narratives of war? By Sasha Evans, May 2004 Abstract The body of this thesis contains two main parts. The first (section 3) is a critical linguistic analysis of a selection of political speeches (which I have called 'policy narratives') delivered by Israeli Prime Minister Ariel Sharon in the period February 2002 - October 2003. I have sought, with reference to Aristotle and other writers on persuasion, to delineate the rhetorical devices employed by Sharon and his speechwriters, and to demonstrate that one of their most important functions is to contribute to and enhance the overall climate of fear among the Israeli people, for the furtherance of Sharon's own political goals. I focus primarily on the speeches surrounding and leading up to the March 2002 announcement of 'Operation Defensive Shield', which was described by Palestinians and international aid workers as the harshest military assault on the WBGS since the June 1967 Arab-Israeli war. After examining the policy narratives I provide another representation of the 'reality on the ground' experienced by the Palestinian population at the receiving end of Sharon's 'operations'. The second (section 4) is a linguistic analysis of the 'narrative of personal experience' of a civilian reservist - Moshe Nissim - who was recruited in April 2002, at the height of 'Defensive Shield', to drive a D-9 bulldozer throughTown the West Bank's Jenin refugee camp. Nissim, who seems motivated by his own personal fears and failures, apparently sees in Jenin the long-awaited opportunity to redeem himself. Although he does not appear to have been inspired by the arguments and themes of Sharon's narratives, the overall atmosphere of fear and hatred that is legitimised and given weight by Sharon in his speeches, sets the stage for Nissim to act on his darkest urges and later to be considered by himself and othersCape as a hero for having done so. I contend that Israeli right wing hegemonyof both feeds and is fed by fear. University Acknowledgements This thesis is dedicated to the memory of Professor Edward W Said, who passed away on 25 September 2003 ... ... and to Yasmeen, who was born the same year. Thanks to Kay for her patience and help; to Anis for so many long and interesting conversations, and to Goolam, for rescuing my work from a corruptedTown hard-drive! Cape of University Table of Contents 1. Introduction ................................................................................................................................. 1 1.1. Why Analyse Policy Narratives? ............................................................................................................ 3 1.2. The Mythology Of The Mythologist ....................................................................................................... 3 1.3. Propaganda In Nation-Building And War .............................................................................................. 6 IA. The Ideological Pill ................................................................................................................................. 9 1.5. Tenninology .......................................................................................................................................... 11 2. Methodology And Literature Review ........................................................................................ 13 2. J. Methodology ..................................................................................... ,., ................................................. 13 2.2. Analytical Approaches To Policy Narratives ............................................................ ................. 14 2.3. Policy Narr<1tives. pf()r;]~Zlncla And Democracy................. .. 16 2.4. Truth And M:th III TJ,\.· PUNlit OrPowcr................... .. 17 2.S. The Modes Of Persuasion In Political Rhetoric ..................... .. ........ 18 3. Ariel Sharon's Policy Narratives .............................................................................................. 20 ( 3.1. The Modes Of Persuasion In Sharon's Policy Narratives ..................................................................... 22 -'~ ......., The Source ...................................... ,..................... ,, ....................................... ,....................................... 25 .., .., -'.-'. The Message .......................................................................................................................... , ............... 31 3.4. Emotion ...... " ............. ,................ , ...................... , ................................. , .................... ,.................. ,......... 49 3.5. The Policy Narrated ...................................... ,...... ,., ............................................................... , ............ , .. 54 4. Narrative of Personal Experience: Moshe Nissim ................................................................... 62 4 l. Overview ............................................................................................................................................... 63 4.2. Fear And Insecurity ............................................................................................................................... 71 4.3. Justifications ..........................................................................................................................................Town 77 4A. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................................. 85 5. Conclusion ................................................................................................................................. 86 6. Bibliography And References ...................................................................................................Cape 90 7. Annexes...................................................... of................................................................................ 93 Table of Figures Fig. :3-1. The Modes of Persuasion in Sharon's Policy Narratives 22 Fig. 3.1.1. Ariel Sharon Addresses the Nation, 31 March 2002. 26 Fig. 3.2.2. Sharon and Bush, 14 April 2004 27 Fig. 3.2.1. Contextual Framing 33 Fig. 3.2.2.3. Modes ofUniversity Judgement (Martin & Rose) 41 Fig. 3.2.2.3b. Modes of Judgement in Sharon 08-04-02 §22 43 Fig. 3.2.2-4. Judgements in Sharon 08-04-02 §4-§5 45 Fig. 3.5.3. Two Images of Jenin Refugee Camp After the Incursion 58 Fig. 4. "I left them with a football stadium. so they can play" 62 Fig 4.1.1. Moshe in Jenin Narratiw Structure (linear) 66 4·1.2. Moshe's Narratiye Structure (circular) 69 Fig. 4.2.1. Appraisal Breakdown of Moshe §24 74 .11Istljiwtional.Varrativcs Introductiull 1. Introduction This thesis approaches the question what is the role of fear in Israeli narrath'es of war? - hy analysing two forms of war narratives: political and personal. The political narratives are a selection of speeches and one article delivered by the current prime minister of Israel, Ariel Sharon, in the period February 2002 - October 2003,1 I \'Vill be examining some of the persuasive and mythmaking techniques they exemplify in their production and presentation of a particular ideological \ision. Neither the vision nor the themes identified here are limited to this period, or to Sharon, but political ideologies are most focused and therefore easily identifiable at times of heightened conflict and of politically far-right leadership, both of \\'hich are fulfilled at this tinh'. The analysis also refers more hroadly to the polici,':-> I !lese speeches seek to legitimise, and to their effects on the physical and emotional reality of the Palestinians in the Occupied Territories,2 I contend that policy narratives such as these are generated by and for the Israeli (and American:l ) domination of the Palestinian people and their environment, and that these purposes, and the means of achieving them, can be clearly identified from the texts. The term 'policy narratives' is defined by Roe as "the stories - scenarios and arguments - that are taken ... as underwriting (that is, establishing or certifying) and stabilising (that is, fixing or making steady) the assumptions for policymakingTown in the face of the issue's uncertainty, complexity or polarisation."4 For the sake of this discussion I use the term specifically to mean the "stories, scenarios and arguments" narrated by the current Israeli prime minister, which are replicated throughout society but in particular by the spokespeople of the Israeli army (IDF), that
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Pamela Murgia
    “TESIS” — 2018/8/31 — 9:22 — page i — #1 Hamas’ Statements A discourse analysis approach Pamela Murgia TESI DOCTORAL UPF / ANY 2018 DIRECTOR DE LA TESI Prof. Teun A. van Dijk (Universitat Pompeu Fabra), Prof. Nicola Melis (Università degli Studi di Cagliari) Departament Traducció i Ciències del Llenguatge “TESIS” — 2018/8/31 — 9:22 — page ii — #2 “TESIS” — 2018/8/31 — 9:22 — page iii — #3 Abstract Hamas, acronym for Islamic Resistance Movement, is a political movement that was founded in 1987 and has, since 2007, been in charge of the Gaza Strip. The movement was initially characterised by a language accentuated by tropes of po- litical Islam and, after the Oslo Accords, by a strong rejection of the institutions established by the Accords. Consequently, the movement refused to take part in the elections of the Palestinian Authority. The failure of the Accords in the early 2000s led the movement to take a turn, deciding to participate in the elec- tions. Hamas thus underwent a significant political development, that resulted in changes in rhetoric, ideological representations, and self-representation. The present work aims to study the movements ideological development and commu- nication strategies by the means of Discourse Analysis, with the analysis of the corpora of bayan¯ at¯ , the official statements issued by Hamas and published on their official website. Resumen Hamas, acrónimo de “Movimiento de Resistencia Islámica”, es un movimiento político que se fundó en 1987 y que desde 2007 controla la Franja de Gaza. El movimiento se caracterizó inicialmente por un lenguaje fuertemente marcado por los topoi del Islam político y, después de los Acuerdos de Oslo, por un rechazo radical de las instituciones resultado de los mismos Acuerdos.
    [Show full text]
  • Three Perspectives on the Second Intifada
    Three Perspectives on the Second Intifada Perspective I: “What Caused the Current Wave of Palestinian Terrorism?” Source: Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs; http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFA-Archive/2003/Pages/Israel- %20the%20Conflict%20and%20Peace-%20Answers%20to%20Frequen.aspx#terror The wave of terrorism that began in September 2000 is the direct result of a strategic Palestinian decision to use violence - rather than negotiation - as the primary means to advance their agenda. Despite Palestinian claims to the contrary, Israel's so-called "occupation" of the territories is not the true cause of the terrorism, as negotiations could have peacefully resolved all aspects of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict well before the violence started. When the wave of violence and terrorism began in September 2000, the Palestinians originally claimed that it was a spontaneous reaction to the visit of then-opposition leader Ariel Sharon to the Temple Mount. However, later statements by Palestinian leaders in the Arab-language media contradicted this assertion. Neither did the report issued by the Mitchell Committee, composed of American and European leaders, give support to the earlier Palestinian claim. Consequently, Palestinian spokespersons changed their tactics and instead began to assert that the violence was a response to Israel's "occupation" of the West Bank and Gaza. This claim ignores events both before and after 1967 (when Israel came into control of the territories during a war of self-defense) that prove that the "occupation" is not the true cause of Palestinian terrorism. Not only did Palestinian terrorism precede Israel's presence in the West Bank and Gaza; it has often hit brutally at those moments, as in 1994-1996, when the peace process was making the greatest progress.
    [Show full text]
  • Case Notes the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel V the Government of Israel*
    CASE NOTES THE PUBLIC COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE IN ISRAEL V THE GOVERNMENT OF ISRAEL* THE ISRAELI HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE TARGETED KILLING DECISION Case Note: Targeted Killing Decision CONTENTS I Introduction A Israel’s Policy of Targeted Killing B Background to the Case C Main Focus and Structure of the Note II Summary of Judgment A Factual Background B The General Normative Framework 1 International Armed Conflict 2 Combatants 3 Civilians 4 Review by the Court III Critique of Selected Issues A Four-Fold Test 1 Well-Based Information 2 Less Drastic Measures 3 Investigations 4 Proportionality B Adequacy of the Four-Fold Test IV Conclusion I INTRODUCTION A Israel’s Policy of Targeted Killing On 9 November 2000, Hussein ‘Abayat, a senior Fatah Tanzim activist, was driving his car on a busy street in his village in the West Bank. An Israel Defence Forces (‘IDF’) helicopter fired three missiles at him, killing him and two women, Rahma Shahin and ‘Aziza Muhammad Danun, who were standing outside a house.1 ‘Abayat’s killing, less than two months after the al-Aqsa * The Public Committee Against Torture in Israel v The Government of Israel (2006) HCJ 769/02 (‘PCATI’), available in English from <http://elyon1.court.gov.il/eng/home/ index.html> at 18 October 2007. 1 Yael Stein, Israel’s Assassination Policy: Extra-Judicial Executions (B’Tselem Position Paper, January 2001) (Maya Johnston trans, 2001) 1. Melbourne Journal of International Law [Vol 8 Intifada began, marked the start of Israel’s policy of targeted killings.2 Israel has since publicly confirmed that the practice of targeted killings occurs under government orders.
    [Show full text]
  • Leveraging the Terrorist – Audience Relationship to Assess Evolutionary Trajectories
    ABSTRACT Title of Document: TERRORISM’S COMMUNICATIVE DYNAMIC: LEVERAGING THE TERRORIST – AUDIENCE RELATIONSHIP TO ASSESS EVOLUTIONARY TRAJECTORIES. Daniel S. Gressang IV, PhD, 2009 Directed By: Professor David Lalman, Department of Government and Politics Terrorist groups do not operate in isolation. To survive in the face of counter- pressures from their opponents, the group must establish a beneficial relationship with a targeted audience, a presumed constituency, in order to generate the sympathy and support necessary for maintaining operational viability. Existing studies of terrorism, however, offer few insights into how this might be done. The most common approach revolves around assessments of terrorist messages, yet typically treats those messages as self-serving propaganda or media manipulation. This study takes a different approach, suggesting that terrorists use statements and communiqués in an effort to gain and maintain a supportive audience. Further, the intended audience for the messages infer meaning in terrorist violence, thus augmenting or reducing the impact of persuasive messaging by the terrorist. Understanding this process, in turn, may yield new insights into the dynamic processes of terrorism, offering new opportunities to assess a terrorist group’s potential for positive evolutionary growth or greater relative fitness. Using Grunig’s situational theory of publics, this study creates and evaluates a new metric, called expected affinity, for examining the terrorist group’s effort to establish and strengthen bonds between itself and its targeted and presumptively supportive audience. Expected affinity combines sub-measures addressing problem recognition, expected and desired levels of involvement, and constraint recognition, coupled with an inferred meaning in the symbolism of violent acts in order to evaluate terrorist messages and attacks.
    [Show full text]
  • Turnover: What Are the Implications of Recent and Upcoming Changes in Hamas?
    Turnover: What Are the Implications of Recent and Upcoming Changes in Hamas? Yousef Munayyer March 15, 2017 Background importantly the United States and other western players. Over the course of this time, Since its establishment in the 1980s, the the Fatah faction in the West Bank has been led Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement, or by Mahmoud Abbas, who is simultaneously Hamas, has increasingly become an important the chairman of the PLO as well as the player in domestic Palestinian politics as well president of the Ramallah-based Palestinian as in the armed struggle against Israel. As its Authority. The Gaza-based PA, run by Hamas, ranks and its role have grown over the years, has been led by Ismail Haniyeh, who served so too has tension with its rival Palestinian both as prime minister and as head of Hamas’s political faction Fatah. Despite opposing the Gaza-based political organization. Oslo Accords, Hamas decided to enter into the Palestinian political fray in 2006 when it fielded candidates for the Palestinian An Internal Election Legislative Council (PLC), an Oslo-created institution, and ultimately won enough votes For the first time in recent memory, there will to form a Palestinian Authority (PA) governing be a change in the figures playing these roles. coalition. What followed, along with Haniyeh, who has been the Gaza-based Hamas opposition to such an outcome from the West, prime minister since Hamas ran in the PLC was an unwillingness on the part of Fatah to elections, came up to the end of his second partner in any sort of wider coalition.
    [Show full text]
  • HUIZAR-MASTERS-REPORT.Pdf (850.4Kb)
    Copyright by Mary Christina Huizar 2011 The Report Committee for Mary Christina Huizar Certifies that this is the approved version of the following report: ”There Is a Limit: Israel’s “Refusenik” Movement and Its Critics APPROVED BY SUPERVISING COMMITTEE: Supervisor: Ami Pedahzur Co-Supervisor: Zoltan Barany ”There Is a Limit”: Israel’s “Refusenik” Movement and Its Critics by Mary Christina Huizar, B.A. Report Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts The University of Texas at Austin December 2011 Abstract ”There Is a Limit”: Israel’s “Refusenik” Movement and Its Critics Mary Christina Huizar, M.A. The University of Texas at Austin, 2011 Supervisors: Ami Pedahzur Zoltan Barany The focus of this report is an examination of the so-called “refusenik” soldiers of Israel. Since Israel’s victory in the 1967 war and the resulting occupation of the West Bank and Gaza Strip, there have been soldiers in the IDF that have refused to serve outside the pre-1967 borders. These soldiers, called “refuseniks,” practice selective refusal. Unlike conscientious objectors, the refusenik soldiers are not pacifists. Their protest is not a condemnation of all war. Rather, it is a calculated protest against the continuing occupation of land outside the Green Line. Although the roots of the refusenik movement can be traced to the 1967 war, the movement did not gain momentum until the 1982 invasion of Lebanon. Initially enjoying broad public support, the war in Lebanon became less popular when it did not end after its initial goals were met.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 1: Introduction
    A Critical Discourse Analysis of News Reports on the Israeli/Palestinian Conflict in Selected Arab and Western Newspapers Aziza Zaher A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Nottingham Trent University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy October 2009 This work is the intellectual property of Aziza Zaher. You may copy up to 5% of this work for private study, or personal, non-commercial research. Any re-use of the information contained within this document should be fully referenced, quoting the author, title, university, degree level and pagination. Queries or requests for any other use, or if a more substantial copy is required, should be directed in the owner(s) of the Intellectual Property Rights. Table of Contents 1 Introduction and Historical Background ............................................. 3 1.1 Introduction to Research ........................................................................... 3 1.1.1 Aims of research ................................................................................... 4 1.1.2 Research questions ............................................................................... 4 1.1.3 Research Hypotheses ............................................................................ 4 1.2 History of the Israeli/Palestinian Conflict ..................................................... 5 1.3 Perceptions of Israel and the Palestinians in the West ............................... 28 2 Theoretical Background ......................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Hamas and the United States: Conflicting Visions and Policies in Palestine from 1987 to 2020
    HAMAS AND THE UNITED STATES: CONFLICTING VISIONS AND POLICIES IN PALESTINE FROM 1987 TO 2020 A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE SCHOOL OF SOCIAL SCIENCES OF MIDDLE EAST TECHNICAL UNIVERSITY BY MUSTAFA KARAKAYA IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF SCIENCE IN THE DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS FEBRUARY 2021 Approval of the thesis: HAMAS AND THE UNITED STATES: CONFLICTING VISIONS AND POLICIES IN PALESTINE FROM 1987 TO 2020 submitted by Mustafa KARAKAYA in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science in International Relations, the Graduate School of Social Sciences of Middle East Technical University by, Prof. Dr. Yaşar KONDAKÇI Dean Graduate School of Social Sciences Prof. Dr. Oktay Fırat TANRISEVER Head of Department Department of International Relations Prof. Dr. İhsan DAĞI Supervisor Department of International Relations Examining Committee Members: Prof. Dr. Özlem TÜR (Head of the Examining Committee) Middle East Technical University Department of International Relations Prof. Dr. İhsan DAĞI (Supervisor) Middle East Technical University Department of International Relations Assist. Prof. Dr. Bayram SİNKAYA Ankara Yıldırım Beyazıt University Department of International Relations I hereby declare that all information in this document has been obtained and presented in accordance with academic rules and ethical conduct. I also declare that, as required by these rules and conduct, I have fully cited and referenced all material and results that are not original to this work. Name, Last Name: Mustafa KARAKAYA Signature: iii ABSTRACT HAMAS AND THE UNITED STATES: CONFLICTING VISIONS AND POLICIES IN PALESTINE FROM 1987 TO 2020 Karakaya, Mustafa M.S., Department of International Relations Supervisor: Prof.
    [Show full text]
  • Special Information Bulletin the Influence of the Legacy of Global
    Special Information November 2004 Bulletin Intelligence and Terrorism Information Center at the Center for Special Studies (C.S.S) The influence of the legacy of global jihad on Hamas: glorification of the image and Islamic-political doctrines of Dr. ‘Abdallah ‘Azzam, a Palestinian from Silat al-Harithiya (in the Jenin district). He was a charismatic figure, Al-Qaeda’s ideologue and until his death, Osama bin Laden’s spiritual mentor. His doctrine focused on global jihad and the personal responsibility of every Muslim to liberate the lands of Islam from “infidel control” “The love of jihad [holy war] took over my life, my soul, my sensations, my heart and my emotions. If preparing [for jihad] is terrorism, then we are terrorists …” (Dr. ‘Abdallah ‘Azzam quoted on a small commemorative poster found in the offices of the Tulkarm Charitable Society, affiliated with Hamas). 1 A concise biography of Dr. ‘Abdallah ‘Azzam 1. For a more detailed biography see Appendix A. 1. Dr. ‘Abdallah ‘Azzam (Abu Muhammad) was born in 1941 in the north Samarian Palestinian village of Silat al-Harithiya. As a child he was influenced by the stories of the courage of sheikh Izzedine al-Qassam, a religious leader born in Syria who fought and was killed by the British near Jenin in 1935 (the Hamas terrorist-operational wing is named after him). While studying at Al-Azhar University in Egypt he joined the Muslim Brotherhood; he graduated with honors and received a doctorate in Islamic law. 2. ‘Abdallah ‘Azzam met Osama bin Laden when he was lecturing at the College for Preaching and Jihad in Peshawar ( Pakistan, close to the Afghanistan border).
    [Show full text]
  • Targeted Killings in the Al-Aqsa Intifada: an Examination of Changes in Hamas’ Operational Capacity
    TARGETED KILLINGS IN THE AL-AQSA INTIFADA: AN EXAMINATION OF CHANGES IN HAMAS’ OPERATIONAL CAPACITY A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Security Studies By Jessica Goldings, B.A. Washington, DC April 14, 2011 Copyright 2011 by Jessica Goldings All Rights Reserved ii TARGETED KILLINGS IN THE AL-AQSA INTIFADA: AN EXAMINATION OF CHANGES IN HAMAS’ OPERATIONAL CAPACITY Jessica Goldings, B.A. Thesis Advisor: Genevieve Lester ABSTRACT Targeted killings have become a key tool of counterterrorism strategy, despite its controversial nature. The debate over targeted killings mainly focuses on four arguments: legality and legitimacy, consequences on innocent civilians, alternative means to fighting terror, and effectiveness in actually reducing terror. In this paper, I argue that an important variable I define as “operational capacity,” or a terrorist group’s ability to carry out attacks, is largely overlooked in the study of targeted killings. Operational capacity is influenced by a host of other variables, including the ease, frequency, sophistication, and success rate of attacks. I come to the conclusion that Israeli targeted killings simultaneously reduced and bolstered Hamas’ operational capacity with the latter impact likely exceeding the former. This is because it was ultimately a diminished operational capacity, along with other socio-political issues like peace talks and land settlements that convinced Hamas to lessen the violence. Even though targeted killings often triggered an increased desire to engage in terrorism, thereby increasing Hamas’ operational capacity, it can be deduced that its capacity to inflict real harm was not overwhelming because Israeli casualties and Palestinian suicide bombings still declined.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case of Hamas JOURNAL of the SPANISH INSTITUTE for STRATEGIC STUDIES
    Beatriz Gutiérrez López The Muqawama (Resistance): The Case of Hamas JOURNAL OF THE SPANISH INSTITUTE FOR STRATEGIC STUDIES Beatriz Gutiérrez López Degree in Political Science, specializing in International Relations and MA in Security and Defence. E-mail: [email protected] THE MUQAWAMA (RESISTANCE): THE CASE OF HAMAS Abstract The view of Hamas as an insurgent movement seeking the destruction of Israel and the construction of an Islamic State on historical Palestinian territory is based on its own doctrine, known as the “muqawama” or resistance doctrine. The “muqawama doctrine” has its own distinctive elements and is independent of classical insurgency frameworks; hence, these new elements constitute a valuable analytical tool for the study of emerging insurgent and Islamist phenomena. KeyWords Hamas, muqawama doctrine, insurgency, Islamism, Palestinian-Israeli conflict. http://revista.ieee.es/index.php/ieee 1 THE MUQAWAMA (RESISTANCE): THE CASE OF HAMAS 1. INTRODUCTION n recent months, the Western world has seen the proliferation of armed conflicts involving, in one way or another, different Muslim jihadist groups in the Middle East region. However, it was the third Gaza War in July and August 2014 that Iconfirmed the existence of a conflict spearheaded by a militant group that was founded in 1987 but whose roots can be traced back to the spread of the Muslim Brotherhood throughout the region in the 1940s. We are referring to the Islamic Resistance Movement or Hamas.1 We define insurgence as a popular movement that aims to overturn an established authority (government, occupying power or political authority) using ongoing political and armed conflict, such as subversion, and the wide range of political activities that this entails, in addition to insurrection, armed conflict and terrorism.
    [Show full text]
  • Right to Life, Traditional Framework of Targeted Assassination and New Challenges in Implementing Human Rights Dr
    International Journal of Humanities & Social Science Studies (IJHSSS) A Peer-Reviewed Bi-monthly Bi-lingual Research Journal ISSN: 2349-6959 (Online), ISSN: 2349-6711 (Print) Volume-II, Issue-V, March 2016, Page No. 226-243 Published by Scholar Publications, Karimganj, Assam, India, 788711 Website: http://www.ijhsss.com Right to Life, Traditional Framework of Targeted Assassination and New Challenges in Implementing Human Rights Dr. Sartipi Hossein PhD in International Law, Faculty member and Assistant Professor, Payame Noor University (PNU), Iran Mohsen Ghasemi Master in international law & Legal Advisor, Iran Abstract Targeted assassinations whether it is legal or not, it has become one of the modern issues in the International community and has been discussed in relation to International humanitarian law and international armed conflicts. In this regard the main question is whether applying the targeted assassination is in compliance with the principles and rules of the International humanitarian law or not? And if there is not any contradiction in this regard, then this theory has been justified on what logical concept? This paper attempts to answer the mentioned questions with regard to the current legal literature and take any possible workable framework for this theory under consideration. The paper is divided into three general parts, first, it presents the basic definition and history of “the targeted assassination "and deals with its legal framework, then it looks into this theory from the three main principles of the International human Rights perspective and analyzes the requirements necessary for committing the targeted assassination. Keywords: Assassination, Armed conflicts, international conflict, targeted, International Court of Justice, Human Rights, Armed Mission I.
    [Show full text]