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United Nations International Meeting in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace
UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL MEETING IN SUPPORT OF ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE The two-State solution: a key prerequisite for achieving peace and stability in the Middle East Moscow, 1 and 2 July 2015 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY PLENARY II International efforts to achieve the two-State solution Paper presented by Ms. Alla Shainskaya Member, Executive Committee and Presidium of the Congress of Meretz Party Tel Aviv CPR/IM/2015/12 2 Honorable Chairperson, Excellences – Ambassadors, Distinguished Delegates, Firstly, let me express my warm sentiments of gratitude for being invited to this UN forum, and for the opportunity to speak to you from this challenging podium. It is a great honor to me. Let me introduce myself. I am a scientist, an immigrant from the Former Soviet Union, from South – East of Ukraine. I am not a politician, but from my first steps in Israel, I was and still is a dedicated member of Israeli left camp. In a year 2003 I was a part of Israeli delegation in Geneva where the Geneva Accord was presented and symbolically signed by two sites. This agreement was and is the most detailed and practically most welcome by both sides, as we heard yesterday in excellent talk by Mr. Nidal Foqaha. It is hard to describe by words the atmosphere and the excitement of people during this only ONE day of the virtual peace! At this day we did not know yet, that Geneva Accord, like many others that followed and preceded it, like Clinton Parameters and Annapolis Agreement, The Road Map etc. will become a memory. -
De Tijd Dringt Kairos Palestina: Een Uitdaging Tot Vrede
De tijd dringt Kairos Palestina: een uitdaging tot vrede NO WAR NO WALL Want hij is onze vrede, hij die de twee tot één heeft gemaakt en de muur van vijandschap heeft afgebroken (naar Efeziërs 2:14) Student: Carla J.M. Borgers e-mail: [email protected] 13 februari 2019 Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid Theology and Religious Studies Masterspecialisatie ‘Peace, Trauma, and Religion’ Begeleiders: Dr. Katja Tolstaja Prof. Dr. Fernando H.H. Enns VERKLARING 1 Hierbij verklaar ik dat deze scriptie een origineel werk is. De scriptie is het resultaat van mijn eigen onderzoek en is alleen door mijzelf geschreven, tenzij anders aangegeven. Als informatie en ideeën uit andere bronnen zijn overgenomen, wordt dat expliciet en volledig vermeld in de tekst of in de noten. Een bibliografie is bijgevoegd. Delden, 13 februari 2019 VERKLARING 2 Hierbij stem ik ermee in dat mijn scriptie na goedkeuring beschikbaar wordt gesteld voor vermenigvuldiging en interbibliothecair leenverkeer, en dat de titel en samenvatting beschikbaar worden gesteld voor externe organisaties en door de Vrije Universiteit mogen worden gepubliceerd. Delden, 13 februari 2019 2 Inhoudsopgave Motivatie ............................................................................................................................................6 1. Inleiding ......................................................................................................................................7 1.1. Relevantie van het onderzoek ..............................................................................................7 -
Pamela Murgia
“TESIS” — 2018/8/31 — 9:22 — page i — #1 Hamas’ Statements A discourse analysis approach Pamela Murgia TESI DOCTORAL UPF / ANY 2018 DIRECTOR DE LA TESI Prof. Teun A. van Dijk (Universitat Pompeu Fabra), Prof. Nicola Melis (Università degli Studi di Cagliari) Departament Traducció i Ciències del Llenguatge “TESIS” — 2018/8/31 — 9:22 — page ii — #2 “TESIS” — 2018/8/31 — 9:22 — page iii — #3 Abstract Hamas, acronym for Islamic Resistance Movement, is a political movement that was founded in 1987 and has, since 2007, been in charge of the Gaza Strip. The movement was initially characterised by a language accentuated by tropes of po- litical Islam and, after the Oslo Accords, by a strong rejection of the institutions established by the Accords. Consequently, the movement refused to take part in the elections of the Palestinian Authority. The failure of the Accords in the early 2000s led the movement to take a turn, deciding to participate in the elec- tions. Hamas thus underwent a significant political development, that resulted in changes in rhetoric, ideological representations, and self-representation. The present work aims to study the movements ideological development and commu- nication strategies by the means of Discourse Analysis, with the analysis of the corpora of bayan¯ at¯ , the official statements issued by Hamas and published on their official website. Resumen Hamas, acrónimo de “Movimiento de Resistencia Islámica”, es un movimiento político que se fundó en 1987 y que desde 2007 controla la Franja de Gaza. El movimiento se caracterizó inicialmente por un lenguaje fuertemente marcado por los topoi del Islam político y, después de los Acuerdos de Oslo, por un rechazo radical de las instituciones resultado de los mismos Acuerdos. -
Annapolis, November 2007: Hopes and Doubts Contents
The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 2 November 2007 Annapolis, November 2007: Hopes and Doubts Contents Introduction 1 By Paul Scham The Immediate Parties: Israel and the Palestinians 2 The Arab States 8 The Rejectionists: Hamas and Iran 11 Executive Summary The United States 12 Preparations for the Annapolis meeting on the Middle East, scheduled for November 26 but still subject to change, are taking place in an atmosphere Success: Impossible or Merely containing hints of unprecedented compromise combined with deep skepti- Elusive? 13 cism on the part of the respective populations and of most analysts. The meeting will be immediately followed by months of negotiations where, it is envisioned, the difficult and perennial issues of borders, settlements, Jerusa- lem, the Right of Return, and security will be dealt with. Even if the leaders can reach a compromise, there are significant concerns as to whether their agreement will be accepted by their own societies. For 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the region. MEI offers program activities, media outreach, language courses, scholars and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the About the Author Middle East in America and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost author- ity on contemporary Middle East issues. -
The Geneva Accord Summary
ACCORD SUMMARY Accord principles: • End of conflict. End of all claims. • Mutual recognition of Israeli and Palestinian right to two separate states. • A final, agreed upon border. • A comprehensive solution to the refugee problem. • Large settlement blocks and most of the settlers are annexed to Israel, as part of a 1:1 land swap. • Recognition of the Jewish neighborhoods in Jerusalem as the Israeli capital and recognition of the Arab neighborhoods of Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital. • A demilitarized Palestinian state. • A comprehensive and complete Palestinian commitment to fighting terrorism and incitement. • An international verification group to oversee implementation. Description The Geneva Initiative is a model permanent status agreement between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine. The accord presents a comprehensive and unequivocal solution to all issues vital to ensuring the end of the conflict. Adopting the agreement and implementing it would bring about a solution to the historical conflict, a new chapter in Israeli-Palestinian relations, and, most importantly, the realization of the national visions of both parties. 1. Mutual recognition: As part of the accord, the Palestinians recognize the right of the Jewish people to their own state and recognize the State of Israel as their national home. Conversely, the Israelis recognize the Palestinian state as the national home of the Palestinian people. 2. Borders and settlements: • The border marked on a detailed map is final and indisputable. • According to the accord and maps, the extended borders of the State of Israel will include Jewish settlements currently beyond the Green Line, Jewish neighborhoods in East Jerusalem, and territories with significance for security surrounding Ben Gurion International Airport. -
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 1, 2008
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 1, 2008 Nongovernmental peace effort after the Annapolis Conference GENEVA INITIATIVE TACKLES DIFFICULT ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN WATER ISSUE As Israeli and Palestinian governments struggle with the “track I” peace negotiations, nongovernmental (NGO) representatives have made great strides in a “track II” dialog on a central conflict between their people: how water resources fairly should be divided with cooperation to face drought and other environmental problems. “I’ve participated in other meetings on these problems for 18 years and I’ve never felt we’ve been this close to a working agreement,” eminent Israeli engineer Hillel Shuvall proclaimed. Fadia Daibes-Murad, a Palestinian engineer and advisor to the Palestinian Water Authority agreed, “We are so much closer together than any time before.” Palestinian and Israeli engineers, as well as representatives with close ties to the Israeli government and Palestinian National Authority, met for three days of intense discussions on the difficult water issues between August 18 and 21, 2008. The water dialog was arranged by the Geneva Initiative (“GI”)– a Palestinian and Israeli NGO– and by a Quaker group – Annapolis Friends Peace and Justice Center– after informal discussions outside the Bush Administration’s November 2007 Annapolis Conference. Retired U.S. Ambassador John McDonald, who mediated the dialog, commented “When you get good engineers together to work on problems, they speak the same language no matter what countries they come from.” GI water experts will finalize the draft within the coming three months. The draft water agreement will then be offered to official government negotiators as a possible framework for water cooperation in the "final status agreement" that would bring peace to Israelis and Palestinians. -
Three Perspectives on the Second Intifada
Three Perspectives on the Second Intifada Perspective I: “What Caused the Current Wave of Palestinian Terrorism?” Source: Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs; http://mfa.gov.il/MFA/MFA-Archive/2003/Pages/Israel- %20the%20Conflict%20and%20Peace-%20Answers%20to%20Frequen.aspx#terror The wave of terrorism that began in September 2000 is the direct result of a strategic Palestinian decision to use violence - rather than negotiation - as the primary means to advance their agenda. Despite Palestinian claims to the contrary, Israel's so-called "occupation" of the territories is not the true cause of the terrorism, as negotiations could have peacefully resolved all aspects of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict well before the violence started. When the wave of violence and terrorism began in September 2000, the Palestinians originally claimed that it was a spontaneous reaction to the visit of then-opposition leader Ariel Sharon to the Temple Mount. However, later statements by Palestinian leaders in the Arab-language media contradicted this assertion. Neither did the report issued by the Mitchell Committee, composed of American and European leaders, give support to the earlier Palestinian claim. Consequently, Palestinian spokespersons changed their tactics and instead began to assert that the violence was a response to Israel's "occupation" of the West Bank and Gaza. This claim ignores events both before and after 1967 (when Israel came into control of the territories during a war of self-defense) that prove that the "occupation" is not the true cause of Palestinian terrorism. Not only did Palestinian terrorism precede Israel's presence in the West Bank and Gaza; it has often hit brutally at those moments, as in 1994-1996, when the peace process was making the greatest progress. -
Case Notes the Public Committee Against Torture in Israel V the Government of Israel*
CASE NOTES THE PUBLIC COMMITTEE AGAINST TORTURE IN ISRAEL V THE GOVERNMENT OF ISRAEL* THE ISRAELI HIGH COURT OF JUSTICE TARGETED KILLING DECISION Case Note: Targeted Killing Decision CONTENTS I Introduction A Israel’s Policy of Targeted Killing B Background to the Case C Main Focus and Structure of the Note II Summary of Judgment A Factual Background B The General Normative Framework 1 International Armed Conflict 2 Combatants 3 Civilians 4 Review by the Court III Critique of Selected Issues A Four-Fold Test 1 Well-Based Information 2 Less Drastic Measures 3 Investigations 4 Proportionality B Adequacy of the Four-Fold Test IV Conclusion I INTRODUCTION A Israel’s Policy of Targeted Killing On 9 November 2000, Hussein ‘Abayat, a senior Fatah Tanzim activist, was driving his car on a busy street in his village in the West Bank. An Israel Defence Forces (‘IDF’) helicopter fired three missiles at him, killing him and two women, Rahma Shahin and ‘Aziza Muhammad Danun, who were standing outside a house.1 ‘Abayat’s killing, less than two months after the al-Aqsa * The Public Committee Against Torture in Israel v The Government of Israel (2006) HCJ 769/02 (‘PCATI’), available in English from <http://elyon1.court.gov.il/eng/home/ index.html> at 18 October 2007. 1 Yael Stein, Israel’s Assassination Policy: Extra-Judicial Executions (B’Tselem Position Paper, January 2001) (Maya Johnston trans, 2001) 1. Melbourne Journal of International Law [Vol 8 Intifada began, marked the start of Israel’s policy of targeted killings.2 Israel has since publicly confirmed that the practice of targeted killings occurs under government orders. -
Zoom-In-Palestinian-Refugees-Of-1948-Remembrances-English-Hebrew.Pdf
ZOOM IN Palestinian Refugees of 1948, Remembrances פליטי 1948 בזיכרון INSTITUTE FOR HISTORICAL JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION SERIES Published under the editorial responsibility of The Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation Volume 2 ZOOM IN Palestinian Refugees of 1948, Remembrances פליטי 1948 בזיכרון Sami Adwan, Efrat Ben-Ze’ev, Menachem Klein, Ihab Saloul, Tamir Sorek, Mahmoud Yazbak Dordrecht 2011 Book design: Studio Tint © 2011 Institute for Historical Justice and Cover Design/Illustration: studio Thorsten Reconciliation and Republic of Letters Publishing Translations: Varda Azoulay, Avner Greenberg, BV, Dordrecht, The Netherlands/St.Louis, MO. Denise Levin, Ira Moscowitz, Shoshana London Sappir All rights reserved. Copy-editing: Zehavit Ehre, Hilmara Requena, All rights reserved. No part of this publication Thomas Smith may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form This book is printed on acid-free paper. or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication prior written permission from the publisher. Data Republic of Letters Publishing has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders ISSN: 2211-3061 to any copyrighted material used in this hardbound ISBN: 9789089790705 work. In cases where these efforts have not paperback ISBN: 9789089790712 been successful the publisher welcomes This volume is the English and Hebrew edition; communications from copyright holders, so that a second version is published in English and the appropriate acknowledgements can be made Arabic. in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. Authorization to photocopy items for Disclaimers personal use is granted by Republic of Letters The articles in this volume are the responsibility Publishing BV provided that the appropriate fees of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance views of the Institute for Historical Justice and Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Reconciliation. -
A Civil Dialogue About Israel
A Civil Dialogue About Israel I went to Amityville, Long Island with trepidation last week, to speak before a left-peace group called “PeaceSmith” (named for the deceased founder of the group, a woman named Smith). The event was filmed for local public access cable TV. I’m happy to report that the evening came off well. It was interesting to see that the audience included activists who were strongly pro-Israel (more protective of Israel’s honor than I am, in fact), as well as critics. Hany Khalil, the United For Peace and Justice coordinator for Palestinian matters (not his title, but largely his job) turned out to be a reasonable and civil individual. We had a nice ride back to the city on the LIRR. We don’t see the world and Israel in exactly the same ways, but if he were more representative of leftist temperaments on this issue, we’d have much less of a problem. It helped that I didn’t argue against the proposition that Israel has made mistakes or committed wrongs in the past (e.g., in terms of the refugees) and continues to perpetrate wrongs in the present. But I didn’t leave it there; I challenged anti-Israel positions that excuse or fail to recognize ongoing instances of Arab violence, both at the origins of the conflict when Palestinian fighters came close to destroying the Yishuv, before the state was proclaimed and in more recent times. I challenged Hany Khalil on the fact that the UFPJ does not take a stand for the two-state solution, choosing to be “agnostic” on one state versus two due to the influence of Al-Awda and other constituency groups who oppose Israel’s existence. -
Leveraging the Terrorist – Audience Relationship to Assess Evolutionary Trajectories
ABSTRACT Title of Document: TERRORISM’S COMMUNICATIVE DYNAMIC: LEVERAGING THE TERRORIST – AUDIENCE RELATIONSHIP TO ASSESS EVOLUTIONARY TRAJECTORIES. Daniel S. Gressang IV, PhD, 2009 Directed By: Professor David Lalman, Department of Government and Politics Terrorist groups do not operate in isolation. To survive in the face of counter- pressures from their opponents, the group must establish a beneficial relationship with a targeted audience, a presumed constituency, in order to generate the sympathy and support necessary for maintaining operational viability. Existing studies of terrorism, however, offer few insights into how this might be done. The most common approach revolves around assessments of terrorist messages, yet typically treats those messages as self-serving propaganda or media manipulation. This study takes a different approach, suggesting that terrorists use statements and communiqués in an effort to gain and maintain a supportive audience. Further, the intended audience for the messages infer meaning in terrorist violence, thus augmenting or reducing the impact of persuasive messaging by the terrorist. Understanding this process, in turn, may yield new insights into the dynamic processes of terrorism, offering new opportunities to assess a terrorist group’s potential for positive evolutionary growth or greater relative fitness. Using Grunig’s situational theory of publics, this study creates and evaluates a new metric, called expected affinity, for examining the terrorist group’s effort to establish and strengthen bonds between itself and its targeted and presumptively supportive audience. Expected affinity combines sub-measures addressing problem recognition, expected and desired levels of involvement, and constraint recognition, coupled with an inferred meaning in the symbolism of violent acts in order to evaluate terrorist messages and attacks. -
Turnover: What Are the Implications of Recent and Upcoming Changes in Hamas?
Turnover: What Are the Implications of Recent and Upcoming Changes in Hamas? Yousef Munayyer March 15, 2017 Background importantly the United States and other western players. Over the course of this time, Since its establishment in the 1980s, the the Fatah faction in the West Bank has been led Palestinian Islamic Resistance Movement, or by Mahmoud Abbas, who is simultaneously Hamas, has increasingly become an important the chairman of the PLO as well as the player in domestic Palestinian politics as well president of the Ramallah-based Palestinian as in the armed struggle against Israel. As its Authority. The Gaza-based PA, run by Hamas, ranks and its role have grown over the years, has been led by Ismail Haniyeh, who served so too has tension with its rival Palestinian both as prime minister and as head of Hamas’s political faction Fatah. Despite opposing the Gaza-based political organization. Oslo Accords, Hamas decided to enter into the Palestinian political fray in 2006 when it fielded candidates for the Palestinian An Internal Election Legislative Council (PLC), an Oslo-created institution, and ultimately won enough votes For the first time in recent memory, there will to form a Palestinian Authority (PA) governing be a change in the figures playing these roles. coalition. What followed, along with Haniyeh, who has been the Gaza-based Hamas opposition to such an outcome from the West, prime minister since Hamas ran in the PLC was an unwillingness on the part of Fatah to elections, came up to the end of his second partner in any sort of wider coalition.