De Tijd Dringt Kairos Palestina: Een Uitdaging Tot Vrede

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

De Tijd Dringt Kairos Palestina: Een Uitdaging Tot Vrede De tijd dringt Kairos Palestina: een uitdaging tot vrede NO WAR NO WALL Want hij is onze vrede, hij die de twee tot één heeft gemaakt en de muur van vijandschap heeft afgebroken (naar Efeziërs 2:14) Student: Carla J.M. Borgers e-mail: [email protected] 13 februari 2019 Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam Faculteit der Godgeleerdheid Theology and Religious Studies Masterspecialisatie ‘Peace, Trauma, and Religion’ Begeleiders: Dr. Katja Tolstaja Prof. Dr. Fernando H.H. Enns VERKLARING 1 Hierbij verklaar ik dat deze scriptie een origineel werk is. De scriptie is het resultaat van mijn eigen onderzoek en is alleen door mijzelf geschreven, tenzij anders aangegeven. Als informatie en ideeën uit andere bronnen zijn overgenomen, wordt dat expliciet en volledig vermeld in de tekst of in de noten. Een bibliografie is bijgevoegd. Delden, 13 februari 2019 VERKLARING 2 Hierbij stem ik ermee in dat mijn scriptie na goedkeuring beschikbaar wordt gesteld voor vermenigvuldiging en interbibliothecair leenverkeer, en dat de titel en samenvatting beschikbaar worden gesteld voor externe organisaties en door de Vrije Universiteit mogen worden gepubliceerd. Delden, 13 februari 2019 2 Inhoudsopgave Motivatie ............................................................................................................................................6 1. Inleiding ......................................................................................................................................7 1.1. Relevantie van het onderzoek ..............................................................................................7 1.2. Onderzoeksvraag .................................................................................................................7 1.2.1. Toelichting bij de onderzoeksvraag ..............................................................................7 1.3. Deelvragen ..........................................................................................................................8 2.1. Historie in vogelvlucht .........................................................................................................9 2.2. De oorlogen ....................................................................................................................... 12 2.3. Een ander soort oorlog, genaamd ‘intifada’ ....................................................................... 13 3. Het Kairos Palestina document .................................................................................................. 18 3.1. Herkomst en geschiedenis ................................................................................................. 18 3.2. Een inhoudelijke analyse van het Kairos Palestina document op bijbels-theologische en socio-politieke uitgangspunten ..................................................................................................... 21 3.3. Conclusies ......................................................................................................................... 27 4. Reacties op het Kairos Palestina document, een analyse ........................................................... 28 4.1. Inleiding ............................................................................................................................ 28 4.2. Kairos Palestina in de geloofsgemeenschappen ................................................................. 28 4.2.1. Reacties vanuit Palestijns-Israëlische gemeenschappen ............................................. 28 4.2.2. Reacties van kerken en christelijke bewegingen buiten Israël-Palestina ..................... 29 4.3. Conclusie ........................................................................................................................... 32 5. De discoursen in het Israëlisch-Palestijns conflict ...................................................................... 33 5.1. Inleiding ............................................................................................................................ 33 5.2. Joods-Israëlische discoursen en narratieven ...................................................................... 36 5.2.1. David en Goliath: Who is who? .................................................................................. 36 5.2.2. Safety first! ................................................................................................................ 37 5.2.3. Het is ons land! .......................................................................................................... 38 5.3. Palestijnse narratieven ...................................................................................................... 40 5.3.1. De orale traditie ......................................................................................................... 41 5.3.2. Films .......................................................................................................................... 42 5.3.3. Beeldverhalen ............................................................................................................ 43 5.4. ‘De ander’ in leerboeken ................................................................................................... 45 5.5. De rol van theologieën in het conflict ................................................................................ 48 5.5.1. Klein tegen groot ....................................................................................................... 48 5.5.2. Het land ..................................................................................................................... 48 3 5.5.3. Een God van gerechtigheid en vrede? ........................................................................ 49 5.5.4. Een poging tot een hermeneutiek van bevrijding ....................................................... 49 5.5.5. De rol van Protestantse fundamentalisten en evangelicale stromingen ...................... 50 5.5.6. Hermeneutiek als wapen ........................................................................................... 51 5.6. Deconstructie van narratieven en theologieën die de bezetting van de Palestijnse gebieden rechtvaardigen .............................................................................................................................. 53 5.6.1. De mogelijke rol van Kairos Palestina in het deconstrueren van deze narratieven en theologieën ............................................................................................................................... 53 5.6.2. De theologische uitdagingen ...................................................................................... 55 6. De rol van trauma in het conflict ............................................................................................... 59 6.1 Inleiding ............................................................................................................................ 59 6.2. Soorten trauma’s die een rol spelen in het conflict ............................................................ 60 6.2.1. Van generatie op generatie: transgenerationeel trauma en ‘chosen’ trauma ............. 60 6.2.2. Ongoing of voortdurend trauma ................................................................................ 62 6.2.3. Herinneren of vergeten? ............................................................................................ 63 6.3. Enkele conclusies ............................................................................................................... 64 7. Naar een rechtvaardige vrede ................................................................................................... 65 7.1. Inleiding ............................................................................................................................ 65 7.2. Conflict transformatie ........................................................................................................ 65 7.3. Transitional justice ............................................................................................................ 66 8. Conclusies ................................................................................................................................. 70 8.1. Suggesties voor gebruik van deze scriptie .......................................................................... 72 Bibliografie ....................................................................................................................................... 73 Bijlagen ............................................................................................................................................. 79 Bijlage 1: Kaart UN Delingsplan voor Palestina 1947 ...................................................................... 79 Bijlage 2: Kaart Oslo II met de gebieden A, B en C .......................................................................... 80 Bijlage 3: Palestijns landverlies 1946-2014 .................................................................................... 81 4 Pagina met opzet blanco gelaten 5 Motivatie In september 2016 startte ik met de Masterspecialisatie Peace, Trauma & Religion, waarin de verhouding tussen religie, geweld en trauma bijna voortdurend aan de orde komt en tijdens de colleges vanuit vele perspectieven wordt benaderd. Ik heb voor deze Masterspecialisatie gekozen vanuit een speciale belangstelling voor deze onderwerpen. Mijn werk als predikant binnen twee Doopsgezinde gemeenten heeft daar zeker mee te maken. Immers, doopsgezinden
Recommended publications
  • United Nations International Meeting in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace
    UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL MEETING IN SUPPORT OF ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE The two-State solution: a key prerequisite for achieving peace and stability in the Middle East Moscow, 1 and 2 July 2015 CHECK AGAINST DELIVERY PLENARY II International efforts to achieve the two-State solution Paper presented by Ms. Alla Shainskaya Member, Executive Committee and Presidium of the Congress of Meretz Party Tel Aviv CPR/IM/2015/12 2 Honorable Chairperson, Excellences – Ambassadors, Distinguished Delegates, Firstly, let me express my warm sentiments of gratitude for being invited to this UN forum, and for the opportunity to speak to you from this challenging podium. It is a great honor to me. Let me introduce myself. I am a scientist, an immigrant from the Former Soviet Union, from South – East of Ukraine. I am not a politician, but from my first steps in Israel, I was and still is a dedicated member of Israeli left camp. In a year 2003 I was a part of Israeli delegation in Geneva where the Geneva Accord was presented and symbolically signed by two sites. This agreement was and is the most detailed and practically most welcome by both sides, as we heard yesterday in excellent talk by Mr. Nidal Foqaha. It is hard to describe by words the atmosphere and the excitement of people during this only ONE day of the virtual peace! At this day we did not know yet, that Geneva Accord, like many others that followed and preceded it, like Clinton Parameters and Annapolis Agreement, The Road Map etc. will become a memory.
    [Show full text]
  • Annapolis, November 2007: Hopes and Doubts Contents
    The Middle East Institute Policy Brief No. 2 November 2007 Annapolis, November 2007: Hopes and Doubts Contents Introduction 1 By Paul Scham The Immediate Parties: Israel and the Palestinians 2 The Arab States 8 The Rejectionists: Hamas and Iran 11 Executive Summary The United States 12 Preparations for the Annapolis meeting on the Middle East, scheduled for November 26 but still subject to change, are taking place in an atmosphere Success: Impossible or Merely containing hints of unprecedented compromise combined with deep skepti- Elusive? 13 cism on the part of the respective populations and of most analysts. The meeting will be immediately followed by months of negotiations where, it is envisioned, the difficult and perennial issues of borders, settlements, Jerusa- lem, the Right of Return, and security will be dealt with. Even if the leaders can reach a compromise, there are significant concerns as to whether their agreement will be accepted by their own societies. For 60 years, the Middle East Institute has been dedicated to increasing Americans’ knowledge and understanding of the region. MEI offers program activities, media outreach, language courses, scholars and an academic journal to help achieve its goals. The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the About the Author Middle East in America and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost author- ity on contemporary Middle East issues.
    [Show full text]
  • The Geneva Accord Summary
    ACCORD SUMMARY Accord principles: • End of conflict. End of all claims. • Mutual recognition of Israeli and Palestinian right to two separate states. • A final, agreed upon border. • A comprehensive solution to the refugee problem. • Large settlement blocks and most of the settlers are annexed to Israel, as part of a 1:1 land swap. • Recognition of the Jewish neighborhoods in Jerusalem as the Israeli capital and recognition of the Arab neighborhoods of Jerusalem as the Palestinian capital. • A demilitarized Palestinian state. • A comprehensive and complete Palestinian commitment to fighting terrorism and incitement. • An international verification group to oversee implementation. Description The Geneva Initiative is a model permanent status agreement between the State of Israel and the State of Palestine. The accord presents a comprehensive and unequivocal solution to all issues vital to ensuring the end of the conflict. Adopting the agreement and implementing it would bring about a solution to the historical conflict, a new chapter in Israeli-Palestinian relations, and, most importantly, the realization of the national visions of both parties. 1. Mutual recognition: As part of the accord, the Palestinians recognize the right of the Jewish people to their own state and recognize the State of Israel as their national home. Conversely, the Israelis recognize the Palestinian state as the national home of the Palestinian people. 2. Borders and settlements: • The border marked on a detailed map is final and indisputable. • According to the accord and maps, the extended borders of the State of Israel will include Jewish settlements currently beyond the Green Line, Jewish neighborhoods in East Jerusalem, and territories with significance for security surrounding Ben Gurion International Airport.
    [Show full text]
  • FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 1, 2008
    FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE: September 1, 2008 Nongovernmental peace effort after the Annapolis Conference GENEVA INITIATIVE TACKLES DIFFICULT ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN WATER ISSUE As Israeli and Palestinian governments struggle with the “track I” peace negotiations, nongovernmental (NGO) representatives have made great strides in a “track II” dialog on a central conflict between their people: how water resources fairly should be divided with cooperation to face drought and other environmental problems. “I’ve participated in other meetings on these problems for 18 years and I’ve never felt we’ve been this close to a working agreement,” eminent Israeli engineer Hillel Shuvall proclaimed. Fadia Daibes-Murad, a Palestinian engineer and advisor to the Palestinian Water Authority agreed, “We are so much closer together than any time before.” Palestinian and Israeli engineers, as well as representatives with close ties to the Israeli government and Palestinian National Authority, met for three days of intense discussions on the difficult water issues between August 18 and 21, 2008. The water dialog was arranged by the Geneva Initiative (“GI”)– a Palestinian and Israeli NGO– and by a Quaker group – Annapolis Friends Peace and Justice Center– after informal discussions outside the Bush Administration’s November 2007 Annapolis Conference. Retired U.S. Ambassador John McDonald, who mediated the dialog, commented “When you get good engineers together to work on problems, they speak the same language no matter what countries they come from.” GI water experts will finalize the draft within the coming three months. The draft water agreement will then be offered to official government negotiators as a possible framework for water cooperation in the "final status agreement" that would bring peace to Israelis and Palestinians.
    [Show full text]
  • Zoom-In-Palestinian-Refugees-Of-1948-Remembrances-English-Hebrew.Pdf
    ZOOM IN Palestinian Refugees of 1948, Remembrances פליטי 1948 בזיכרון INSTITUTE FOR HISTORICAL JUSTICE AND RECONCILIATION SERIES Published under the editorial responsibility of The Institute for Historical Justice and Reconciliation Volume 2 ZOOM IN Palestinian Refugees of 1948, Remembrances פליטי 1948 בזיכרון Sami Adwan, Efrat Ben-Ze’ev, Menachem Klein, Ihab Saloul, Tamir Sorek, Mahmoud Yazbak Dordrecht 2011 Book design: Studio Tint © 2011 Institute for Historical Justice and Cover Design/Illustration: studio Thorsten Reconciliation and Republic of Letters Publishing Translations: Varda Azoulay, Avner Greenberg, BV, Dordrecht, The Netherlands/St.Louis, MO. Denise Levin, Ira Moscowitz, Shoshana London Sappir All rights reserved. Copy-editing: Zehavit Ehre, Hilmara Requena, All rights reserved. No part of this publication Thomas Smith may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form This book is printed on acid-free paper. or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication prior written permission from the publisher. Data Republic of Letters Publishing has made all reasonable efforts to trace all rights holders ISSN: 2211-3061 to any copyrighted material used in this hardbound ISBN: 9789089790705 work. In cases where these efforts have not paperback ISBN: 9789089790712 been successful the publisher welcomes This volume is the English and Hebrew edition; communications from copyright holders, so that a second version is published in English and the appropriate acknowledgements can be made Arabic. in future editions, and to settle other permission matters. Authorization to photocopy items for Disclaimers personal use is granted by Republic of Letters The articles in this volume are the responsibility Publishing BV provided that the appropriate fees of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance views of the Institute for Historical Justice and Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Reconciliation.
    [Show full text]
  • A Civil Dialogue About Israel
    A Civil Dialogue About Israel I went to Amityville, Long Island with trepidation last week, to speak before a left-peace group called “PeaceSmith” (named for the deceased founder of the group, a woman named Smith). The event was filmed for local public access cable TV. I’m happy to report that the evening came off well. It was interesting to see that the audience included activists who were strongly pro-Israel (more protective of Israel’s honor than I am, in fact), as well as critics. Hany Khalil, the United For Peace and Justice coordinator for Palestinian matters (not his title, but largely his job) turned out to be a reasonable and civil individual. We had a nice ride back to the city on the LIRR. We don’t see the world and Israel in exactly the same ways, but if he were more representative of leftist temperaments on this issue, we’d have much less of a problem. It helped that I didn’t argue against the proposition that Israel has made mistakes or committed wrongs in the past (e.g., in terms of the refugees) and continues to perpetrate wrongs in the present. But I didn’t leave it there; I challenged anti-Israel positions that excuse or fail to recognize ongoing instances of Arab violence, both at the origins of the conflict when Palestinian fighters came close to destroying the Yishuv, before the state was proclaimed and in more recent times. I challenged Hany Khalil on the fact that the UFPJ does not take a stand for the two-state solution, choosing to be “agnostic” on one state versus two due to the influence of Al-Awda and other constituency groups who oppose Israel’s existence.
    [Show full text]
  • Imagining the Border
    A WAshington institute str Ategic r eport Imagining the Border Options for Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian Territorial Issue z David Makovsky with Sheli Chabon and Jennifer Logan A WAshington institute str Ategic r eport Imagining the Border Options for Resolving the Israeli-Palestinian Territorial Issue z David Makovsky with Sheli Chabon and Jennifer Logan All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. © 2011 The Washington Institute for Near East Policy Published in 2011 in the United States of America by the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, 1828 L Street NW, Suite 1050, Washington, DC 20036. Design by Daniel Kohan, Sensical Design and Communication Front cover: President Barack Obama watches as Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu and Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas shake hands in New York, September 2009. (AP Photo/Charles Dharapak) Map CREDITS Israeli settlements in the Triangle Area and the West Bank: Israeli Central Bureau of Statistics, 2007, 2008, and 2009 data Palestinian communities in the West Bank: Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics, 2007 data Jerusalem neighborhoods: Jerusalem Institute for Israel Studies, 2008 data Various map elements (Green Line, No Man’s Land, Old City, Jerusalem municipal bounds, fences, roads): Dan Rothem, S. Daniel Abraham Center for Middle East Peace Cartography: International Mapping Associates, Ellicott City, MD Contents About the Authors / v Acknowledgments / vii Settlements and Swaps: Envisioning an Israeli-Palestinian Border / 1 Three Land Swap Scenarios / 7 Maps 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: the Annapolis Conference
    Order Code RS22768 December 7, 2007 Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process: The Annapolis Conference Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary At the end of November 2007, the Bush Administration convened an international conference in Annapolis, MD to officially revive the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas reached a “Joint Understanding,” in which they agreed to launch continuous bilateral negotiations in an effort to conclude a peace treaty by the end of 2008 and to simultaneously implement the moribund 2003 Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict. Both leaders are operating under significant domestic political constraints and they continue to disagree on many issues. Thus, their negotiations will be challenging. This report will not be updated. For background and future developments, see CRS Report RL33530, Israeli- Arab Negotiations: Background, Conflicts, and U.S. Policy, by Carol Migdalovitz. Background In early 2007, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice was said to have promised moderate Arab regimes that the United States would become more engaged in the Israeli- Arab peace process in exchange for their support for countering increasing Iranian influence in the Middle East.1 The Secretary made eight trips to the region during the year, initially to work with Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert and Palestinian Authority (PA) President Mahmud Abbas on developing a “political horizon” that would lead to a resumption of the long-stalled Performance-Based Road Map to a Permanent Two-State Solution to the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, issued by the international Quartet (the United States, European Union, United Nations, and Russia) on April 30, 2003.2 Each side maintains that the other has not fulfilled its obligations under the three-phase Road Map; independent observers agree that neither has done so.
    [Show full text]
  • Division for Palestinian Rights of the Secretariat, As Are the Full Texts of Papers of the Speakers Who Provided a Copy
    DIVISION FOR PALESTINIAN RIGHTS UNITED NATIONS INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE IN SUPPORT OF ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN PEACE “Peace is possible – frameworks for a way forward” United Nations Office at Geneva, 29-30 June 2016 16-16012 (E) 2 Contents Page Executive Summary ……………………………………………………… 3 I. Introduction …………………………………………………..……… 4 II. Opening session ……………………………………………………… 4 III. Plenary sessions ……………………………………………………… 12 A. Plenary session I ……………………………………………….. 12 B. Plenary session II ………………………………………………. 15 C. Plenary session III ……………………………………………… 19 IV. Closing session ………………………………………………………. 22 Annexes I. Summary of the Chair ………………………………………………… 25 II. List of participants …………………………….………………………. 29 3 Executive Summary The United Nations International Conference in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace was organized by the Committee on the Exercise of the Inalienable Rights of the Palestinian People in Geneva against the backdrop of new initiatives by the international community to reinvigorate the peace process, including the Quartet report and the French initiative for an international peace conference, and spark renewed interest in the Arab Peace Initiative. Participants agreed that the two-State solution remained the only way forward but hope was waning due to past failures of negotiations. Warnings were sounded that the status quo was unsustainable, and that if the political stalemate continued, the situation could explode on the ground. Participants analysed the evolving context of Israeli-Palestinian peace-making. The Oslo accords were signed at the peak of US influence when major powers had the political will and the financial means to reinforce progress on the peace track. The positions of the parties have since undergone major changes, marked by an Israeli drift to a hardline stance and a damaging Palestinian internal split.
    [Show full text]
  • Cumulative Impact Case Study
    Israel-Palestine REFLECTING ON PEACE PRACTICE PROJECT Cumulative Impact Case Study Much Process but No Peace: Israel-Palestine, 1993-2008 December 2008 Isabella Jean and Everett Mendelsohn 1 This document was developed as part of a collaborative learning project directed by CDA. It is part of a collection of documents that should be considered initial and partial findings of the project. These documents are written to allow for the identification of cross-cutting issues and themes across a range of situations. Each case represents the views and perspectives of a variety of people at the time when it was written. These documents do not represent a final product of the project. While these documents may be cited, they remain working documents of a collaborative learning effort. Broad generalizations about the project’s findings cannot be made from a single case. CDA would like to acknowledge the generosity of the individuals and agencies involved in donating their time, experience and insights for these reports, and for their willingness to share their experiences. Not all the documents written for any project have been made public. When people in the area where a report has been done have asked us to protect their anonymity and security, in deference to them and communities involved, we keep those documents private. 2 Table of Contents I. Background on the Reflecting on Peace Practice (RPP) Project and Cumulative Impact Case Studies ............................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Lessons Fromthe
    Why have Israeli-Palestinian peace talks ignored the importance of good mapmaking? lessons from the swiss cheesecheese mapmap by shari motro n september 1995, after months of tense negotiations over what would be Israel’s first signifi- cant withdrawal from the West Bank, the Israeli delegation to the Oslo II peace talks unveiled before their Palestinian counterparts the now infamous “Swiss cheese” map. The map was introduced just I24 hours before the agreement was to be signed. When Yasir Arafat saw it, he stormed out of the negotiating room. Uri Savir, Israel’s chief negotiator at the talks, recalls the Palestinian leader’s reaction: Arafat glared at [the map] in silence, then sprang out of his chair and declared it to be an insu≠erable humiliation. “These are cantons! You want me to accept cantons! You want to destroy me!” official oslo ii map The infamous “Swiss cheese” map. 46 September | October 2005 Up until that point, the Israeli team had insisted on focusing Said, who saw the agreement as a humiliating capitulation to discussions with the Palestinians on the text of the agreement, Israeli expansionism. which had gone through countless drafts—maps were o≠ limits. Some people claim that the Oslo process was deliberately As one of the soldiers accompanying the Israeli delegation, I designed to segregate Palestinians into isolated enclaves so that came to appreciate the meticulous care with which the verbal Israel could continue to occupy the West Bank without the bur- components of the agreement were negotiated. My duties den of policing its people. If so, perhaps the map inadvertently included translating parts of the agreement from English (the revealed what the Israeli wordsmiths worked so diligently to o≤cial language of the agreement) into Hebrew so that, as soon hide.
    [Show full text]
  • THE MEANING of ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN POLLS: WHAT THEY ARE WILLING to ACCEPT IS DIFFERENT from WHAT THEY WANT by Justin Finkelstein
    JANUARY 2015 THE MEANING OF ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN POLLS: WHAT THEY ARE WILLING TO ACCEPT IS DIFFERENT FROM WHAT THEY WANT By Justin Finkelstein Justin Scott Finkelstein is the Harvey Sicherman Fellow of the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He was previously a Research Intern and then Research Associate in FPRI’s Program on the Middle East, and a Program Associate for the Study of the U.S. Institute on Religious Pluralism and Democracy, a State Department-funded program that brings undergraduate students from the Middle East to America for education about religious diversity, democracy and dialogue. Finkelstein received a Master’s degree in Near Eastern Studies from New York University in 2012, where he was awarded a Foreign Language and Area Studies (FLAS) Fellowship in the summer of 2011 to study Arabic at the Middlebury Arabic School. This essay is based on a lecture he delivered to FPRI’s Butcher History Institute on “Teaching about Israel and Palestine,” October 25-26, 2014. The Butcher History Institute is FPRI’s professional development program for high school teachers from all around the country. As improbable as it may sound, over the past decade or so about half of Israelis and Palestinians have been willing to accept something akin to the two-state solution (as described in the box below) to end the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Even amidst the mayhem and turmoil in the Israeli-Palestinian arena over the past several months, polls have continued to show that there is no other solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict on which Israeli and Palestinian public opinion converge to such a large degree.
    [Show full text]