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Entrepreneurship and Capital Formation in France and Britain Since 1700

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Entrepreneurship and Capital Formation in France and Britain Since 1700 This PDF is a selection from an out-of-print volume from the National Bureau of Economic Research Volume Title: Capital Formation and Economic Growth Volume Author/Editor: Universities-National Bureau Volume Publisher: Princeton University Press Volume ISBN: 0-87014-197-X Volume URL: http://www.nber.org/books/univ55-2 Publication Date: 1955 Chapter Title: Entrepreneurship and Capital Formation in France and Britain since 1700 Chapter Author: Bert F. Hoselitz Chapter URL: http://www.nber.org/chapters/c1307 Chapter pages in book: (p. 289 - 336) ENTREPRENEURSHIP AND CAPITAL FORMATION IN FRANCE AND BRITAIN SINCE 1700 BERT F. HOSELITZ RESEARCH CENTER IN ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT AND CULTURAL CHANGE, UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 1. Introduction FROM THE END OF the seventeenth to the end of the nineteenth cen- tury the economic structure of Western Europe underwent a pro- found change. Cross national income grew at an accelerated rate, and the center of gravity of the economy shifted from primary to secondary and later to tertiary industries. The Industrial Revolution reached its peak in the first quarter of the nineteenth century in England and in the third quarter in France. After that, rates of growth declined in both countries, but the trend proceeded along paths whose basic contours had been traced in the decades preceding the turning point. In order to understand fully the role of entre- preneurship in Britain and France, and its relationship to capital formation and economic development, its place and function must be examined in the period when modern industrialism was ushered into these two countries.1 Unfortunately, we lack reliable data which describe precisely the magnitude of growth rates and concomitant changes in the eco- nomic structure of the two countries during the period in which modern industrialism was born We are fortunate, however, that there were several acute observers who had a predilection for "po- litical arithmetic" and who have left us computations of national 1Althoughthe approach in this paper is "genetic" in the sense that emphasis will be placed upon tracing the evolution of entrepreneurship and its relation to capital formation over time, I shall not discuss the wider problem of the "origin" of capitalism, or its earlier roots in late medieval and early modern economies. Also, I am aware that some writers, among them notably John U. Nef (e.g. "The Industrial Revolution Reconsidered," Journal of Economic History, May 1943, pp. 1-31), have stressed the development of industry in Britain and France in the period preceding the middle of the seventeenth century. The facts cited by this group of scholars are, of course, not disputed. But as I shall try to show, in spite of the presence of quite sizable industrial and commercial enterprises in this period, the economic center of gravity was still very firmly in agriculture and the techniques and organization of agri- cultural production underwent far-reaching changes only after the middle of the eighteenth century. 291 HOSELITZ income and wealth at different crucial periods in the growth process. Recognizing the many shortcomings of even the best and most re- liable of these estimates, we may, nevertheless, use them as bench marks which indicate (within tolerable limits) the order of magni- tude of over-all output and the shifting composition of national gross product. For Britain a very useful series marking the historical trend of national income and its composition has been published by Cohn Clark. His figures for France, especially for the earlier years, are derived from less trustworthy estimates and he has subjected them to less rigorous analysis. However, some fairly reliable recomputations of French national income in the period from the end of the ancien régimeto the end of the Napoleonic period have been published by A. Chabert, and these data, together with figures derived from Simiand's Le Salaire, and Clark's data for the more recent years also yield a useful and tolerably accurate series ranging over a long period of time.2 On the basis of these sources Table 1 has been con- structed to provide a general survey of the long-run growth of British and French national income and to indicate the gradual shift of the economic center of gravity from primary to secondary and tertiary industries. This shift may be measured either by the share of the national product due to primary as against nonprimary production, or by the distribution of the labor force among different branches of economic activity. The most striking difference in the growth patterns of the two countries is in the over-all rate and the timing. In Britain the level of income began to grow noticeably during the eighteenth century and made rapid strides forward during the early nineteenth cen- tury. In France it remained fairly level from the end of the ancien régime to the end of the Napoleonic period, then advanced slowly during the next thirty years until it entered a period of more rapid growth in the second half of the nineteenth century.8 2 For specific references see the Sources to Table 1. This point is confirmed also by a new "preliminary" analysis of the his- torical development of French national income by members of the Institut de Science Economique Appliquée, "La croissance économique francaise,"in Income and Wealth, Series Ill, Milton Gilbert, editor, Cambridge, Eng., Bowes & Bowes for International Association for Research in Income and Wealth, 1953, pp. 45-100. According to this analysis the annual growth rate of French national income in the period from 1780 to 1914 was 1.81 per cent, but the estimates of Dutens and Dupin for the period before 1840 yield rates between 1.20 and 1.61 per cent, whereas those of Simiand, Froment, and Pupin for the second half of the century show rates between 1.56 and 2.01 per cent. 292 FRANCE ANDBRITAINSINCE 1700 TABLE1 National Income and Its Distribution in France and Britain, Selected Years (for Great Britain all absolute figures are in millions of pounds; for France in billions of francs) . PROPORTION OF INCOME PERCENTAGE DISTRIBUTION NATIONAL INCOME EARNED IN OF LABOR FORCE IN In Current In Constant PRIMARY PrimarySecondaryTertiary Yn.4n Prices Prices INDUSTRY IndustryIndustryIndustry INDEX (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) Great Britain 1688 50.8 56.4 48 (41) 90 1770 127.8 126.5 (46) 101 1797/1800 217.5 171.8 (46) 128.9 1812 290.0 177.2 37 46 163.7 1847 370.0 381.2 21.9 47.9 30.2 96.8 1868 753.0 767.7 20 14.8 48.8 36.4 98.1 1883 1,120.0 958.0 12.8 49.8 37.4 117.5 1913 2,013.0 2,013.0 8.0 48.0 48.0 100 France 1789/1790 4.65 7.05 68.1 66 1810 6.27 8.47 74 1820 . 7.88 9.83 84.9 63 80 1850 9.7 11.85 43 38 19 85.5 1880 22.7 20.64 . 110.0 1910 33.5 32.21 33.0 46.6 20.3 104 1930 243.0 30.42 24.5 40.0 35.4 711 Figures for Great Britain for 1688 and 1770 are for England and Walesonly; figures for all other years include Scotland. Figures for France in columns 1 and 2 pertain to national income less indirect taxes. Figures in columns 4, 5, and 6 do not refer in all cases to the year listed but sometimes to the year closest to it. Source: All data are taken from Colin Clark, The Conditions of Economic Progress, 2nd ed., London, Macmillan, 1951, except as indicated below: For Great Britain: Data in parentheses in column 3 were computed by the writer. Clark's estimate of the proportion of national income earned in primary industry in 1688 seems too high, and recomputation of Gregory King's data yields the lower figure in parentheses. All data for 1770 were computed from the following three works of Arthur Young: A Six Months Tour through the North of England, London, Strahan, 1770, Vol. Iv; The Farmer's Tour through the East of 'England, London, Strahan, 1771, Vol. Iv; and Political Arithmetic, Part II, London, Cadell, 1779. The figures in columns 2 and 7 for 1770-1847 were recomputed according to the data in Arthur D. Gayer, W. W. Rostow, and Anna Jacobson Schwartz, The Growth and Fluc- tuation of the British Economy, 1790-1850, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1953, Vol. x, pp. 468-470. For France: The data in columns 1 and 3 were obtained chiefly from Alexandre Chabert, Essai sur le mouvement des reoenus et de l'actioité économique en France de 1789 a 1820, Paris, Librairie de Médicis, 1949, and Francois Simiand, La Salaire, Paris, F. Alcan, 1932, Vol. m. Some alterations were made in index numbers for the early part of the nineteenth century on the basis of the discussion by Chabert. 293 HOSELITZ These differential rates of growth are also correlated with the movement among industrial branches. In Britain, agriculture was the predominant form of economic activity until the late eighteenth century. After 1800 its relative importance declined and by the mid- dle of the nineteenth century only about a fifth of the total national product was due to primary production. In France a similar process occurred, but the shift from primary production to manufacturing and service industries occurred oniy during the reign of Louis Philippe and proceeded from then on at an accelerated rate. While Britain's secondary and tertiary industries made up a large part of the national product by the middle of the nineteenth century, France attained a similar position only shortly before the outbreak of World War I.
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