Licensing Leisure: The Chinese Nationalists' Attempt to Regulate Shanghai, 1927-49 Author(s): Frederic Wakeman, Jr. Source: The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 54, No. 1 (Feb., 1995), pp. 19-42 Published by: Association for Asian Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2058949 . Accessed: 23/03/2014 13:05

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This content downloaded from 130.132.173.206 on Sun, 23 Mar 2014 13:05:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions LicensingLeisure: The ChineseNationalists' Attempt to RegulateShanghai, 1927-49

FREDERIC WAKEMAN, JR.

Shanghaihas oftenbeen called the Parisof the Orient.This is onlyhalf true. Shanghaihas all the vicesof Parisand morebut boastsof noneof its cultural influences.The municipalorchestra is uncertainof its future,and the removalof thecity library to its newpremises has only shattered our hopes for better reading facilities.The RoyalAsiatic Society has beendenied all supportfrom the Council forthe maintenanceof its library,which is the onlycenter for research in this metropolis.It is thereforeno wonderthat men and women, old or young,poor or rich,turn their minds to mischiefand lowlypursuits of pleasure,and the laxity ofpolice regulations has aggravatedthe situation. (China WeeklyReview, June 14, 1930)

INTHE THREE DECADES BEFORE THE NATIONALIST REGIME SEIZED POWER in Shanghai in 1927, China'sgreatest city experienced the riseof modernindustrial entertainment. As Shanghaichanged from a pre-electriccity of pleasure,centered on teashopsand courtesans'quarters, to a garishlyilluminated metropolis of night-lifevice in cabarets, dancehalls, and bordellos,its inhabitants'leisure-time activities shifted correspondingly fromthe elite parlorto the mass movie theater; fromgames (majiang, huahui) to gambling(casinos, canidromes, horse racing); fromfixed regional pastimes (local opera in native dialect) to a more eclectic department-storeculture, where customers shopped for entertainmentby moving fromone floorto anotherin multi-storiedamusement centers that offereda wide varietyof merchandisedperformances; fromcourtesans to prostitutes; fromSino-foreign segregation to intermixedsocial intercourse; from"soft" pre-modern intoxication with opium and wine to "hard" industrial addictionto acetylatedheroin and distilledalcohol. As the domesticrituals of the householdgave way to the social moresof the racetrackor nightclub,private punctiliousness deferred to public policing. The new Nationalist leaders welcomed this opportunityto regulate Chinese Shanghai's entertainmentindustries, both to raiserevenue and to proveto the imperialistswho FredericWakeman, Jr., is the Haas Professorof AsianStudies and Directorof the Instituteof East AsianStudies at theUniversity of California,Berkeley. TheJournal of Asian Studies54, no. 1 (February1995):19-42. C) 1995 by the Associationfor Asian Studies, Inc.

19

This content downloaded from 130.132.173.206 on Sun, 23 Mar 2014 13:05:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 20 FREDERIC WAKEMAN, JR. controlledthe French,international, and Japanesesectors of the city-each patrolled by separatesemi-colonial police forces-that the Chinese were perfectlycapable of maintaining"order" (zhixu) themselves.Indeed, fromthe very beginningof the establishmentof a Nationalistmunicipality in Shanghaiin 1927, the Guomindang insistedthat if it could bringlaw and orderto the city,then it deservedto recover sovereigntyand abolishextraterritoriality in the foreignconcessions (Wakeman 1988). Even afterthe April 1927 purgeof the leftwing, the leadersof the Nationalist regime consideredthemselves revolutionaries. As such they were committedto modernizationwithout undue Westernization,which theyregarded as potentially corruptingand corrosive.They correctlyidentified Shanghai's "vice industry"as an extractivemechanism that could be used by the imperialiststo fleeceChinese citizens. It was thereforea sacredduty of patriots to police urbansociety by overseeingproper dressrules, guiding public demeanor, licensing places of entertainment, and regulating communicationsand traffic.Punishments for the "infringementof police [rules}" (weijing)had a direct impact on Shanghai's Chinese citizens. During the twelve monthsbetween July 1929 and June 1930, forinstance, the Nationalists'Public SecurityBureau detained,fined, or reprimandedmore than 29,000 Shanghainese fordisorderly conduct, disturbing communications, harming public customs,injuring others'persons and property,destroying evidence, and disturbingthe peace (Shanghai shi gong'anju yewu baogao 1931, table afterp. 108). The Chinese police force'sinterference in urbanites'personal lives represented the new state's effortto createa civic culture. This determinedquest to createa modernmunicipal culture was thus part of a national effortto make "citizens" (gongmin)out of "people" (renmin).Although some historiansnow claim to see the emergenceof a "public sphere"in late nineteenth-centurycities like Wuhan (Rowe 1990), the evidencefrom Shanghai of a strongendogenous "civic culture"in the 1920s and 1930s is not so compelling. There were collectivemovements, to be sure, but the appearanceof a civic culture-a strongmunicipal identity-was a creationfrom the top down: part of a largerplan, drawn fromSun Yat-sen's testamentfor national reconstruction, to build a new Shanghai(Shen Yi 1970). The Guomindangauthorities, striving to combatCommunist and National Salvationistmass movements,contrived their own municipal demonstrationsand political rituals. These symbolicevents, however, were ultimatelycorporatist occasions, arranged and led by partyand police agents, whose musical bands headed the paradesthrough Chinese Shanghai'sstreets. The Nationalists'effort to police societyculminated in the New LifeMovement in 1934. In a culturalpotpourri such as Shanghai,the justificationfor a conformist moral rearmamentcampaign seemed obvious. Afterall, how could the authorities hope effectivelyto licenseacceptable forms of leisurewhen "good" culturalevents wereonly one floordown from "bad" culturalactivities in theGreat World amusement centeron Tibet Road? The distinctionbetween "good" and "bad" leisure,between entertainmentsuch as modernfilms and storytellingand vices such as gambling and prostitution,was neverclearly drawn in RepublicanShanghai. This was partly because of conservativenativists' identification of "bad" leisurewith Westernizing influences,partly because a metropolissuch as Shanghai condensesand amplifies urbansubcultures, and partlybecause the cityitself was divided into fourdifferent sectors,each with its own definitionof political and social morality(see Fischer 1975). The necessityof whippingtogether an altogetherNew Life by combining traditionalNeo-Confucian fussiness with the barracksdiscipline of Chiang Kai-shek's

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Whampoa cadets seemed an attractivealternative to decolletage, expectoration, permanentwaves, and unbuttonedtrousers. Needless to say, when it came to discipliningShanghai's rowdy and restless urbanites,this intrusivedressing-down of casual habits, provocativeclothing, and slovenlycomforts only sufficed to arouseresentment. Even ifgood bourgeoiscitizens believedthat by not spittingon the sidewalkthey would be helpinggird the nation forwar withJapan, the police regulationof privatemores-however well meaning- was compromisedby other formsof maintainingthe regime'sversion of probity: the overwhelmingcensorship, especially after 1932, of books,newspapers, magazines, and movies. As authoritiesincreasingly linked moral licentiousness with political subversion, the formalpreservation of law and orderturned out to be mainlythe maintenance of order.Since law enforcementonly requires the assessmentof guilt, whereasorder maintenancealso entails"a disputein whichthe law must be interpreted,standards of rightconduct determined, and blame assigned," actions betweenthe Shanghai police and its citizenrymainly invoked the former(Wilson 1976:85). This police interferencenot only provoked mass resentment; it also, in the context of the National Salvationmovement of the 1930s, ran counterto the collective nationalismof Shanghai'surbanites. And because therewas a fatefulconfusion by the Guomindang authoritiesbetween anti-Japanesepatriotism and anti-Chiang radicalism-a confusionabetted by the Communists'claims of leadershipwithin the National Salvation movement-the Nationalists'attempts to regulatepublic lifewere identified by manypatriotic Chinese as a reactionarydefense of theprivileges of Shanghai's"playboys" against the city's immiserated"black insects." The Shanghaipolice authoritiesthemselves were sullied as well by chargesof collusionwith the Japanese. The Chinesepolice's readiness to controlNational Salvation demonstrationsin orderto avoid handingthe ImperialJapanese Army and Navy a casusbelli already linked the Nationalists,in some people's eyes, with appeasement well beforethe Marco Polo Bridgeincident. Even moredamaging, once the Chinese armieslost the battleof Shanghaiin the fallof 1937, was the readinesswith which manyformer Public SecurityBureau agentsjoined the puppet police at 76 Jessfield Road, called the "Hotel Lucrece" of Shanghai,after the Gestapo headquartersin occupied Paris. Political collaborationwas invariablyaccompanied by social corruption,which coincided with the displacementof foreigncontrol of modernvice industriesby Chinesemanagement. The illicittraffic in narcoticswas the mostprominent example of this formof importsubstitution: first, the imperialists'opium smuggledin by foreignsyndicates; then, the Chinese substitutegrown in theirown poppy fields; and finally,acetylated drugs like heroinand morphineprocessed by government- gangstercombines that broughtthe Chiang regime close to racketeerslike Du Yuesheng.When the Wang Jingweiregime was grantedcontrol of occupiedShanghai by the Japaneseoccupation forces, the Nationalists'henchmen in the Green Gang wereousted by rivalChinese gangsters and yakuza supportedby the puppet police and theJapanese Special Services.Revenues from the narcoticstrade, in turn,helped financethe puppet government. An analogousprocess took place in the gamblingindustry. In 1928-1929 the new Nationalistregime at firsttried to get the concessions'authorities to close down the casinos and racetracksoperating under extraterritoriality.They were partially successfulin the InternationalSettlement, but not in the FrenchConcession. After 1932, however,this campaign waned. Once connectionsbetween the Shanghai Chinese

This content downloaded from 130.132.173.206 on Sun, 23 Mar 2014 13:05:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 22 FREDERIC WAKEMAN, JR. police and the Nanjing regimewere severedby the Japanesein 1937, local law enforcementauthorities actually licensed gambling: first, in the "Badlands"of western Shanghai,then throughoutthe entirecity underpuppet rule. The same was true forprostitution, which continuedto flourishunder informallicense even afterthe Pacific War was over, partlybecause of the presenceof Americanmilitary men whose sexual demandscorrespondingly increased the supplyof prostitutesfrom the civil war-tornhinterland. Indeed, afterthe Nationalistsrecovered Shanghai, a special red-lightzone was establishedby the Chinesepolice. As we shall see, the sum effect of this political and social corruptionwithin China's metropoliswas to help bring about the delegitimationof the Guomindang,whose rule was compromisedin 1949 by the verysocial settingit had so firmlyresolved to reformin 1927.

Modernityand Its Vices

The population of Shanghai almost tripled between 1910 and 1930, from 1,289,000 residentsin 1910 to 3,145,000 in 1930 (Zhang Kaimin 1989:28). During those three decades of human growth the city underwenta profoundphysical transformation.

It mightbe saidthat reinforced concrete and theElectricity Department have made a newShanghai. From the flutteringlittle experiment for which the ratepayers votedTs. 80,000 in 1893, theElectricity Department has becomea giantwhich outrivalsGlasgow and Manchester,lights and heatsa cityof a millionand a half people,drives their trams and runsa hundredmills. Meanwhile, reinforced concrete has giventhe builders an easyand expeditiousmedium with which to satisfythe housefamine. As a visibleexpression of the restlessness and uncertainty ofthe age, a hundreddifferent experiments in architecturemay be seen, mostof them,it mustbe confessed,exceedingly bad, forwhich the bestthing that could happen wouldbe a holocaust.But alreadysome owners are tearingdown houses not ten yearsold to replacethem with huge blocks of flats. With land even three or four milesfrom the Bund selling for eight or tenthousand taels a mow(7,620 square feet),it is necessaryto economizein space.' (Green1927:9)

The InternationalSettlement was incandescentat night,"a vast crucibleof electric flame," its new 20-storyskyscrapers anchored to raftsof concretethat floatedon long pilings in the alluvial mud below (All AboutShanghai: A StandardGuidebook 1983:76). The redneon lights along Nanking Road illuminateda new urbanlandscape of grand hotelsand huge commercialpalaces (the Hong Kong and ShanghaiBank buildingon the Bund was the second largestbank house in the worldat the time) thataltered the culturallives of its foreigninhabitants (Pan Ling 1982:39). Novel formsof nightlife appeared: "Cabarets, nightclubs, Chinese sing-song houses, Japanese geisha houses, gambling houses and brothels. . . packed with polyglotpleasure- seekers"(Finch 1953:34).

'Between 1900 and 1935 the Chinese populationof the InternationalSettlement grew from345,000 to 1,120,000 in 8.94 squaremiles. Chinesehouses, however, increased during that same period only from52,000 to 82,000. There were then 200 personsper acre, but since this took in the foreignpopulation, the densityin the Chinese industrialdistricts was much greater(The China Critic,"Shanghai's Housing Report," 1937:34).

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Chineseentertainment patterns changed, too (Xu Zhucheng 1982:23). As early as 1903, movingpicture shows started to play a major part in the lifeof Shanghai people. By 1933 the big movie theatersconstituted an utterlyengaging arena for the young,who could findromance on the silverscreen above while courtingeach otherin the darkenedseats below (Tu Shipin 1948, part 3:40). They also served as palaces of high culture:"The firstshowing of a Hollywoodmovie . . . assumed the proportionsof a major event on the social calendar,with all the consuls and taipansattending in full eveningdress" (Hauser 1940:262). But Western theater and Hollywood movies were also taken as signs of degeneration.Movies were seductive media thatdrew provincial girls into the sordid lifeof the big city,as Ding Ling's firstpublished short story, "Meng Ke," depicted in 1927 (Spence 1981:184, 195). Westernization,in thisextreme form, represented the debasementof Shanghai'sChinese population,which was assailed on all sides by the temptationsof gambling, narcotics,and prostitution.To the Nationalists who took powerin 1927, therefore,it was absolutelyessential for Shanghai's future to establisha new civic culturethat would innoculateits inhabitantsagainst the vices of modernity.

The New Civic Culture

The possibilityof a new civic culturefor the Chinese-administeredportions of Shanghaiseemed about to be realizedon July 7, 1927, when General Huang Fu was formallyinstalled as mayorof the Special Municipal Governmentestablished by the Nationalistregime (Shenbao, July 7, 1927). Afterthe opening ceremonies, with martialmusic playedby the Shanghaiand Wusong police bands, Chiang Kai- shek invokedSun Yat-sen'sprogram of nationalconstruction. All eyes,Chinese and foreign,are focusedon theShanghai Special Municipality. Theresimply has to be a successfulcompletion of its construction. Ifall is managed accordingto the waydescribed by the zongli,then it will be evenmore perfect thanin the foreignconcessions. If all of the publichealth, economic, and local educationalaffairs are handled in a completelyperfect way, then at thattime the foreignerswill nothave any way to obstructthe recovery of theconcessions.2 (Shenbao,July 7, 1927)

Huang Fu also emphasizedthe importance of creating a modernmunicipal government in Shanghai "so as to pave the way for the eventual restorationof the foreign settlements."With the help of the partyand the city'speople (shimin),the newly appointedmunicipal administration would demonstrate the way in which"our Chinese people are spirituallycapable of reconstruction"(Shenbao, July 8, 1927). Civic culturewas to beginwith the maintenanceof zhixu.This repeatedemphasis upon bringingorder to the unrulyand chaoticlife of the citywas a primarytheme in the governingof the GreaterMunicipality of Shanghaifrom that verymoment of its inception.This is why the establishmentof a modernpolice forceto enforce 2The English-languageversion of Chiang's commentssounded this theme even more emphatically:"We must establishin Shanghai a real municipalgovernment, a municipal governmentwhich can comparefavorably with, if not be betterthan, the foreignsettlements so thatwhen the time arriveswe will be preparedto [takel the settlementsback. Foreigners then cannotobject to theirreturn on the old groundthat we are unpreparedto administer affairs"(North China Herald,July 9, 1927).

This content downloaded from 130.132.173.206 on Sun, 23 Mar 2014 13:05:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 24 FREDERIC WAKEMAN, JR. thatorder, a Public SecurityBureau (Gonganju),was envisagedeven beforethe new mayortook his oath of office(Shenbao, July 4, 1927). From the verybeginning, one of the major responsibilitiesof the PSB was the impositionof this new social orderby concretemeans: the controlof trafficand the licensingof vehicles(in the 1920s, halfof China's automobileswere on Shanghai'sstreets), and the supervision of leisure-timeactivities and the regulationof vice (Clifford1988:6; Shenbao,July 12, 1927).3

Narcoticsand Gambling

Shanghai'sworst vice, in the eyesof mostonlookers, was narcoticsabuse, which was a nationalproblem as well. Drug use was virtuallyineradicable during those years,when the illicit revenuefrom the narcoticstrade became such an important sourceof warlords'income. Accordingto one estimate,in the 1920s and 1930s, at least 90 percentof the world'ssupply of narcoticdrugs was consumedin China. Although heroinand morphineaddiction was on the increase,the most visible manifestationof this vice in Shanghaiwas opium smoking. Consequently,one of the firstacts of the new municipalgovernment was to set up an Opium Suppression Bureau (Jinyanju),which cooperatedclosely with the new Public SecurityBureau (Parssinenand Meyern.d.:2). Control(and evenlicensing) of opium-smoking divans did take place, but in generalnarcotics abuse was a much less manageablevice than gambling,which soon becameone of the primaryconcerns of the police throughout Shanghai. During the late 1920s and early 1930s, commercializedgambling in Shanghai existedon a largerscale than in any othercity in the world. In 1935 the Shanghai MunicipalPolice estimatedthat slot machinesalone in the InternationalSettlement took in approximately$1,000,000 per annum (letterfrom the Director-Generalof the ShanghaiMunicipal Council to the Commissionerof Police, cited in The China Critic,October 30, 1930). The turnoverfrom professionally conducted gambling, includingroulette and horseand dog racing,exceeded one million dollarsa week; and someclaimed that Shanghai deserved to usurpMonte Carlo's title as the gambling centerof the world (China WeeklyReview, July 13, 1929). Horse racing was initiallyan amusementof the foreigncommunity (Coates 1983:21-44, 113-30, 231-35). Trackmeetsat the Shanghai Race Club, which, withits adjoiningrecreation grounds, covered sixty-six acres of thechoicest property in the city, were originallyheld twice a year, during the firstweek in May and the firstweek in November(Gamewell 1916:46).4 Ordinarily,Chinese were kept out of the racetrackgrounds by guards-except on race days. On those occasions, Chinese could line up at the racetrackwindow and buy a one dollar ticketto get in to bet (TheChina Critic, July 27, 1935). The betsplaced by theseChinese gamblers constitutedabout 95 percentof the club's revenue,and as a resultthe Shanghai Race Club was said to be the wealthiestforeign corporation in China exceptfor one or two banks and shippingcompanies (China WeeklyReview, July 13, 1929).

3See, forthe potentialconflict between regular law enforcementand vice control,Westley 1970:143; Carte and Carte 1975:15-16. 4This was truealso at Tianjinand Hankou wherethe foreigners'race clubs wereestablished outsidethe extraterritorialareas, extending their grounds and buildings,and becomingcountry clubs whose propertyvalues increasedevery year (China WeeklyReview, July 13, 1929).

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An even more profitableform of trackbetting was greyhoundracing, which was introducedin 1927-28. The dog tracksfeatured parimutuel betting, which was outlawedin England. The ownerspublished daily advertisements in the Chinese newspapersand distributedfree admission tickets. If you did not have a freeticket, you could buy one forten cents fromone of the urchinslining the streetsleading to the greyhoundracecourses (Meng 1929a:420). It was estimatedthat greyhound racingtook about US$250,000 a monthout of mainlyChinese pockets (China Weekly Review,June 1, 1929, July 13, 1929).) But an even greatercause of gamblinglosses than dog racingwas the popular "huahui" numbersgame, whichappealed to upperand lowerclasses alike, "ranging fromrich people to the poorestricksha coolies" (Meng 1929b:334; Wu Yu, Liang, and Wang 1988:123) Each winner took home twenty-ninetimes his bet; the organizers,who werepowerful "local magnates"(tuhao), then pocketed the remaining 7/36ths of the moneywagered, or about $48,000 per day (Meng 1929b:334). Not onlydid gamblingencourage crime (armed robberies increased appreciably just beforethe autumnhorse races each year); it also was associatedwith the ruin of ordinaryurban residents who all too oftenlost theirmoney at the dog track,in a casino, or playing popular lotterieslike "huahui," and who ended up-in the slangof the time-by "takinga jump in the Huangpu" (tiaoHuangpu) or by leaping offthe roofof the Great World amusementcenter (The China Critic,October 30, 1930; Xu Zhucheng 1987:29; Browning1987:25a).6 Althoughthe SMP periodicallydid tryto close down gamblingestablishments and arresttheir operators during the firsttwo yearsof the new Chinese municipal government'srule, the latter'sPublic SafetyBureau officerscontinued to believe that the InternationalSettlement and FrenchConcession police forceswere not to be trustedto carryout a thoroughgoingcrusade against gambling. In theirview theywould be able to close down the "huahui" lotteryand othergambling rackets only by gettingtheir own governmentto requirethat the Settlementauthorities help themenforce anti-gambling bans (ShanghaiMunicipal Public SecurityBureau, 1928, jishi:53). In May 1929, consequently,the Chinesegovernment officially protested against public gamblingin the InternationalSettlement to the BritishMinister, Sir Miles Lampson,noting that greyhound parimutuel racing was actuallycontrary to British law and should thereforebe outlawed in Shanghai(China WeeklyReview, July 13, 1929). In responseto this pressure,British members of the Shanghai Municipal Council wrotethe Britishdirectors of the dog trackson May 25, asking them to restricttheir races to one nighta week and threateningto close the municipalroads leading to the race club entranceif the proprietorsrefused to comply(China Weekly Review,June 1, 1929). The greyhoundstadium proprietors asked, in turn, what the Council intendedto do about otherforms of gambling in Shanghai. Less than twenty-fourhours later, before dawn on Sunday,May 26, the ShanghaiMunicipal Police staged a spectacularsiege in frontof the building at 15 IC Bubbling Well Road, popularlyknown as "The Wheel."

5During this period jailai frontonsas well were built in Shanghai. See, fordescription of jailai betting,Mao Xiaocen 1963:128-48. 6A state lotteryadministered by the National State LotteryAssociation in 1934 under the Ministryof Finance was intendedto raise moneyfor aviation equipment and highway construction.500,000 ticketswere offered for sale everytwo monthsat $10 each, with half the funds($2,500,000) paid back as prizes. One could win $500,000 on a single $10 ticket, which was divided into ten sharesat $1 each (All AboutShanghai, 1983).

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The "Wheel Case," whichhad its firsthearing on June 12, 1929, was described in the pressas a "gang war" betweenthe British-ownedgreyhound gambling resorts (whose board membersand investorsincluded SMC membersand Britishpolice officers)and the Latin Americanand Chinese-ownedroulette casinos. Meanwhile, despitethe ordersto restricttheir races to one nighta week, the Britishdog track ownerswere able to maintaintheir profits simply by increasingthe numberof events theyran on a particularrace night(China WeeklyReview, July 13, 1929). The Nationalistgovernment refused to relent.As agitationfor the abrogation of the unequal treatiesmounted, the Chinese authoritiesdemanded that the Luna Park and Stadium be closed (China WeeklyReview, February 22, 1930). The SMC triedto stand firm,but the consularbody foundit difficultnot to respondto this pressure.On July8, 1930, the Nanjing governmentfinally announced that it would stop greyhoundracing in Shanghaiby issuingarrest warrants for Chinese employees and habituesof the dog tracks.Shares prices of the two enterprisesslumped toward zero, and shortlyafterwards the two tracksshut theirgates and wentout of business (Pal 1963:16; China WeeklyReview, July 19, 1930). But the FrenchConcession proper's refusal to clean up its vice establishments (includingclosing down its dog track,the "Canidrome"),was at the time blamed almostinvariably upon extraterritoriality(China WeeklyReview, September 26, 1931). Frenchtolerance of vice was also attributedto a kind of colossalcolonial indifference to the sufferingsof the native populationand a willingnessto toleratethe most blatant formsof criminalityin exchangefor bribes and favors(Han 1932:239). Except fora few desultoryraids, nothingmuch was done about gambling by the Frenchpolice untila short-livedreformist administration tried to get the racketeers out of "Frenchtown"(Martin 1992:296). Throughoutthis period, and on up to 1935-36, gambling continuedto be an annoyanceto the police forcesof Greater Shanghai,and to the Public SecurityBureau in particular.Efforts to controlthe vice were sporadicand ineffective,especially since gambling was part of a larger world of entertainmentthat included amusementcenters and dance halls (China WeeklyReview, January 26, 1935).

AmusementCenters

During the boom yearsof World War I, a Chinesemedicine millionaire named Huang Chujiu decided to build a modernamusement center for the commonfolk of the city.7It was opened on July4, 1917, as The Great World [Da shijiej(Scott 1982:75-76). The centralattraction of the originalamusement center was a set of severaldozen funhousemirrors imported from Holland. Later,cinemas were added, along with food standsand galleries.The layoutof the building resembledone of the moderndepartment stores on Nanking Road, so that customersmoved from floorto floor,shopping from one layerof entertainmentto the next: fromtheaters to puppetshows, wrestlers, singsong girls, restaurants, and gamesof chance(Carney 1980:19). Yet therewas also an air of the Chinesecountry fair about the building, with a rich offeringof regionaldrama and traditionalstorytelling (Scott 1982:76). 'The entertainmentmarketplaces of the Qing wereprecursors of the GreatWorld. These special sections in most Chinese cities were oftenno bigger than a large courtyard,but operaswere held therealongside stores and restaurants(Personal communication from David D. Buck).

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Illustration2. "Pilgrim's Progress." Reading counter-clockwise,the temptationsassailing our gaoyang("virtuous lamb," epitomizingthe righteousway of high Confucianofficials) are: Flesh, Dancing, Travel Guides, Bathhouses,Theater." Xiao Jianqing,Manhua Shanghai, 1935, No. 8.

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Therewere all kindsof opera here: Beijing, Shaoxing, Shanghai, Ningbo, Huaiyin, andYangzhou; there were conjurers, acrobats, film-shows and puppets; and besides all thesethings there were also placesto eat and drink. A ceaselessmedley ofsounds clamoured for every visitor's attention: the clashing gongs and drumsof theBeijing Opera, the stirring drum-beats and bugle-notesthat accompanied the acrobats,the plaintive melodies of theShaoxing opera. ... Yes ... thisreally was a GreatWorld, with everything that the heart could desire. It was quitetrue thatone had neverbeen to Shanghaiuntil one had beenhere. (Zhou Erfu1981, vol. 1:215)

Huang Chujiu wentbroke in 1931 and had to sell the amusementcenter to former Green Gang head Huang Jinrong(Ke Zhaojin 1985:5; Browning1987:25a). The amusementcenter thrived through becoming more licentious;it quickly acquired a notoriousreputation as a gatheringcenter for gamblers, prostitutes, and thieves (Ke Zhaojin 1985:5).

From Tea Dances to Taxi Dancers

The tea dance was one of the firstcultural events to bring the Chinese and Westernelites of Shanghai together(McCormick 1923:43). As Westerndancing became morepopular, it spreadamong Shanghai's"petty urbanites" (xiao shimin); dancingschools appeared, in some cases licensedby theauthorities (The ChinaCritic, April 1, 1937). Of course, the line betweenattached couples learninghow to dance together and solitarymales seeking part-time companions via the dance hall was not altogether distinct,but the latterpursuit proved to be overwhelming-no doubt because of the disproportionategender ratio in Shanghaiin 1930: 135 men to every100 women in the ChineseMunicipality, 156: 100 in the InternationalSettlement, and 164:100 in the FrenchConcession (Hershatter 1988:13-14; 1989:465). Public dancingin Shanghaiduring the 1920s had been moreor less monopolized by White Russian women, but around 1930 dance halls on the Western model began to open up here and in otherChinese port cities with Chinese wuni (dance hall girls).8By the end of the 1930s, fly-by-nightdancing schools were little more than glorifiedbrothels-which led the regularlylicensed cabarets and dance halls to complainbitterly to the police that theywere being forcedout of business(Yen Ching-yueh1934:103). The same unfairadvantage would be alleged later forthe travelagencies that spreadto Shanghaifrom the United Statesand Japanafter 1935 and offeredwomen as "guides" to males visitingthe city. The travel-guidehouses multipliedrapidly, accompaniedby a widespreadadvertising campaign. By 1937 about 100 of these agencieswere in the InternationalSettlement, employing about 700 womenas guides.

Prostitutes

As streetwalkersbecame common in Shanghai,the businessof prostitution became increasinglyimpersonal (Hershatter 1989:494). In 1920 the Shanghai Municipal "Dance halls, as a formof "good" leisure, offeredlonely urban males companionship and escape fromisolation (Cressey 1932).

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Councilcalculated that more than 70,000 prostituteswere in the foreignconcessions: 12,000 high-classchangsan; 490 second-classyao'er; 37,140 unregisteredstreetwalkers or "pheasants"(yeji), of which 24,825 wereto be foundin theInternational Settlement and 12,315 in the FrenchConcession; and 21,315 women workingin "flower- smoke rooms" (huayanjian, where men smoked opium and visited prostitutes afterward),and "nailsheds"(dingpeng or crib joints that cateredto laborers)(Sun Guoqun 1988:3-4; Hershatter1989:466). If thesefigures are approximatelycorrect, then in the FrenchConcession in 1920, wherethere were 39,210 femaleadults on thepopulation registers, one in everythree women was a whore(Sun Guoqun 1988:4). Altogether,it was estimatedat the time that Shanghai'sratio of one prostituteto every137 inhabitantswas the highestamong major world cities; Tokyo's ratio being 1:277; Chicago's, 1:437; Paris's, 1:481; Berlin's, 1:582; and London's, 1:906 (Yang Jiezengand He Wannan 1988:1). It was the presenceof prostituteson the streetsthat Westerncommentators foundoffensive. High-class cabarets and brothelsalong The Line (the International Settlement'sred-light district), such as Gracie Gale's glamorousAmerican bordello at Number 52 Kiangsi Road, were anothermatter. The era of Americanmadams and prostitutescame to an end with the Russian revolution.By 1930 therewere about8,000 WhiteRussian prostitutes in Shanghai,either working openly in "Russian Houses" (Luosongtangzi) in Hongkou and the FrenchConcession or as taxi dancers selling theirsexual serviceson the side (Hershatter1989:473). Americanand White Russian prostituteshad mainlyWestern clients, but the vast majorityof Shanghaiprostitutes catered to a Chinese clientele. Many of the girls and youngwomen who workedin Shanghaibrothels had originallybeen sold intoprostitution by familymembers. Many came fromHangzhou and Suzhou,where theywere bought cheaplyat a tenderage. In districtsbeset by flood or famine, they could be had fora couple of dollars apiece (Hauser 1940:268). Others had been seized by kidnapperseither in the countrysideor just aftergetting off the boat whenarriving in thisstrange and confusingmetropolis (Xu Huifangand Liu Qingyu 1932:79-84). The magnitudeof the trafficin childrenand womenwas extraordinary. Duringthe period 1913-17 the Anti-KidnappingSociety in Shanghairescued 10,233 womenand children,an averageof 2,533 cases per year(The China Critic,April 1, 1937). Brothelswere regulated by the police in the InternationalSettlement under By- law 34, whichgave theShanghai Municipal Council the rightto licenseall commercial establishments.By-law 34 was attackedby the Settlement'sMoral WelfareLeague, which opposed the medical examinationof prostituteson the groundsthat clients weregiven a falsesense of security,which encouragedvice. In 1919 the ratepayers voted to establisha Special Vice Committee,which submitteda reportin March 1920 advocatingthe ultimatesuppression of brothelsby a gradualistmethod: first, By-law 34 would be enforcedstrictly so that everybrothel had a municipallicense with an assigned number;second, everyyear one-fifthof the numberswould be drawn at randomand those licenseswould then be withdrawn.In this way, the Special Vice Committeehoped to eliminate prostitutionfrom the International Settlementaltogether within five years (Hershatter 1988:35-37). The SMC tried to ignorethe reportof the Special Vice Committee,favoring regulationover eliminationof the brothelson the grounds that if the houses of prostitutionhad no licenses,they would simplymove outsidethe Settlement.Also, if brothelswere not licensed, they would proliferate,and more police would be needed to suppressthem. However, in April 1920 the Special Vice Committee

This content downloaded from 130.132.173.206 on Sun, 23 Mar 2014 13:05:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CHINESE NATIONALISTS' ATTEMPT TO REGULATE SHANGHAI 29 broughtits reportbefore the ratepayers,who approvedthe proposal. Protesting, the SMC nonethelessbegan to take steps in May 1920 to license and then close down all brothelsper the SVC's instructions(Hershatter 1988:35-37). Within a year, 210 bordelloshad closed theirdoors. But all this did was to put prostituteson the streetwith-in the wordsof the police commissioner-"a consequentimpossibility of any effectivepolice control"(Finch 1953:226; Yen Ching- yueh 1934:103). The brothelssoon reopened,especially on streetsalong the Settlement borders; and when the new Nationalist governmentinaugurated the Chinese Municipality,protests were sent to the consularauthorities asking them to take stepsto close thesehouses of prostitution(China WeeklyReview, August 20, 1929). Yet at the same time, the 1928 banning by Chiang Kai-shek's governmentof prostitutionin all the citiesof Jiangsu, Zhejiang, and Anhui led to an even greater influx of prostitutesinto Shanghai (Sun Guoqun 1988:4). The result was a schizophrenicsocial policyon the part of the Britishand Chinesepolice authorities of Shanghai. While they ostensiblyopposed prostitution(The China Critic,April 1, 1937; Hershatter1988:42-43), theycontinued to licensebrothels. In 1936 the InternationalSettlement issued brothellicenses to 697 people; 558 people received licensesin 1937, 585 in 1938, 1,155 in 1939, and 1,325 in 1940 (Sun Guoqun 1988:4).

National Culture

These werealso years,of course,during which the Nationalistgovernment was devotinga large portionof its controlefforts to extirpatingCommunists. As the New Life movementwas later to demonstrate,in the eyes of the Nationalistright wing, politicalradicalism and culturalpermissiveness were cut fromthe same cloth. The ChineseCommunist movement was deliberatelytainted by its associationwith foreignBolshevism, and both were, in turn,linked in Nationalistpropaganda with attacksupon the Confucianfamily and with the advocacyand practiceof freelove. During the Nanjing decade of 1927-37, the Nationalist policy of outlawing prostitutionand gambling was thus one aspect of growingcensorious control of public life,including the expressionof politicalopinions.9 While it becamea crime in 1931 to criticizethe Nationalist Party in the press, it was also seditious to publishand disseminate"reactionary printed materials." Together with the British police of the InternationalSettlement, the Chinesepolice subsequentlyraided and closed down some twentybookshops publishing or circulatingbooks bearingsuch "ominous" titles as MaterialisticPhilosophy, Materialism and Religion,Oulinoff, the Materialist,Soviet Farmers, and Women(Shanghai Municipal Police Files, D-7873, April 14, 1927).

91n 1929 thePSB suppressed1,876 publications(484 at theorder of the central government; 1,392 at theirown instigation).Of the latter,564 wereclassified as "reactionary"(fandong), 793 as Communist,24 as "organizationfaction" (gaizupai), 9 as "nationalistic"(guojiazhuyi), and 2 as anarchistic(Shanghai shi gonganju yewu baogao 1930, table after76). A new municipal InformationInvestigation Office (Xinwen jiancha ]u) was chargedwith the responsibilityof censoringthousands of suspectperiodical articles (Shanghai shi gonganjuyewu baogao 1931:120). During the period July 1930-June 1931 the Shanghai Chinese police prohibited442 "reactionary,"2,320 Communist, 3 anarchist,23 "reorganizationist"(gaizupai), and 8 "nationalistic"(guojiazhuyi) publications (ibid., table after82). Meanwhile the SMP's S.3 (CID) censoredfilms and plays, as well as mail (ShanghaiMunicipal Police Files, D-8/25, October31, 1939 and D-1791/6, May 4, 1934; China WeeklyReview, January 19, 1929:347.

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This right-wingideological repression was accom.!panied by a consciousendeavor to providepositive alternatives to the "negative' cultureof left-wingradicalism. The governmentproposed to open in Shanghaia Nationalistbookshop where "the tastesof youthshall be ignoredand youthbe given what is good forthem," and at least one internationallecturer was broughtto the cityto guide the youngaway fromCommunism and into betterways (Isaacs 1932:76). Unable openly to organizepublic institutionsand deprivedof all but a few outletsfor their printed materials after 1930-3 1, membersof the leftmeanwhile foundrecourse in popular demonstrationson revolutionaryholidays (Wasserstrom 1988, ch. 5:11). A typicalpolice communiquedescribing these days commemorating, say, the May FourthMovement of 1919 or the May ThirtiethMovement of 1925, reads: "May 1, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, 9, 18, 21, and 30, being all anniversaries,strict precautionsshould be taken in the maintenanceof orderand peace, as it is feared thatreactionary elements [this was the standardGuomindang term for Communists] will avail [themselvesof I the opportunityof creatingtrouble" (Shanghai Municipal Police Files, D-7333, May 1, 1936). In preparationfor the anniversaryof May 30 the followingyear, 193 1, police of all areas of the city cooperatedin seizing over one millionhandbills and pamphlets,which was "believedto have been one of the most importantfactors in preventionof the usual disturbancesin Shanghaion the anniversaryof the studentincident of 1925" (ShanghaiTimes, May 31, 1931, cited in Isaacs 1932: 11). The authoritiesalso began to organizecounter-holidays to enforcetheir own vision of the new municipalcivic order. For example, the Shanghaibranch of the Guomindangnotified various public bodies on May 3, 1936, that: "May 5 being the anniversaryof the inaugurationof our revolutionarygovernment, the local party branchwill convenea meetingof representativesof variouscircles at its auditorium at 10:00 a.m. to celebratethe occasion. . . . The nationalflag should be hoisted, and separatemeetings should also take place to celebratethe anniversary"("The Anniversaryof the Assumption. . .," 1936).

National Salvation

The ManchurianRailway Incident of September 18, 1931, expanded the boundariesof civic dissentin Shanghaidramatically. On September22, 1931, thirty local universityrepresentatives gathered at the ShanghaiBaptist College to forman alliance of all the college Resist-Japan-to-Save-the-Nationsocieties (Wasserstrom 1988, ch. 5:20). The local Guomindang branch instantlytried to gain controlof this newly formedyouth league by foundinga Resist-JapanSociety (Kang-Ri hui) run by Party leadersand membersof the Chinese Chamberof Commerce.It also tried to steal the thunderof the colleges'Resist-Japan league by loweringflags on all government buildings to half mast on September24, 193 1, a day that was alreadydeclared "nationalhumiliation day" (Wasserstrom1988, ch. 5:19). The December 9, 1931, incident-in which studentsoccupied the Chinese municipaladministration building, sacked and wreckedthe Guomindang headquarters, held a kangaroocourt that interrogatedand beat a PSB detective,and issued a warrantfor the arrestof the commissionerof police-led to the resignationof General Zhang Qun as mayorof Shanghaion December 10 and provokeda spate of other

This content downloaded from 130.132.173.206 on Sun, 23 Mar 2014 13:05:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CHINESE NATIONALISTS' ATTEMPT TO REGULATE SHANGHAI 31 demonstrationsthat were treatedby the Japaneseas provocationslikely to lead to war (NorthChina Herald, January13, December 16, 1931; Wang Min, et al. 1981:140). Afterthe Japaneseinvaded Zhabei on January28, 1932, "the dancing girls disappeared from our cinema"-Communist filmmaker Xia Yan claimed hyperbolically-"andwe startedon the new road of courage" (Kaufman 1982:2). Once the "peace truce"was signed with theJapanese on May 5, 1932, the various police forcesof Shanghaiwere more than ever concernedto keep such stronganti- Japanesefeeling from providing another casus belli to justifyintervention. As members of the leftand of the CommunistParty sought to take advantageof nationalistic outrageagainst the aggressorsby mobilizingprotests against the Chianggovernment's policyof appeasement,the Chinesemunicipality's Public SecurityBureau linkedits assault against the CCP with continuingcontrol of urban demonstrations.l Authoritiesthroughout Shanghai feared"possible communisticuprisings" on September 18, 1932, the firstanniversary of the ManchurianRailway Incident (ShanghaiMunicipal Police Files, D-4003, September17, 1932). Requestsfor help fromthe PSB, however,mobilized all of Shanghai'spolice forces,including the Japaneseconsular police, on emergencystandby on thatparticular day. Theirpresence was so overwhelmingthat only one minor incidentoccurred. The Japanesewere much relieved,and a spokesmanfor the Naval Landing Partytold the press, "At no time in recentlocal historyhas thereever been seen such effectivecooperation takenby the authoritiesof differentnations for the preservationof peace and order in the city" (ShanghaiMunicipal Police Files, D-7333, September19, 1932).

Shanghai's Future: Utopia or Apocalypse?

The "peace and order"lauded by theJapanese was built upon the ruinsof major portionsof the ChineseMunicipality, and especiallyof bombedand burnedZhabei. The civic orderthat Mayor Huang Fu had hoped to achieve still remainedout of reach-even thoughWu Tiecheng,the dynamicand powerfulnew mayorwho sought to rebuildChinese-administered Shanghai after the January 1932 fracas,had similar visionsof his own. "If you will permitme to guide yourthoughts into a state of idealism," he told his fellowcitizens, "you will forma picturein yourmind of a city,a sortof Utopia, which embodiesthe world'slatest and most approvedform of municipalgovernment. . . . Such is the GreaterShanghai that we would like to see" (Wu Tiecheng 1933:frontispiece). It was not difficultto parodysuch a utopianfantasy. Ming San wrotethat the Shanghaiof the futurewould be "modernized"(jinhua) into a "heavenon top of a heaven"where there would no beggers,no criminals,no vagabonds,no homeless.1 '0The tone of this public securitycampaign remainedfairly uniform until the Xi'an Incident.For example,on May 3, 1936, the anniversaryof theJi'nan Incident, the Shanghai authorities,on the one hand, flew theirflags at half-mast;and, on the other,took special precautionsagainst "reactionary"[i.e., Communist]elements. "Extra police wereposted for duty by the police authoritiesof the InternationalSettlement, the FrenchConcession, and Chinese-controlledterritory, while motorcyclepatrolling corps were mobilized, patrolling in the variousdistricts so as to avoid reactionaryelements creating disturbances and to guard against unauthorizedmeetings and processions"(Zhongyang ribao, May 4, 1936). "The description"heaven on top of a heaven" was playing offof Xia Yan's famous descriptionof Shanghai as "a city of forty-eight-storeyskyscrapers built upon twenty-four layersof hell" (Xia Yan 1978:26).

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"The streetswill be filledonly with the most illustrious,with celebrities,with the most successful,with the gentry,with philanthropists,and with the geniusesof the InternationalSettlement, including great foreign men and theirwives." Youth will be "modernized"(modenghua) into the "modernboy" (mopu)with a foreignsuit and moustache,and the "moderngirl" (moge)with a permanentwave and high- heeled shoes; and when these membersof the opposite sex meet each other,they will speak togetherin a foreignlanguage (Xin Zhonghua zazhi she, 1934:2). Yang Yibo, on the otherhand, was too deeply depressedby the devastation Shanghaisuffered from the Japaneseto be so sanguine-even in sarcasm.

Shanghaiis a seethingcauldron. Did younot see thephenomenon several months ago whenthe Huangpu River in ragingtide overflowed its banksand completely washedaway the major roads? This appearsto be exactlylike thefirst act of the greatmasses of Chinataking back Shanghai by force.A Chinesepoet's prophetic wordswent something like this(I rememberjust the generalmeaning): "Along thesesmooth and well oiled streets/ Thereis goingto explodea mountainof fire."Is thattrue? I hopeutterly to destroythis old Shanghai,to smashasunder thisoriental bastion of imperialist domination, to interforever those golden dreams of bloodsuckingvampires! Rage on, Shanghai! (Xin Zhonghuazazhi she, 1934:10-11).

Slightly less apocalyptic, though strikinglyKafkaesque, was Liu Mengfei's prognosticationof Shanghai'sfuture, when therewould no longerbe a distinction between"masters" and "slaves," between"high-level Chinamen" and the shriveled beggarsof the sidewalk,between the oppressorsand the "black insects."The poor people will move fromtheir rat holes to the "high-risemansions" (gaolou dasha) of the "playboys"(anlegong), who will fleeby airplaneto some distantplace wherethey can continueto be pampered.The Britishand Frenchbarracks will be blown up and the foreignbanks, factories,and printingpresses will be taken over by the masses, the "black insects,"who will enjoy an ultimateand total victoryover the imperialists(Xin Zhonghua zazhi she, 1934:5).

New Life

It was preciselyto hold back the tide of "black insects"that the Shanghaiparty branchof the Guomindanginitiated the New Life Movementon April 8, 1934. By April 11, more than 5,000 people had registeredwith the ShanghaiNew Life Movement AccelerationAssociation; and, during the next three days, public propagandameetings were held at the recreationground in Wusong, followedby lanternprocessions through the streets(Shanghai Municipal Police Files, D5729/1, April 17, 1934). At the end of the firstweek of the New Life Movement,another lanternprocession involved more than six thousandpeople, including500 members of the Peace PreservationCorps, 300 PSB policemen,and 100 militarypolicemen. The parade began at 6:00 p.m., wound its way throughSouth Market,and broke up at 10: 10 p.m. at West Gate (ShanghaiMunicipal Police Files, D-5729/1, April 17, 1934). The new civic centerat Jiangwanwas supposed to be the symboliccenter of this movement. But only the town hall had been finished in time for the demonstrations;the library,museum, and municipal stadium were still under

This content downloaded from 130.132.173.206 on Sun, 23 Mar 2014 13:05:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CHINESE NATIONALISTS' ATTEMPT TO REGULATE SHANGHAI 33 construction(Henriot 1983:250-5 1). Consequently,the New Life Movementlacked a ceremonialforum-a concentratedarena to celebratemass spontaneityand elevate it to a formof ritualizedpolitical consciousness.It remaineda top-downaffair, organizedwith the help of thepolice and the local partyorganization, which worked mainlythrough professional groups, educational institutions, and otherorgans open to GMD manipulation.By the end of May 1934, it was beginningto decline into routine,although the Chinesepolice continuedto tryto enforcetheir own regulations of public conductalong New Life lines (ShanghaiMunicipal Police Files, D-5729, April 3, May 9, 1934; Shanghaishi gonganju,File 21). Of course, radical right-wingcore groups continuedto wage culturalwar on the left. The Blue Shirtsraided the Yihua Film Company,which was dominated by undergroundCCP members,and warnedthat theirSociety for the Eradication of Communistsin the Film Industrywas going to "cleanse the culturalworld" of makersof leftistfilms. These bully-boytactics went hand-in-handwith the work of the GMD censors,who rejectedeighty-three film scripts and closed fourteenfilm studiosbetween 1934 and 1935 (Kaufman 1982:2-3; Hunter 1973:263). The leftfought back as best it could. Censorswere bribed,pseudonyms were used, and "pigeon films"were made to draw the censors'fire on purposeso that one's crucialline of protestin a seriousfilm would get through.The greatestleftist coup in the cinema world was conductedby Xia Yan, who got the supportof Chiang Kai-shekand Madame Chiang fora film, "Morals of Women," releasedat the beginningof the New LifeMovement (Kaufman 1982:2-3). In the meantime, filmmakersalso had to cope with the censorsof the InternationalSettlement and FrenchConcession with seventeen and eightcinemas, respectively. In 1937 theSMP and Frenchpolice censored 451 featurefilms, 932 shorts,and 269 newsreels(Shanghai Municipal Council, 1938:95). Attackson movieswere part of the largereffort at censorshipthat deeply affected the culturallife of Shanghai.In February1934 the Guomindangbanned 149 books in Shanghai and forbadethe circulationof seventy-sixmagazines, including The Dipperand LiteratureMonthly. More than twenty-fivebookstores were threatened with closing because theysold the worksof Lu Xun, Guo Moruo, Mao Dun, and Ba Jin. The followingJune, just afterthe New LifeMovement began to wind down, a law made it compulsoryfor publishers to submit all manuscriptsfor books and magazinesto a specialcommittee for inspection before they could be printed(Hunter 1973:265-66, 273).

National Salvation

The maintargets of Chinese Nationalist censorship were Communist and "National Salvation"publications. The Public SecurityBureau frequently requested International Settlementpolice aid in seizing such materials,but, althoughthe SMP needed no special urging to ferretout Communistpropagandists, it hesitatedto confiscate "National Salvation"materials (Shanghai Municipal Police Files, D-7855, April 6, 1937). The InternationalSettlement authorities were reluctantto persecute"National Salvation"patriots because the line betweenpatriotism and radicalismwas becoming blurredas the ImperialJapanese armies expanded into North China and as the Nanjing regime stolidlystuck to its determinationfirst to annei (subjugate the

This content downloaded from 130.132.173.206 on Sun, 23 Mar 2014 13:05:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 34 FREDERIC WAKEMAN, JR. internalenemy, the Communists)before rangwai (expelling the externalenemy, the Japanese).Gradually the New LifeMovement paled beside this much morestriking nationalissue, especiallyafter the DecemberNinth Movementerupted in 1935 and was capturedby the left. The Xi'an Incidentchanged this alignmentvirtually overnight. After Chiang Kai-shek was releasedon ChristmasDay 1936, therewas a spontaneoussurge of public supportfor the Generalissimo.The Shanghai Guomindangbranch leader, Wu Kaixian,decided to harnessthis support by holdinga massmeeting on December 28 (ShanghaiMunicipal Police Files, D7674A, December 29, 1936). The mammothcivic rally of 150,000 people that subsequentlyassembled at thepublic recreationgrounds opened by singingthe Guomindanganthem and bowing in respectto the nationaland partyflags and to the portraitof Dr. Sun Yat-sen. (The crowdestimate was that of the ShanghaiTimes. The police estimated30,000 persons,mainly students.) After three minutes of silence in honorof the comrades killedin the Xi'an Incident,Dr. Sun's will was readaloud, membersof thepresidium made a reportto the audience, Wu Kaixian gave an oration,and shortspeeches weredelivered by representativesof local public bodies. The crowdpassed a resolution to send a telegramto GeneralChiang, welcominghim back to Nanjing and hailing him "as the sole nationalleader of China in view of his greatpersonality and the meritoriousservice he had renderedto the country."Then the enormouscrowd conducted"one of the biggestand most colorfulparades staged in recentyears in Shanghai." Led by the musical bands of the PSB and Shanghai-WusongGarrison force,the processionmarched for nearlyfour hours throughNandao, while two airplaneschartered by the China AviationClub scatteredcolored paper slips with pro-Chiangslogans along the way. Similarmeetings, followed by processions,were held in Pudong,Jiangwan, and Wusong, witha totalof 12,000 people participating (ShanghaiTimes, December 29, 1936). The December 1936 rallywas the regime'smost successfulcounter-procession. Like the radicalpolitical assemblies it was intendedto displace,the rallywas supposed to mobilize public supportto help createa commonsense of civic culture. When we compareit to such urban activitiesof late-imperialChinese cities as ritualized competitionsbetween various labor groups,it is easy to see how much of this new civic culturehad to be fabricatedab novoby political authoritiesboth licit and clandestine.12

Wartime Shanghai

Afterthe battleof Shanghaiin August 1937, when the Japaneseoccupied the Chinesesectors of the city,an illusoryair of prosperity,even frivolity,settled over the foreignconcessions (Honig 1982:28; but see also Fu 1989:9-13). The various authoritiesof the citywere initially too preoccupiedby refugeesettlement problems to pay much attentionto the westernsuburbs outside the InternationalSettlement- an area that quickly became known as the "Badlands" afterthe regularPSB fell underJapanese domination and lawless elementswere allowed to roam unchecked there(Ma Jun 1988:206-8). Gamblingflourished, and kidnapping,extortion, highway robbery,and murderbecame rampant ("Shanghai Mayor . ." 1941:3-4). "A large 12 Note the utterabsence of collectivedemonstrations in Hankou beforethe mid-1890s, as describedin Rowe 1989:207. For "ritualizedcompetitions," see ibid.:239-240.

This content downloaded from 130.132.173.206 on Sun, 23 Mar 2014 13:05:48 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions CHINESE NATIONALISTS' ATTEMPT TO REGULATE SHANGHAI 35 criminalcommunity has graduallyestablished itself around the gamblingoperations organizedin thatarea, and this has in recentmonths been furtherincreased by the formationof large political and plainclothesarmed groups. Any man bringinga pistol can enlist in such groups" (Bourne 1939). The "largepolitical and plainclothesarmed groups" referred to the paramilitary, gangster,and collaborationistelements associated with 76 JessfieldRoad, the address of the ominousmansion that was the headquartersof the puppet secretpolice (Yeh 1987). Manyof thesepolicemen were former members of the Public SecurityBureau who had agreed to serve the Japaneseand who were now "musclingin" on the gambling racketsin the Badlands (China WeeklyReview, August 2, 1941). Their leader was the head of the puppet Special Servicesand defensecorps, Wu Subao, popularlycalled the "king of racketeers"("Wang's Moral Crusade . . ." 1941:108). Althoughthe puppet citygovernment of Shanghaiunder Mayor Chen Gongbo orderedall of the gambling dens in the Badlands to close down in the springof 1941, at least fourmajor casinos-luxurious gaming resortsoperating in severalof the large countryhouses with imposinggates and long drivewayslocated west of the city-continued to keep theirdoors open (ShanghaiMunicipal Police Files, D- 8039A, May 15, 1941; "Shanghai Mayor . . ." 1941:2-4). The ownersof these fourgambling dens had an "understanding"with Wu Subao and theJapanese military police wherebya daily protectionfee of $15,000 was paid to the "East Asia Charity Association,"headed by one of the seniorJapanese police officers(China Weekly Review,August 2, 1941). Meanwhile,other rackets were also thrivingin occupied Shanghai. The drug trade surged, both nationallyand in Shanghai, afterthe Japanesespecial services organs began to carryout a "narcotization"policy that was expected to raise $300,000,000 per yearwhen fullyimplemented (reports from U.S. TreasuryAgent Nicholson, in Parssinenand Meyer, n.d.:49). In Shanghai'sBadlands, forty-two opium hongs reportedlyhad been grantedlicenses by the Japaneseand municipal authoritiesin exchangefor certain fees (Shanghai Municipal Police Files, D-8039, March 15, 1941). By June 1941 thesegambling houses and opium dispensingdives constituted a chiefsource of incomefor the puppet Nanjing government.Monthly receipts from these racketscame to about $3,750,000, of which $750,000 was contributedin the formof "special taxes" to the Treasuryin Nanjing. Smallersums were given to local municipalofficials. Journalists estimated that thesepayments amounted to 50 percentof the gross income of the gambling houses ("Wang's Moral Crusade . . ." 1941:108; "Wave of Local Terror. . ." 1941:361). At this same time, however,the Japanesehome governmentwas becoming concernedabout the stupendousextent of crime in occupied Shanghai(Wakeman 1994:29-30). AmbassadorHonda Kumatarowas recalledto Tokyo both to prepare fora statevisit from Wang Jingweiin June 1941 and to put pressureon the puppet rulerto clean up some of Shanghai'smore egregious vices ("Wang's Moral Crusade .. ." 1941:108). Even beforesetting sail for Japan, Wang Jingwei had ordered his police commissionerin the Badlands,C. C. Pan (Pan Da), to close all the gamblinghouses betweenMay 31 and June 2. Mayor Chen Gongbo firmlysupported this plan. Special Serviceschief Wu Subao managedtemporarily to thwartWang's plans (Cai Dejin 1987:108-9; China WeeklyReview, July 12, 1941). When CommissionerPan learnedthat the gamblingban was being ignored,he personallyled a raid on two of the biggestcasinos. But he could not singlehandedlyprevail. The otherBadlands

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"joints" were neverforced to close, and a major new casino was opened in one of Shanghai'sbest residentialdistricts (Cai Dejin 1987:109; China WeeklyReview, July 26, August 2, 1941). The Nationalistgovernment tried to make the best propagandause it could of theWang Jingweiregime's toleration of massivevice activitiesin Shanghai(Wakeman 1994:30). Chiang Kai-shek personallysent a note in July 1941 to the Shanghai pressexcoriating the puppetsand calling fora fightagainst gambling and opium. In self-defense,puppet MayorChen Gongbo subsequentlyinsisted upon havingthe regularChinese police take overthe Badlands operations(China WeeklyReview, July 12, 1941). In lateJuly 1941 GeneralLu Ying, directorof the ShanghaiSpecial Municipality police headquarteredin Nandao, senthis assistantsto seize controlof Commissioner C. C. Pan's WesternDistrict Special Police headquarters.13 The coup was a momentary success.On August 16, CaptainWu Subao was removedfrom his post at 76 Jessfield Road. The "king of racketeers"refused to departfrom Shanghai, but at least his criminalactivities had to be conductedunder otherguises (China WeeklyReview, July 12, August 2, 1941; Argus 1941). By then the harm had been done, at least as faras Wang Jingwei'sfate was concerned.Wang's associationwith these gangstersbadly tarnishedhis "reform" government,and his decision in November 1941 to lift the ban on prostitution (whichfurther inundated Shanghai with unlicensed streetwalkers) simply confirmed earlierimpressions of corruptand tawdrymisrule (Sun Guoqun 1988:4). By the end of 1942, in fact,Japanese occupation authorities reported a totalof 3,900 licensed brothelsthroughout the city(Yang Jiezengand He Wannan 1988:3). Wang Jingwei hoped to win patrioticloyalty and internationalesteem when the Japanese transferred sovereigntyover the foreignconcessions to Chinese hands on August 1, 1943.14 But as vice continuedto flourishduring the remainingyears of the PacificWar with the help ofJapanese yakuza working hand-in-glove with militaryand civilian police, Shanghai'sown internalcivic orderseemed irreparably eroded; it was riddled with corruptionand corrodedby collaboration(Tang Zhenchang,et al. 1989:829, 846-48).

PostwarShanghai

Licensed night-lifecontinued after the Pacific War was over. Shanghai's demimondeseemed irrepressible,dancing to Li Jinhui'scatchy "yellow music" in the cabaretsand dance halls of the now unifiedChinese city. One banal favorite, "Ye Shanghai"(Shanghai Night), had these lyrics:

Shanghaiis nota darkcity at night. Onlyseeing her smiling face, who can be gloomyat heart? I wouldnot exchange the new heaven on earthfor any other place. (Scott1982:70-72)

13The WesternShanghai Area Special Police Force was a hybridunit formedof Chinese and foreignpolicemen after Mayor Chen Gongbo and SMC ChairmanW. J. Keswick signed a special agreementon February1, 1941 (Wakeman 1994:24-25). 4Until then,the SMP and Frenchpolice continuedto operatequasi-independently. British and Frenchofficers, in otherwords, collaborated with theJapanese authorities (Wasserstein 1994).

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The AmericanGIs who arrivedin 1945 broughtwith them an extraordinary demandfor prostitutes, and unlicensedbrothels appeared all overthe city,causingthe Nationalistchief of police in March 1946 to turnHongkou's Lanqiao precinctinto a controlledred light zone (fenghuaqu) (Yang Jiezengand He Wannan 1988:4). Taxi dancersflourished, and the waltz,fox trot, and tangorecovered all thepopularity thesedances had enjoyedbefore Pearl Harbor. At the Wing On Company'sSeventh Heaven ballroom: The orchestraon thestage was playing a waltzand couples whirled round the floor to the left.The lightswere low and changedfrom red to blue and fromblue to purpleas the tempoof the musicchanged. . . . Some [of the womendancing beneaththe colored lights] wore dresses of patterned velvet georgette, some of plain purplevelvet and someof blacksatin, and on theirfeet they had silver-coloured high-heeledshoes that flashed and glintedas theydanced. 15 (Zhou Erfu1981, vol. 1:217)

In 1947 the Nationalistgovernment banned dance halls, and 200,000 Shanghai taxi dancersthreatened to marchon Nanjing (Zhou Erfu 1981, vol. 1:217). Less thana yearlater, on January30, 1948, 6,000 dancehostesses marched to theShanghai Bureauof Social Affairsand demandedthat the government lift its ban on commercial dancehalls. When the Guomindangcadres demurred, the dance hall hostessesrioted. In the end, the officialsgave in and the dance halls remainedopen. 16 A verydifferent outcome resulted when prostitution riots broke out again after 1949. Even thoughmany prostitutes fled to Hong Kong duringthe civil war, over 800 bordelloswere doing business openly with 40,000 licensed and unlicensed prostituteswhen the Communiststook over the cityin May of thatyear (Sun Guoqun 1988:5).17 During the followingthree years, the municipalauthorities conducted a majorreform of prostitution, closing most of the brothelsin 195 1, shuttingdown additional bordellosin February1952, roundingup clandestinestreetwalkers in September1952, and outlawingbar girlsand taxi dancersin July 1953 (Hershatter 1992:170-79). Under the Communists'domination of an undividedcity as well as a reunited hinterland,most of the prostituteswere put in laborreform camps where they often had to go "cold turkey"in giving up drug habits. These womenwere not an easy populationto control,especially since their pimps and pandererswanted them released so thatthey could go back in businessagain. Severalhundred gangsters surrounded a labor reformschool that housed prostitutesin October 1952, and they rioted tumultuouslyuntil the Public SecurityBureau's men arrivedand broke up the demonstration(Zhang Xinxin and Sang Ye 1986:151-52). This was the last gasp of Shanghai'sunderworld sex merchants.Finally, under a governmenttruly capable of re-educatingsocial deviants,the vices of modernitywere being broughtunder control(Beijing shi gonganju:32-33).This was certainlynot the "Parisof theOrient," but neitherwas it the civic orderthat Wu Tiecheng had once envisaged.18 The Nationalists'earlier attempts to regulatepopular culture, to stifleleft-wing criticism,and to represspatriotic dissent had been an authoritarianreaction against Thisdescribes a scene just afterthe Communiststook over Shanghai and beforethe three-Anticampaign began. 16 Communicationfrom Emily Honig, based on her own interviews. "7AfterLiberation, 30,000 prostituteswere sent offfor re-education and severalhundred thousandopium addicts were detoxified(Wren 1982:4). 18See, by way of contrast,an account of the inabilityof the Guomindang municipal governmentto curtaildrug addictionin Liu Guangqing 1988:65-70.

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Shanghai'smoral unruliness, social turmoil,and politicalrestiveness. The cityitself was thoughtto be "a vast dye-vatthat would change the colour of any political partythat came along" (statementattributed to the North-ChinaDaily News,Zhou Erfu 1981, vol. 1:572). Shanghai's modernity,foreignness, and heterogeneity seeminglydefied the Guomindang regime's longing for militaryorderliness and traditionalsimplicity. The Nanjing government'sconstant preoccupation with zhixu, however,was more of an effortto police social forcesthan to mobilize them. In that sense, the Guomindanggovernment's civic orderwas only one step above trafficcontrol and municipallicensing; it failedto articulatea Republicanpolitical identityvital and vigorousenough to displaceall the attractiveamusements that constituted the new urbanculture of the 1920s and 1930s. Moreover,the otherside ofpolitical policing was social corruption-corruptionso massive that it compromisedthe national governmentitself. It mighteven be argued that the effectof the new state'sinitial decisionin 1927 to interveneso readilyin regulatingsociety, in publicly"licensing" its privatepursuits, yielded more than proof of the government'sinability to mobilize popularsupport. That decisionalso arousedexpectations that only a betterorganized, mass-basedmovement could ultimatelyfulfill. When the Communistscaptured Shanghai in 1949 they,too, fearedthe taint of the "dye-vat,"but theiraustere and ascetic political ways ultimatelyprevailed over the indulgencesof Shanghai'ssophisticated consumers. For these new cadres, leisureno longerhad to be licensedbecause it was essentiallyeliminated-expunged, not just disregarded.After all, Liu Mengfei's"black insects"were finally in charge, and leisurewas the last thingon theirminds as genuinesocial revolution was imposed upon Shanghaiat last. Spontaneouscivic culture,needless to say, was yet to come.

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