Sooner or later, every prime minister becomes a former prime minister, and the ‘club’ of former prime ministers is a THE AFTERLIVES OF FORMER small and exclusive one. However, over the years, few of its members have left Number 10 Downing LIBERAL PRIME MINISTERS Street as happy, contented or fulfilled people, or at a time and in a manner of their own choosing. There has been (and there still is) no fixed or established role in public and political life for former prime ministers. What they do after they leave office depends very much on personal choices and on circumstances, including the reaction and attitudes of still- active politicians and of political parties to the former political and governmental leader. There is little in the way of a common pattern. Kevin Theakston looks at the afterlives of five former Liberal prime ministers: Russell, Gladstone, Rosebery, Asquith and Lloyd George.

4 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 THE AFTERLIVES OF FORMER LIBERAL PRIME MINISTERS

t one point, in the (Aberdeen and Palmerston), before they were retiring but, rather, still 1920s, there were, resuming the premiership in 1865. believed they had, and were per- remarkably, three Gladstone had withdrawn from the ceived to have, political futures. former Liberal prime party leadership after the Liber- When Rosebery resigned in ministers alive at the als’ electoral defeat in 1874 and for 1895 he was only forty-eight years sameA time: Lord Rosebery, Asquith a while disengaged from politics old – the youngest former prime and Lloyd George. Before that, Earl (although he did not give up his par- minister there had been for sixty- Russell and Gladstone were Victo- liamentary seat). However, he then seven years, and there has not been rian members of the former Liberal resumed the leadership, becoming a younger former prime minister prime ministers’ ‘club’. Two other prime minister again in 1880, and since then. He lived nearly another Liberal premiers – Palmerston, who during his next period out of office, thirty-four years before he died in died in office (the last prime minister after 1886, he was clearly Leader of 1929; no one since Rosebery has to do so) in 1865 aged eighty-one, the Opposition. This article focuses had so long a post-premiership. and Sir Henry Campbell-Banner- only on former prime ministers Certainly for the first decade of that man, who died aged seventy-one after their final departures from the post-premiership, there was a wide- in 1908, only seventeen days after premiership. Leaving the premier- spread expectation that he would resigning office (the shortest post- ship need not mean relinquishing soon be back, heading another premiership of any prime minister) the party leadership. Gladstone government or otherwise in high – fall outside the scope of this arti- gave up both roles in 1894, but Rus- national office. He remained in that cle. Campbell-Bannerman is some- sell continued as Liberal leader in At one point, period a celebrity figure and a major times described as the last prime the Lords at any rate for two years presence on the political stage. But minister to die ‘on the premises’ but (1866–68), Rosebery remained in the 1920s, his star then pretty soon faded, he he is in fact the only prime minis- party leader for nearly sixteen dropped out of public life and he ter (or, more strictly, former prime months after quitting as prime there were, became a sad, isolated and reclusive minister) actually to die in Number minister, and Asquith was Liberal figure many years before he died. 10 itself. (None of the seven other leader for almost ten years after los- remarkably, Asquith was sixty-four when he British premiers who died while ing office. In contrast, Lloyd George lost power in 1916, but he did not still holding that post died in only became party leader four years three former want to give up office and resented Downing Street, but at other loca- after leaving the premiership. being forced out in a ‘palace coup’. tions.) Although no longer in office, Liberal prime He did not take a peerage and it was simply out of the question for declined the Garter, thus signalling the dying Campbell-Bannerman Leaving Number 10 ministers that he did not intend to retire but to be moved from Number 10 after Two of the Liberal premiers left alive at the to stay in frontline politics. He lived Asquith took over. office as old men – Russell was for another twelve years, dying in Both Russell and Gladstone had seventy-four when he resigned in same time: 1928, but his glory days were all had previous departures from the 1866 and Gladstone was eighty-four behind him. topmost office before their final cur- when he finally quit the scene in Lord Rose- Lloyd George was only fifty- tain calls in 1866 and 1894 respec- 1894. Russell then lived for another nine years old, world famous, and tively. Russell had resigned as prime twelve years before dying in 1878, bery, Asquith still at the height of his powers minister in 1852 and then played a while Gladstone lived for only four when he was forced out in 1922. sometimes awkward role in front- years in retirement, dying in 1898. and Lloyd But no one believed that he would bench politics, serving in the Cabi- In contrast, the other three left at be out forever. The King, political nets of two other prime ministers ages when they did not feel that George. allies and enemies, advisers, friends

Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 5 the afterlives of former liberal prime ministers and family members, and Lloyd Unlike life. He left £9,345 on his death thousands of acres, a yacht. At death George himself – all expected that (about £300,000 in today’s money). he left £1.5 million (equivalent to he would return to government, Asquith, As a younger son, Russell had over £50 million today), a sum that and fairly soon at that. No one spent most of his life at the finan- did not include extensive proper- suspected that, in the twenty-two Lloyd George cially hard-pressed end of the upper ties made over to his heir several more years he would live, he would classes, admitting at one point that years before. He poured money into never be in power again. left office he had never been in debt before horseracing, winning the Derby We are now familiar with becoming prime minister, feeling twice during his short premiership the televised exit from Number substantially the loss of a ministerial salary when and then for a third time in 1905. He 10 of the resigning or defeated out of office, and dependent on an once joked that ‘politics and racing prime minister – the brief farewell wealthier annuity from his brother (the Duke were inconsistent which seemed a remarks, the posing in front of the than when of Bedford). He was unable to afford good reason to give up politics.’ cameras with spouse and family, a country house of his own befit- Unlike Asquith, Lloyd George and the brave waves before the offi- he entered it. ting his prime-ministerial status, left office substantially wealthier cial car speeds them out of Down- although his position was helped than when he entered it. He turned ing Street for the last time. Lloyd by inheriting an estate in Ireland down offers of City directorships George’s fall and exit from power (in 1861) and by Queen Victoria but received an annuity of £2,000 in October 1922 was actually the giving the Russells a house, Pem- a year from the American tycoon first to be captured on film in this broke Lodge in Richmond Park, Andrew Carnegie and made seri- way. A short silent newsreel film for their lifetime use. His grandson, ous money from his writing and shows Conservative MPs spilling the philosopher Bertrand Russell, journalism, being paid one pound out of the Carlton Club meeting lived there as a child and recalled the per word by the Hearst Press of after the dramatic party debate and ex-prime minister as an old man: America for thousand-word arti- vote there which triggered his res- warm, kindly and affectionate in his cles on contemporary political and ignation, stilted footage of other family circle, being wheeled around international issues which were top politicians of the time and the his overgrown garden in a bath given world syndication. He has King, and – with the caption ‘I am chair and sitting in his room reading been described as the highest paid no longer Prime Minister’ – a top- Hansard.2 political journalist of his time, and hatted and smartly dressed Lloyd Most of Gladstone’s retirement he once admitted that in his first George, with his wife and daughter, years were spent at Hawarden, four years out of office his journal- stepping out of Number 10, being interspersed with a number of trips istic income was much greater than saluted by the police constable on in the winter months to Cannes the aggregate of his ministerial sala- duty, and pausing for the camera- in the South of France (wealthy ries during his seventeen years in men. The film ends with a caption friends picking up the bills and government. It cannot be said that ‘In the Wilderness but with one providing accommodation). By Lloyd George was personally cor- faithful friend at least’, showing a any reckoning Gladstone was a rupt but he did realise and exploit relaxed former prime minister, in rich man. The family’s Hawarden the fact that, as an ex-prime minis- the country with his dog, about to estate (which was not actually for- ter, he was ‘a valuable commercial go for a walk.1 mally owned by Gladstone him- property’, as Kenneth O. Morgan Some former prime ministers self) amounted to 7,000 acres and put it. In his first year out of office found the practicalities of adjust- produced an income of £10,000– (1923) he was able to cash in on his ing to life out of Number 10 easier 12,000 a year. He effectively gave reputation as a world statesman in a than others. The Asquiths had away most of his own money in the triumphant five-week lecture tour nowhere to live, as their old house 1890s, however, settling large capi- of America. He also controlled sub- had been let out and a friend had to tal sums on his children and giv- stantial political funds of his own put them up for a while until they ing £40,000 and 32,000 of his own (totalling several million pounds) could move back into it. Asquith books to set up St Deiniol’s Library – controversially built up from hon- himself sometimes just stagnated at Hawarden. (Many of the books ours sales and the purchase and then and slumped into an easy life with were moved to the new building profitable resale of theDaily Chroni- his books, his family and the social in a wheelbarrow, with Gladstone cle newspaper – used for organisa- round, playing bridge, enjoying himself helping out.) When he died tion, campaigning and propaganda, his young lady friends and drink- his will was proved at £57,000 and to support his energetic ideas- ing too much. Money was tight (around £3 million today). mongering (funding teams of advis- with the loss of the prime-ministe- Rosebery, who was enormously ers and experts).3 rial salary, as they had no savings wealthy, can scarcely have noticed but still maintained a substantial the loss of his prime-ministerial domestic staff and a free-spending salary. He had inherited his titles, Putting pen to paper lifestyle. Asquith had left office estates and an income of £30,000 a All of these former Liberal pre- much poorer than when he entered year when only twenty-one, going miers put pen to paper after they it and going back to the Bar was not on to marry a Rothschild heiress, left Number 10. For a practising an option. Eventually, his financial which increased his total income to politician, Russell wrote a lot over position became so bad that some £140,000 (something like £9 mil- his lifetime, including histories, of his friends organised an appeal lion a year today). He had grand biographies, and constitutional through The Times for a fund to houses at Mentmore, Berkeley studies and, as a young man, a novel pay his debts and give him a private Square, Dalmeny in Scotland, The and a play. However, his memoirs, pension for the last few years of his Durdans at Epsom, a villa at Naples, published in 1875, described as

6 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 the afterlives of former liberal prime ministers

‘disappointing’ and ‘sour’ by one with the top brass. It was a Lloyd before he could take his seat in the biographer, were written after his George-centric account of the war, House of Lords, however. memory had begun to fail.4 much like Churchill’s later World Gladstone needed a cataract War II memoirs. Margot Asquith operation in May 1894, which was reported with delight her mother’s Russell: the ex-prime minister not wholly successful and left him reaction: ‘I always knew that [Lloyd as nuisance virtually half-blind, so that read- George] had won the war but until Russell was not ready to retire ing and writing became more I read his Memoirs I did not know completely in the late-1860s and difficult. But he remained intel- that he had won it single-handed.’6 remained politically active in the lectually active in retirement, still Later on, he mused about possibly Lords, attacking the policies of the spending many hours at his desk in writing a character study of Glad- Conservative government that suc- the ‘Temple of Peace’, his library at stone or a book on Welsh preachers ceeded his own and opposing Der- Hawarden. He published in these (he was a connoisseur of sermons) or by’s reform bill. Looking ahead, he years his translation of Horace’s even a novel, and given his taste for tried in 1867–68 to set out an agenda Odes, some long journal articles on trashy ‘shilling-shockers’, one won- for the next Liberal government, theology, and two substantial vol- ders just what sort of novel he might publishing pamphlets proposing umes on the works of Bishop But- have produced! Irish church reform and introducing ler. He had received various offers resolutions in the House of Lords for his autobiography and Andrew calling for a minister of education Carnegie had offered in 1887 the Honours and improved education for the huge sum of £100,000 (roughly Gladstone always wanted to go working classes. He told Gladstone £5 million today), but Gladstone down in history as plain ‘Mr Glad- that he had pretty well made up his signed no contract. He did write stone’. He had refused a knighthood mind not to take office again, but some autobiographical fragments in 1859 and offers of a peerage in there were rumours that he wanted and leave papers on some particu- 1874 and 1885. He was not an egali- to be Foreign Secretary again if lar episodes but never got down to tarian and had great respect for rank the Liberals got back in. Knowing planning or working on a proper and the social hierarchy, but he how troublesome the independent- volume of memoirs. always saw himself as a commoner. minded Russell could be, Gladstone Rosebery was a noted writer In 1894 Queen Victoria curtly said thought that it might be safer to and, having published a biography that she did not offer her retir- have him on the inside and when of William Pitt in 1891, he went ing prime minister a peerage only he became prime minister in 1868 on to write studies of Napoleon: because she knew he would (again) offered Russell a seat in the Cabi- The Last Phase (1900), Lord Ran- refuse it. He also encouraged his net without portfolio, but Russell dolph Churchill (1906) and Chatham: wife to decline the offer of a sepa- declined (and later complained his Early Life and Connections (1910), rate peerage in her own right. about what he had been offered). together with many shorter essays Rosebery had inherited his earl- He supported some of the Liberal and addresses, after leaving office. dom, while Russell had accepted government’s policies: the Education Professional historians tended to his in 1861, and both had been cre- Act, the Irish Land Act. He intro- be sniffy, but the books sold well ated Knights of the Garter while Lloyd George duced a proposal for life peers that enough. He turned down invita- still active in politics. Rosebery Gladstone backed. But he was often tions to write the biographies of added the Order of the Thistle had long unhelpful and a nuisance, criticis- Gladstone, Disraeli and Lord Kitch- when he resigned as prime min- ing the government or quibbling ener, however, and refused ever ister, Russell getting a GCMG. held the over the details of its measures in the to write his own memoirs or an Asquith finally accepted an earl- Lords or the press. He opposed the autobiography. dom and the KG in 1925. Lords in con- introduction of the secret ballot in Needing the money, Asquith Lloyd George had long held the elections, for instance, and, though wrote several impersonal and unre- Lords in contempt and once praised tempt and he favoured the abolition of the pur- vealing volumes of reminiscences Gladstone, Joe Chamberlain, Bright chase of commissions in the army, he and memoirs, which did not sell as and Cobden for never making the once praised opposed the way in which the gov- well as Margot Asquith’s more col- ‘mistake’ of taking an honour. He ernment went about it. He was often ourful and indiscreet autobiography remained an MP until near the end Gladstone, critical of Gladstone’s foreign policy, and other writings. The problem and became Father of the House. venting his dislike of his successor’s was that ‘he had no desire to tell But, fading rapidly and seriously ill Joe Chamber- attitude towards the colonies, the the world what really happened’, in 1944 it was obvious that he was in empire and the armed forces. as Roy Jenkins noted, ‘and he was no fit state to fight another general lain, Bright Gladstone handled the erratic insufficiently interested in himself.’5 election, and in any case his Caer- and Cobden and crotchety ex-prime minister Lloyd George wrote six fat vol- narvon seat was no longer look- as tactfully as he could, writing umes (totalling one million words) ing so safe. Hints were discreetly for never to keep him in touch, giving Rus- of War Memoirs, published between dropped with Churchill and, after sell credit for his achievements and 1933 and 1936, followed by two fur- some last minute agonising over the making the arguing that he was building on ther volumes, The Truth About the decision, Lloyd George accepted them, and claiming that he looked Peace Treaties, in 1938. Pugnacious, a hereditary peerage, the honour ‘mistake’ of upon him as his ‘oracle and master’ controversial and partisan, they sold being announced to widespread on constitutional questions. But he well. In them he took the chance amazement (and, in some quarters, taking an complained to Lord Granville about to vindicate his record, settle per- dismay) on 1 January 1945. The new Russell’s ‘petulant acts’ and about sonal scores and refight his battles Earl Lloyd-George of Dwyfor died honour. him ‘leading the mad’.7

Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 7 the afterlives of former liberal prime ministers

Gladstone: overshadowing your successor Gladstone was an octogenarian dur- ing his last premiership: the oldest man ever to be appointed prime minister. He always felt that Wel- lington and Palmerston had made the mistake of clinging to office for too long, and he ultimately did so as well, most of his colleagues in the end being frankly glad to see the back of him. The Queen could scarcely conceal her glee at his departure. He had expected and wanted to be formally asked about his successor – and would have nominated Lord Spencer (the top Liberal in the Cabinet most committed to Home Rule). But the Queen did not consult him and sent instead for Lord Rosebery – a choice that dismayed him (he would have preferred even Harcourt over Rosebery). After Gladstone’s resigna- tion, Rosebery’s Liberal govern- ment lasted only fifteen months. The Grand Old Man did not think much of its performance or the new leadership. He disliked the way in which Rosebery abandoned Home Rule. He regretted having brought the ‘difficult’ Rosebery to the front and making him Foreign Secre- tary, where they had had policy clashes. ‘I cannot understand him – he remains a closed book to me’, Gladstone complained after resign- ing. ‘He never consults me.’ Later, in 1896, Gladstone said that ‘he gave Rosebery up altogether as a compe- tent man for Liberal leadership – for lack of judgment and even sense.’8 Nor did his successor’s regime please him in other ways. He dis- liked Harcourt’s budget and the new graduated death duties on land. He had reservations about aspects of the Welsh Church Disestablishment legislation, and ministers feared that he might intervene to speak out against it at the committee stage (it fell with the government). The problem was that Gladstone had become out of date and out of touch with the party and the new ideas coming into it. If he had stood aside earlier, the Liberals may have been better able to make the transi- Left: Lord John Russell (Prime Minister 1846–52, 1865– tion to a new and effective leadership 66); William Gladstone (Prime Minister 1868–74, 1880–85, and to adapt themselves to new social 1886, 1892–94); Lord Rosebery (Prime Minister 1894–95) forces and political challenges. Gladstone liked to refer to his Above: H. H. Asquith (Prime Minister 1908–16); David ‘political death’ in 1894. But, as Lloyd George (Prime Minister 1916–22) Feuchtwanger noted, his ‘author- ity was … still so great that any

8 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 the afterlives of former liberal prime ministers move on his part caused more than told friends, to free himself from Rosebery’s ultimate aims were a ripple in the muddied waters of the ‘Gladstonian chains’ that he had not always clear or consistent. He Liberal politics. Nobody could been bound by ever since he had appeared at some times to be want- be quite certain that he might not entered politics and was through ing to battle for the future of the sweep back into the arena as he had with the thankless role of acting as party (the Liberal League being done before.’ 9 Echoing the events of ‘Mr G’s political executor’. Rose- formed with him as president to twenty years earlier, it was his con- Rosebery’s bery believed that the Liberal Party press the Liberal Imperialist case troversial intervention on the issue needed to change, developing a new against the anti-war ‘Little Englan- of the Armenian massacres which dramatic programme and widening its elec- ders’ in the party). At other times he brought him back briefly onto the toral appeal, but he did not to want apparently wanted to provoke a for- political stage, meeting deputa- speech at to get involved in the hand-to-hand mal split in the party. His support- tions, writing to the press and mak- political fighting necessary to effect ers certainly schemed to undermine ing his last great public speeches. He Bodmin that change. He seemed almost to or displace Campbell-Bannerman as called for strong action and argued in Novem- want the party to change and then leader. And Rosebery also appeared that the Turkish empire should be by acclamation to welcome him to hanker after a political realign- wiped off the map. The more direct ber 1905, back as leader on his own terms.10 ment and a non-party or above- impact, however, was on his succes- Rosebery’s future was the subject party political and personal future sor and on the infighting within his denouncing of considerable speculation. He was (latching on to the fashionable own unhappy party. Shortly after still relatively young, had experi- ‘national efficiency’ ideas). Gladstone’s September 1896 speech Home Rule ence of the highest offices, and had During the infighting in the Lib- in Liverpool, Rosebery – ill at ease real political star quality. He sent out eral Party at this time, Rosebery and miserable under his great pred- and insist- mixed and confusing signals, how- and his acolytes underestimated ecessor’s shadow, and looking for a ever, and his political intentions and Campbell-Bannerman (a tougher way out – resigned as party leader. ing that he plans seemed changeable, elusive and and shrewder figure than his detrac- mysterious even to himself, let alone tors thought) and overestimated could not his often-bewildered supporters in their own strength and support. Rosebery: throwing away the party and the public. By the time Rosebery certainly showed his chances ‘serve under Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman mastery of publicity and ability to Thought still to have a brilliant was elected leader in 1898, Rose- command attention and headlines. future before him when he ceased that banner’, bery was more popular than he had But Campbell-Bannerman carried to be prime minister, Rosebery been as prime minister and many of with him the centre and the bulk of threw it away by his posturing, was an act of his supporters regarded Campbell- the party. Any prospect of either a grandstanding, disloyalty and dis- Bannerman as a second-rate figure, a Rosebery-led ‘national’ coalition or engagement from the disciplines of political self- stopgap who would just keep the seat a Roseberyite takeover of the Lib- organised party politics. destruction, warm until their hero was ready to eral Party faded as two-party par- When he left office in 1895, reclaim his rightful place. tisanship revived with the ending Rosebery had been prime minis- finally cut- In 1899 Rosebery was elected, at of the Boer War and controversies ter for just one year and 109 days. the top of the poll, to Epsom Dis- over the 1902 Education Act, and ‘There are two supreme pleasures ting him trict Council. He was unanimously were finally ended with Joe Cham- in life’, he later wrote. ‘One is ideal, voted chairman but characteristi- berlain’s launch of his protection- the other real. The ideal is when a off from his cally refused the post, though he ist crusade in 1903 and the Liberals man receives the seals of office from was an active member of the coun- uniting in defence of free trade. As his Sovereign. The real pleasure erstwhile cil, scrupulously attending meet- events moved on, Rosebery was left comes when he hands them back.’ ings through the three years he stranded, his position weakened, Yet his defeat and failure as a prime supporters served. This was very worthy and looking increasingly marginalised. minister had been a shattering expe- indeed unique for a former prime Behind the scenes, the King had rience and Rosebery was haunted and ensuring minister, but not quite what those apparently tried to persuade him in by a sense of failure, for the rest of who wanted to see him back in 1901 to come back and resume the his life brooding on the traumas of that there political office had in mind. (He Liberal leadership and in 1905 again 1894–95 and often declaring that he had, of course, earlier been chair- appealed unsuccessfully to him wished he had never accepted office. would be no man of the London County Council to take office. But by 1904 it was When chances of a return occurred before becoming prime minister, in becoming widely understood that in the years ahead, part of him place for him 1889–90 and 1892.) the King would send for Campbell- always recoiled from them. The three or four years follow- Bannerman when the time came to Disillusioned and disenchanted in the Liberal ing the outbreak of the South Afri- change the government. with politics, Rosebery had wanted govern- can War in 1899 were the crucial Rosebery’s dramatic speech to quit the Liberal leadership and period in which Rosebery might at Bodmin in November 1905, retire from politics, for a time at any ment that have returned to a position of denouncing Home Rule and insist- rate, immediately after the disas- national or party leadership. But he ing that he could not ‘serve under trous 1895 general election. But he Campbell- lost the chance, partly through his that banner’, was an act of politi- continued nominally to head the own doubts, hesitations and mis- cal self-destruction, finally cutting party, while not giving it any real Bannerman takes and partly because of the way him off from his erstwhile support- lead, for more than a year after the the wider political situation devel- ers and ensuring that there would defeat until Gladstone provided him would soon oped and changed. be no place for him in the Liberal with the excuse he had been look- With the Liberal Party in argu- government that Campbell-Ban- ing for to jump ship. He wanted, he form. mentative disarray over the war, nerman would soon form. Once

Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 9 the afterlives of former liberal prime ministers

Campbell-Bannerman became ‘Asquith cuts brought to the government, other George a ‘blank cheque’. His heart prime minister, appointed the than the public appeal of his name. was not in it and he expected to lose, leading Liberal Imperialists to sen- no ice’, pro- In November 1917 tragedy struck but the outcome was worse than he ior positions and won a landslide when his younger son, Neil Prim- had thought likely. The coalition majority, Rosebery was effectively tested his old rose – who had been an MP and a swept the board while Asquith’s politically finished. promising junior minister – was Liberals won only twenty-eight He stayed on the political stage ally Edward killed in action while serving with seats, being overtaken by Labour, a few years longer, an increasingly the army in the Middle East. A year and Asquith lost his own seat. It isolated and irrelevant figure with Grey. ‘He is later, in November 1918, Rosebery might have been a good moment to virtually no personal followers, was felled by a massive stroke that quietly bow out. But with no obvi- sitting on the crossbenches in the using the left him partially paralysed. For the ous successor, Asquith chose to sol- Lords, a purely negative critic of the machine of a last ten years of his life before he died dier on as Liberal leader although Liberal government. It might have in 1929, aged eighty-two, he was he was really in a sort of political been better for his reputation if he great politi- a largely forgotten figure, living a limbo. In the first half of 1919 he had taken himself out of the way by lonely and melancholy invalid exist- received not one invitation to speak accepting the post of ambassador to cal brain to ence. For all his glamour, gifts and from any Liberal association in the the United States pressed on him brilliant early promise, it is difficult country. Taking on the job that year in November 1906 by Sir Edward re-arrange to avoid the conclusion that he had of chairing a Royal Commission on Grey and the King, but he refused been a political failure: an unhappy Oxford and Cambridge universities it. His alienation from the Liberals old ideas.’ and unsuccessful prime minister and was hardly the sort of assignment to now became even more pronounced then an unhappy and unsuccessful bring him back to the centre of the and his attitudes and views mark- ex-prime minister. political stage. edly Conservative. It was February 1920 before he Having opposed the introduc- returned to parliament via a by- tion of old age pensions, Rosebery Asquith: hanging on too long election. But the odds were stacked strongly attacked Lloyd George’s Asquith remained leader of the against a great political come back. 1909 ‘People’s Budget’ as ‘tyranni- Liberal Party after 1916 but found He was the leader of a small and cal and socialistic’ and heralding a being the leading opposition figure unhappy parliamentary force. ‘social and political revolution’, and in wartime an awkward, unwel- His own political position was he defended his fellow aristocratic come and constraining position. ambiguous, as he was rightly seen landowners as a ‘poor but honest Many of the senior Liberals had fol- as a Whiggish figure but was the class’. But when the crunch came, lowed him rather than serve under leader of the more radical part of he declared that he would not vote Lloyd George, but he did not want the divided Liberal Party. Fatally, against it, fearing that the Lords’ to widen the rift in the party ranks he had no real fight left in him and actions in defeating the budget could and temperamentally was always dismayed followers were soon com- imperil the very existence of the basically a ministerialist and not a plaining that he gave no strong lead. second chamber. Later, although man for to-the-sword opposition, Graham Stewart has put his fin- he strongly opposed the Liber- which he anyway felt would be ger on ‘Asquith’s inability to inject als’ reform of the Lords powers, he inappropriate in wartime. new thinking into Liberalism. He further damaged his reputation by On a number of occasions Lloyd offered nothing to suggest he had finally voting for the Parliament bill. George tried to lure him back into adjusted to a changed environment, He was now despised on both sides of government, despite some doubts but nor would he step aside for the political divide, Liberals view- about this in his close circle and someone who might carry forward ing him as a reactionary, Tories as a Lloyd George’s own sense that the party into the post-war world.’ coward. After 1911 he never again Asquith was ‘sterile’ when it came ‘Asquith cuts no ice’, protested his entered the House of Lords. to policy ideas. Various posts were old ally Edward Grey. ‘He is using At the age of sixty-four, Rose- dangled in front of him – Foreign the machine of a great political bery’s political career was over. He Secretary, Chancellor, Lord Chan- brain to re-arrange old ideas.’12 no longer had the necessary stand- cellor (with a tempting £10,000 Like a general fighting the wrong ing, influence, following or appetite salary and a £5,000 pension) – but battle, Asquith took pleasure from for office. ‘If I were to join the battle’, Asquith turned them all down. On the fact that in the 1922 general elec- he told one confidant, ‘I should find the only occasion when Asquith tion his wing of the Liberal Party did myself back again where I will not did try to turn the heat up on Lloyd slightly better than Lloyd George’s, be.’ He had come to hate and detest George during the war – when he although more significant was that politics – ‘this evil-smelling bog’, as led calls in 1918 for a select commit- Labour’s advance continued. In he called it, from which ‘I was always tee to be established to inquire into 1923 the two Liberal factions were trying to extricate myself’.11 whether Lloyd George had mislead brought together by Baldwin’s move When Lloyd George became parliament about troop levels avail- towards protectionism but the unity prime minister in 1916, in an effort able to the generals on the western was superficial and half-hearted. to bolster his administration, he front – it backfired on him and Asquith remained formally party offered Rosebery the post of Lord underlined the party split. leader but Lloyd George controlled Privy Seal – he would not have The 1918 ‘khaki election’ was a substantial independent funds and departmental duties but serve in disaster for Asquith. He had little provided the real dynamism and a ‘consultative capacity’ – but he in the way of a positive programme ideas, and tensions and bitter mis- refused the job. It is not clear what to offer and largely ended up sim- trust continued. After the Decem- Rosebery at this stage would have ply warning against giving Lloyd ber 1923 election produced a hung

10 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 the afterlives of former liberal prime ministers parliament, Asquith was the ‘king- schemes. Some of his impact was permitted, it was ultimately a cul- maker’, rejecting the idea of a coali- negative, in the sense that he was de-sac. He thought that his free- tion and opting to put in a minority a bogeyman to his rival political wheeling independence was an and inexperienced Labour govern- leaders, haunting their minds and asset, as John Campbell noted, but ment which he judged would not last their political calculations as they the absence of a strong party base long and the failure of which would manoeuvred to thwart him and actually left him isolated, cut off hopefully benefit the Liberals. It was keep him out. Much of the politics from the real road to power and, a major miscalculation, for when of the 1920s were a reaction against eventually, in the wilderness.15 Labour fell from office in October Lloyd George – his methods, Liberal reunion after 1923 was 1924 and another general election record, policies and personality. always rather cosmetic and Lloyd was held, which the Conservatives Ideas about new coalitions or George’s relations with Asquith won, the real casualties were the Lib- alliances, dividing or breaking were edgy and uneasy. Had Lloyd erals, who lost three-quarters of their up the established parties, seemed George won control of the Liberal seats. Asquith was again unhorsed, never far from his thoughts. Party sooner, he might have been losing Paisley. Options were kept open and feelers better able to rescue its position and He moved to the Lords and put out to left and right at various restore its fortunes. ‘When Lloyd remained overall party leader while times, hoping to attract moder- George came back to the party, ideas Lloyd George led in the Commons. ate Labour and progressive Con- came back to the party’, one Liberal This was an unstable arrangement servatives, and he looked to exploit politician said. What Lloyd George and an uneasy partnership that whatever opportunities came his tried to offer in the 1920s was a non- could never lost for long, and things way as the tectonic plates of the socialist radical alternative, a poli- came to a head in May 1926 when party system groaned and shifted, tics of creative ideas, attractive to they fell out over how to respond to with five elections in nine years moderate and progressive opinion. the General Strike (Asquith back- (1922–31) and two periods of minor- But while headlines were captured, ing the government). Asquith then ity Labour government (1924 and and the contrast with Baldwin’s had a stroke after which he resigned 1929–31). The underlying problem ‘Safety First’ and MacDonald’s call the leadership in October 1926. His was that his political space was more for ‘no monkeying’ was marked, post-premiership had been a pain- and more squeezed as the Liberals the electoral rewards (in 1929) were ful and protracted anti-climax and lost out to Labour and the Con- frustratingly scanty. political decline. ‘He had stayed servatives and as two-party politics Lloyd George and the Liberals too long in an impossible situation’, was restored. In 1924–29 and even were really on a hiding to noth- Jenkins concluded, his reasons for more so after 1931, large govern- ing in helping to prop up a minor- hanging on largely negative, and ment majorities effectively side- ity Labour government after 1929 offering the declining Liberal Party lined him. ‘Ideas and experts were but getting little in return. Divi- little that was positive.13 not enough’, as Kenneth O. Morgan sions within the Liberal Party were argued. ‘He needed also supporters, deepening while Lloyd George was organisation, a party base – above casting about for some formula to Lloyd George in the wilderness all, public trust. These were assets escape from the tightening third- Certainly up to 1931 (and to a lesser which Lloyd George, however fer- party squeeze that they were expe- extent after that), Lloyd George tile in ideas and initiatives, conspic- riencing. He toyed fruitlessly again remained a critical player and at the uously lacked.’14 with the idea of a Centre Party, very centre of British politics, and While the role of a ‘permanent talking with mavericks like Mosley he was one of the most creative and one-man opposition’ played to and Churchill and with dissident exciting politicians of the period, his strengths and was perhaps the young Tories like Macmillan. In brimming with ideas, plans and only one that circumstances really February 1931 George Lansbury, Liberal History 300 years of party history in 24 pages The Liberal Democrat History Group’s pamphlet, Liberal History: A concise history of the Liberal Party, SDP and Liberal Democrats, has been revised and updated to include the 2010 election and the formation of the coalition.

Liberal History is available to Journal of Liberal History subscribers for the special price of £2.00 (normal price £2.50) with free p&p. To order, please send a cheque for £2.00 (made out to ‘Liberal Democrat History Group’) to LDHG, 54 Midmoor Road, London SW12 0EN.

Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 11 the afterlives of former liberal prime ministers on his own initiative, wrote to The authors in the hope of perhaps holding the would succeed and thought he Lloyd George urging him to join balance of power after an election. should hold himself back ‘in reserve’: the Labour Party, suggesting he of The Feder- But when the Conservative-domi- ‘I shall wait until Winston is bust’. could become its deputy leader. By nated ‘National’ government won Later, in December 1940, he also July 1931 he was closer to regaining alist Papers another huge majority in Novem- turned down the offer to become office and power than at any other ber 1935, the game was up. British ambassador to the United time between 1922 and 1940. The conjured up In September 1936 he made a States on health grounds.16 embattled MacDonald, it is sug- controversial visit to Germany, After that, Lloyd George went gested, was almost on the brink a memora- meeting Hitler. Unfortunately for into sharp physical and political of bringing Lloyd George and the the ex-prime minister’s reputation, decline. He was very jumpy, terri- Liberals into government, with ble image Lloyd George appeared to admire fied of German air raids, and had a secret talks going on and rumours of former and get on well with the Führer, deep and luxurious underground that Lloyd George would become the two men fascinating and flatter- shelter built at Churt in which he Leader of the House of Commons American ing each other. An article he wrote would sleep. He became very bitter and either Chancellor or Foreign about his visit in the Daily Express about Churchill and his conduct of Secretary. presidents was so enthusiastic and uncritical the war, seeming to take a perverse With cruel bad luck, however, it had to be toned down. However, delight when things went badly and Lloyd George was knocked out of ‘wandering if he had been taken in by Hitler there were setbacks. In February action at one of the crucial moments and was an appeaser in 1936 he was 1943 he cast his last vote in parlia- in inter-war British politics, falling among the certainly not two years later, con- ment, voting against the govern- seriously ill and needing a prostate demning the Munich settlement ment and with Labour rebels in operation just as the Labour govern- people like and criticising Neville Chamber- support of the Beveridge report. He ment collapsed in the great politi- lain’s government for its failures to last set foot in parliament to listen to cal-financial crisis of August 1931 discontented rearm and to stand up against the Churchill’s statement on the D-Day and a ‘National’ government was aggression of the dictators. landings on 6 June 1944. Soon after, formed. Other top Liberals (Samuel ghosts, and In 1916 Lloyd George had offered he moved back to Wales, where he and Reading) joined the Cabinet the energy and the will to win the died in March 1945. and Lloyd George’s son Gwilym sighing for a war. But in 1939–40, in his final sig- became a junior minister. But he nificant appearance on the politi- was against any lasting alliance place which cal stage, it was very different. He Discontented ghosts? between the Liberals and the Con- seemed in fact pretty pessimistic The authors of The Federalist Papers servatives (‘If I am to die, I would they were and defeatist, convinced that Brit- conjured up a memorable image of rather die fighting on the Left’, destined ain could not win the war and defeat former American presidents ‘wan- he declared) and detected a Tory Germany by itself, and that it might dering among the people like dis- plot to take party advantage of the never more actually lose the war. He believed contented ghosts, and sighing for national emergency in the decision a negotiated compromise peace a place which they were destined to hold an early election in Octo- to possess.’ was possible and would be better never more to possess.’17 The label ber 1931, breaking with Samuel and than another long and costly war. has a wider application and rele- Reading when they went along Some indeed saw Lloyd George as a vance. The Liberal prime ministers with it. But he was then completely potential British Pétain. considered here mostly found giv- and humiliatingly shipwrecked by He helped to bring Neville ing power up, or being brushed to the ‘National’ government’s land- Chamberlain down with his last one side, and then life after Number slide election victory. Estranged great parliamentary speech in May 10, difficult and frustrating in dif- from the Liberals, he was reduced 1940 – ‘the Prime Minister should ferent ways. The problems experi- to heading a small ‘family’ rump give an example of sacrifice … [and] enced by Asquith and Lloyd George group of just four MPs. sacrifice the seals of office’. For the in the 1920s reflected the wider In 1935 he stumped the country final time, it seemed that he was on difficulties of Liberal division and again and dominated the media the brink of a return to office. He decline, but their personal feud also with his ideas for a British ‘New might be good for only six hours contributed to the situation. Russell Deal’, campaigning for economic work a day, it was said, ‘but they and Gladstone showed that when reconstruction and public works would be six hours of pure radium’. old prime ministers and leaders do to cure unemployment, linked to One idea was that if he was not not go gently into that good night support for the League of Nations, capable of running a department, they can cause headaches and prob- international disarmament and he should become a sort of food or lems for their successors. Rosebery peace. MacDonald and Baldwin agriculture supremo, chairing a discovered that ex-prime ministers toyed with the idea of cooperation food production council. Churchill cannot have a constructive continu- with him and even of bringing him appeared to be anxious to have Lloyd ing role in British politics if they try into the Cabinet, but backed off George with him and, in discussions to ‘go it alone’. These Liberal prime when they realised the strength of in late-May/early June 1940, offered ministers’ experience is not unique Tory opposition to doing a deal. a post in the War Cabinet but Lloyd for many of their Conservative and He set up the non-party ‘Council George turned it down, unwill- Labour counterparts have also had of Action for Peace and Recon- ing to serve with Chamberlain. He problems in letting go, finding a struction’, working with the Free may also have felt that the call had new role, and settling into political Churches to try to tap Noncon- come too late and doubted his physi- and personal retirement. The role of formist radicalism, and pouring cal capacity and resilience. Perhaps, ex-prime minister is a tricky one to money into sponsoring candidates too, he doubted whether Churchill play and get right.

12 Journal of Liberal History 71 Summer 2011 the afterlives of former liberal prime ministers

Kevin Theakston is Professor of 1967), pp. 19–20. (London: Ernest Benn, 1931), pp. of Loyalty (London: Weidenfeld British Government at the Univer- 3 Kenneth O. Morgan, Lloyd George 135–136. and Nicolson, 2007), pp. 336–337. sity of Leeds and author of After (London: Weidenfeld and Nicol- 9 E. J. Feuchtwanger, Gladstone 13 Jenkins, Asquith, p. 517. Number Ten: Former Prime son, 1974), pp. 178, 207–208. (London: Allen Lane, 1975), p. 14 Morgan, Lloyd George, p. 181. Ministers in British Politics 4 John Prest, Lord John Russell (Lon- 273. 15 John Campbell, Lloyd George: (London: Palgrave, 2010) – which is don: Macmillan, 1972), p. 420; 10 Robert Rhodes James, Rose- The Goat in the Wilderness reviewed in the issue of the Journal. Paul Scherer, Lord John Russell: A bery (London: Weidenfeld and 1922–1931(London: Cape, 1977), Biography (London: Associated Nicolson, 1963), pp. 386, 392, 402; pp. 9, 177; Charles Loch Mowat, 1 The film, ‘End of an era University Presses, 1999) p. 336. H. C. G. Matthew, The Liberal Lloyd George (London: Oxford for the “Welsh Wizard”’, 5 Roy Jenkins, Asquith (London: Imperialists (Oxford: Oxford Uni- University Press, 1964), p. 55. can be seen on YouTube at: Collins, 1978), p. 257. versity Press, 1973), pp. 23–24. 16 Paul Addison, ‘Lloyd George and http://www.youtube.com/ 6 Thomas Jones, A Diary With Let- 11 Leo McKinstry, Rosebery: States- Compromise Peace in the Second watch?v=GYeLTdW2b4c and ters 1931–1950 (Oxford: Oxford man in Turmoil (London: John World War’, in A. J. P. Taylor (ed.), on the Number 10 Downing University Press, 1954), p. 169. Murray, 2005), p. 509; Rhodes Lloyd George: Twelve Essays (Lon- Street website at: http://www. 7 Prest, Lord John Russell, p. 419. James, Rosebery, p. 474. don: Hamish Hamilton, 1971). number10.gov.uk/Page11749. 8 J. B. Conacher, ‘A Visit to the 12 Stephen Koss, Asquith (London: 17 Alexander Hamilton, James 2 Bertrand Russell, The Autobiogra- Gladstones in 1894’, Victorian Allen Lane, 1976), pp. 244, 249– Madison and John Jay, The Feder- phy of Bertrand Russell, vol. 1, 1872– Studies, vol. 2, no.2, 1958, p. 159; 255; Graham Stewart, Friendship alist Papers (London: Dent, Every- 1914 (London: Allen and Unwin, The Personal Papers of Lord Rendel & Betrayal: Ambition and the Limits man’s Library, 1970), pp. 370–71.

RESEARCH IN PROGRESS If you can help any of the individuals listed below with sources, contacts, or any other information — or if you know anyone who can — please pass on details to them. Details of other research projects in progress should be sent to the Editor (see page 3) for inclusion here.

Letters of Richard Cobden (1804–65) the national decline of the party with the reality of the situation on Knowledge of the whereabouts of any letters written by Cobden in the ground. The thesis will focus on three geographic regions (Home private hands, autograph collections, and obscure locations in the UK Counties, Midlands and the North West) in order to explore the situation and abroad for a complete edition of his letters. (For further details of the Liberals found themselves in nationally. Research for University of the Cobden Letters Project, please see www.uea.ac.uk/his/research/ Leicester. Supervisor: Dr Stuart Ball. Gavin Freeman ; [email protected]. projects/cobden). Dr Anthony Howe, School of History, University of East Anglia, Norwich NR4 7TJ; [email protected]. The Liberal Party in the West Midlands December 1916 – 1923 election Focusing on the fortunes of the party in Birmingham, Coventry, Walsall The political career of Edward Strutt, 1st Baron Belper and Wolverhampton. Looking to explore the effects of the party split Strutt was Whig/Liberal MP for Derby (1830-49), later Arundel and at local level. Also looking to uncover the steps towards temporary Nottingham; in 1856 he was created Lord Belper and built Kingston reunification for the 1923 general election.Neil Fisher, 42 Bowden Way, Hall (1842-46) in the village of Kingston-on-Soar, Notts. He was a Binley, Coventry CV3 2HU ; [email protected]. friend of Jeremy Bentham and a supporter of free trade and reform, and held government office as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster ‘Economic Liberalism’ and the Liberal (Democrat) Party, 1937–2004 and Commissioner of Railways. Any information, location of papers or A study of the role of ‘economic liberalism’ in the Liberal Party and the references welcome. Brian Smith; [email protected]. Liberal Democrats. Of particular interest would be any private papers relating to 1937’s Ownership For All report and the activities of the Liberal Unionists Unservile State Group. Oral history submissions also welcome. Matthew A study of the Liberal Unionist party as a discrete political entity. Help Francis; [email protected]. with identifying party records before 1903 particularly welcome. Ian Cawood, Newman University Colllege, Birmingham; i.cawood@newman. The Liberal Party’s political communication, 1945–2002 ac.uk. Research on the Liberal party and Lib Dems’ political communication. Any information welcome (including testimonies) about electoral Liberal policy towards Austria-Hungary, 1905–16 campaigns and strategies. Cynthia Messeleka-Boyer, 12 bis chemin Vaysse, Andrew Gardner, 17 Upper Ramsey Walk, Canonbury, London N1 2RP; 81150 Terssac, France; +33 6 10 09 72 46; [email protected]. [email protected]. The political career of David Steel, Lord Steel of Aikwood Recruitment of Liberals into the Conservative Party, 1906–1935 David Steel was one of the longest-serving leaders of the Liberal Party Aims to suggest reasons for defections of individuals and develop an and an important figure in the realignment debate of the 1970s and ‘80s understanding of changes in electoral alignment. Sources include that led to the formation of the Liberal Democrats. Author would like to personal papers and newspapers; suggestions about how to get hold of hear from anyone with pertinent or entertaining anecdotes relating to the papers of more obscure Liberal defectors welcome. Cllr Nick Cott, 1a Steel’s life and times, particularly his leadership, or who can point me Henry Street, Gosforth, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, NE3 1DQ; [email protected]. towards any relevant source material. David Torrance; davidtorrance@ hotmail.com . Beyond Westminster: Grassroots Liberalism 1910–1929 A study of the Liberal Party at its grassroots during the period in which it The Lib-Lab Pact went from being the party of government to the third party of politics. The period of political co-operation which took place in Britain between This research will use a wide range of sources, including surviving 1977 and 1978; PhD research project at Cardiff University.Jonny Kirkup, 29 Liberal Party constituency minute books and local press to contextualise Mount Earl, Bridgend, Bridgend County CF31 3EY; [email protected].

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