DOCSLIB.ORG

India-Japan Relations India-Japan Relations

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
India-Japan Relations India-Japan Relations RSIS Monograph No. 23 INDIA-JAPAN RELATIONS RELATIONS INDIA-JAPAN INDIA-JAPAN RELATIONS DRIVERS, TRENDS AND PROSPECTS Arpita Mathur RSIS Monograph No. 23 Arpita Mathur RSIS MONOGRAPH NO. 23 INDIA-JAPAN RELATIONS DRIVERS, TRENDS AND PROSPECTS Arpita Mathur S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Copyright © 2012 Arpita Mathur Published by S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies Nanyang Technological University South Spine, S4, Level B4, Nanyang Avenue Singapore 639798 Telephone: 6790 6982 Fax: 6793 2991 E-mail: [email protected] Website: www.rsis.edu.sg First published in 2012 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies. Body text set in 11/14 point Warnock Pro Produced by BOOKSMITH ([email protected]) ISBN 978-981-07-2803-8 TABLE OF CONTENTS Chapter 1 Setting the Stage: India and Japan in History 1 Chapter 2 The Post-Cold War Turn 16 Chapter 3 The Drivers 33 Chapter 4 Strategic and Political Relations 50 Chapter 5 Economic Linkages 70 Chapter 6 Non-Traditional Security: Building Bridges 92 Chapter 7 Conclusion 118 About the Author 130 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This monograph is the outcome of my research in the South Asia Programme of the S. Rajaratnam School of International Stud- ies (RSIS). I am indebted to Dr. Rajesh Basrur, Senior Fellow and Head of the Programme, for providing me the opportunity to work on a subject I have always been interested in exploring. The monograph would not have been possible without his patience, encouragement and valuable inputs. A note of thanks is also due to all my colleagues at RSIS. The study was greatly enriched by my field visits to New Delhi and Tokyo, where I could interact with and gain insights from my interviews and meetings with several academicians, policy makers and members of the diplomatic circles. I would like to thank Professor Takenori Horimoto, Professor Takako Hirosei, officials of the Embassy of India in Japan and the Ministry of For- eign Affairs, Japan, Dr. Eiichi Katahara and Ms. Marie Yoshioka Izuyama (National Institute for Defense Studies), Dr. Masahashi Nishihara (President, Research Institute for Peace and Security) and Dr. Masanori Kondo and Ms. Rika Sasaki (Japan Institute of International Affairs). I would also like to thank Ambassador Arjun Asrani (former Indian Ambassador to Japan), Professor Sujit Dutta (Jamia Milia Islamia, New Delhi), officials of the Ministry of External Affairs (India) and the Embassy of Japan in India, Mr. Pritam Banerjee (Confederation of Indian Industry), Professor Purnendra Jain and Professor K. V. Kesavan (Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi). The RSIS Monograph Series Monograph No. Title 1 Neither Friend Nor Foe Myanmar’s Relations with Thailand since 1988 2 China’s Strategic Engagement with the New ASEAN 3 Beyond Vulnerability? Water in Singapore-Malaysia Relations 4 A New Agenda for the ASEAN Regional Forum 5 The South China Sea Dispute in Philippine Foreign Policy Problems, Challenges and Prospects 6 The OSCE and Co-operative Security in Europe Lessons for Asia 7 Betwixt and Between Southeast Asian Strategic Relations with the U.S. and China 8 Fading Away? The Political Role of the Army in Indonesian Transition to Democracy, 1998–2001 9 The Post-Tsunami Reconstruction of Aceh and the Implementation of the Peace Agreement 10 Post-Suharto Civil-Military Relations in Indonesia 11 People’s ASEAN and Governments’ ASEAN 12 Forgetting Osama Bin Munqidh, Remembering Osama bin Laden The Crusades in Modern Muslim Memory The RSIS Monograph Series Monograph No. Title 13 Do Institutions Matter? Regional Institutions and Regionalism in East Asia 14 Population Movements and the Threat of HIV/AIDS Virus at the Bangladesh-India Border 15 Collaboration under Anarchy Functional Regionalism and the Security of East Asia 16 Pandemic Preparedness in Asia 17 The 2008 Mumbai Terrorist Attacks Strategic Fallout 18 Islamic Education in Malaysia 19 Practising Strategic Foresight in Government The Cases of Finland, Singapore and the European Union 20 A Decade of Combating Radical Ideology Learning from the Singapore Experience (2001–2011) 21 From ‘Boots’ to ‘Brogues’ The Rise of Defence Diplomacy in Southeast Asia 22 ASEAN-China Free Trade Area Challenges, Opportunities and the Road Ahead 23 India-Japan Relations Drivers, Trends and Prospects CHAPTER 1 SETTING THE STAGE INDIA AND JAPAN IN HISTORY s a region located at the cusp of anarchy, competition and inter-dependence all at the same time, Asia presents an inter- esting locale of great and emerging power competition. More Aimportantly, the region assumes critical significance as a chessboard with multiple consequential and vital players—each with its own stra- tegic posture and outlook towards its rightful place in the international arena. Perhaps the most noteworthy development in this regard is the emergence of India and China which combines (somewhat uncomfort- ably at times) with the presence of Japan and the external influence of the United States. It is, therefore, only natural that the three major regional powers—India, Japan and China have to devise strategies to have a balanced response to all three contradictory but intertwined trends. There is also the presence of players like a resurgent Russia and ASEAN countries, which have become a potent power in themselves, especially in regional organisations. The core aim of this monograph is to undertake a study of the strate- gic, political and economic aspects of India-Japan relations as they have evolved over the years. The idea is to identify drivers bringing the two sides together as well as issues of common concern which could be built on to strengthen ties. It will conclude by highlighting the opportunities and challenges the two sides are likely to face in the process of building relations. The central research question is to decipher whether the rela- tionship that has started building up after a period of benign neglect is just a balancing act in response to the stimulus of China’s ascendance in 1 RSIS Monograph No. 23 India-Japan Relations: Drivers, Trends and Prospects the region or whether there is enough substance and rationale behind it to sustain ties in the future. The study is policy relevant because it identifies the weak links that need to be strengthened and maps out the relatively uncharted territories the two sides could consider joining hands in. A literature survey on India-Japan relations reveals that very little and fragmented work has been done on the subject.1 The current analysis will make a significant contribution in being based on the application of the power transition theory. Considering that China’s rise is one of the major concerns both sides face, this study hopes to make a significant and a novel contribution to the previous work on the subject, especially in considering the shifting power dynamics in Asia pushing both sides together. The study reveals that albeit the rise of China and resultant power shift in Asia becomes a primary driver bringing Tokyo and New Delhi together, there is much more substance to the relationship which has grown by leaps after 2001. Therefore, mere maintenance of balance of power vis-à-vis China is not the sole driver of foreign policy and bilateral relations between India and Japan. There are other forces like functional need, inter-dependence and simply the prospects of mutual gain, which shape relations between the two sides, even though these have not been fully realised and exploited. The economic aspect of the relationship remains strong in the Official Development Assistance (ODA) domain, but much needs to be done to realise the full potential of trade and for- eign direct investment. A number of key areas of possible cooperation can be identified for the future and built upon—in certain cases even improved to provide more muscle to relations. Of these, environment, nuclear energy, bio-technology and other non-traditional issues like prevention of climate change are probable areas of convergence. The study will begin by providing a brief overview of a historical backdrop to the development of bilateral relations. This might not appear to have a direct bearing on the overall pattern of the relationship as it stands now, but requires a prominent mention to underscore the fact that despite such rich cultural and historical linkages, India and Japan remained aloof from each other for much of post-war history. Of course, today these linkages are recognised, valued and factored in as a positive input in evaluation of relations. The study will go on to show that the end 2 Chapter 1 Setting the Stage: India and Japan in History of the Cold War which coincided with the promulgation of India’s “Look East” policy and the nuclear tests conducted by India in 1998 proved to be the two prominent turning points in the development of relations. The following section aims to decipher what drives the bilateral relationship today and whether the relationship is growing solely due to a stimulus arising out of the rise of China in Asia. The bilateral relationship will be studied in all its hues—political, strategic and economic—to paint a complete picture of ties. A unique paradox has defined India-Japan ties. On the one hand is the absence of any major dispute; on the other, the richness in relations has not been fully exploited for many years. Looking back in time, the post-Second World War period saw both countries share intellectual dis- cussion and a common vision of Pan Asianism. Japan also held a special place in being a prominent support base for members of the Indian revo- lutionary freedom struggle.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
    The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse.
    [Show full text]
  • The United States and Japan in Global Context: 2015
    THE EDWIN O. REISCHAUER CENTER FOR EAST ASIAN STUDIES THE UNITED STATES AND JAPAN IN GLOBAL CONTEXT: 2015 THE PAUL H. NITZE SCHOOL OF ADVANCED INTERNATIONAL STUDIES THE JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY Washington, D.C. Edwin O. Reischauer October 15, 1910 – September 1, 1990 Yearbook Class of 2015 From Left to Right: Sung Hui “Sophie” Yang, Jeffrey Bond, Ju Hyung Kim, Luoxi Dao, Ji Won Kwon, Malcolm Whitehead, Michael Wakcher, Professor William Brooks, Evan Sankey, Benjamin Garton, Ian Hamilton, Michael Kotler, Waichiro Katsuda, Yiwei “Jenny” Pan TABLE OF CONTENTS The Year at the Reischauer Center 1 Reischauer Center Events, 2014-2015 7 Introduction 10 William L. Brooks For U.S.-Japan Relations, the JET Program Is a Hidden National Treasure 46 Malcolm Whitehead U.S.-Japan Cultural Exchange in a New Era of Public Diplomacy 73 Michael Wakcher New U.S.-Japan Partnership in Disaster Management and Japan’s Role 95 Waichiro Katsuda India and the US-Japan Alliance 113 Evan Sankey Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s Central Asia Strategy: Is it Effective? 129 Ian Hamilton Trilateral security cooperation in Northeast Asia 157 Ju Hyong Kim Japan’s Trade Agreement Strategies: Three Case Studies 172 Ji Won Kwon Changing Trade Patterns among the U.S., Japan and China: Does Politics Trump Market Forces? 205 Jenny Iwei Pan Impact of “Abenomics” on Mergers and Acquisition Trends in Japan 222 Luoxi Dao Japan’s Long Road to Corporate Governance Reform 240 Ben Garton Building Japan’s Entrepreneurial Ecosystem 258 Jeff Bond Class Research Trip to Tokyo, March 2014: Photo Album 281 1 THE YEAR AT THE REISCHAUER CENTER The 2014-2015 academic year, during which the Reischauer Center celebrated its thirtieth anniversary, was a historic one--for the Center, SAIS, and for trans-Pacific relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Japan at a Political and Strategic Crossroads
    Policy Brief DecJune 25,2020 1, 2018 Valérie Niquet is senior Japan at a Political and Strategic fellow at the Japan Institute of International Affairs and Crossroads: head of the Asia program Complex Strategic Choices and a at Foundation for Strategic Balancing Act? Research. She writes extensively on Asia-Pacific Valérie Niquet strategic affairs and security. Her latest book, La puissance Introduction chinoise en 100 questions, Tallandier, has been published On August 28, Shinzo Abe, the longest-serving prime minister in 2017. You can follow her on in Japan (2,822 days) stepped down and was replaced by Yoshihide twitter @V.Niquet Suga, Abe’s former Chief Cabinet Secretary. Having long focused on internal politics and the intricacies of Japanese bureaucracy, Prime Minister Suga is now facing the task of navigating an increasingly tense and uncertain strategic situation, with stakes going far beyond Japan’s borders and immediate environment in the context of the unresolved COVID-19 pandemic.1 The challenges that Prime Minister Suga is facing are manifold and diverse; some can be considered long-term or permanent. Others are relatively new or continued trends with new effects on the strategic balance of power and threats to the region and beyond. Permanencies North Korean missile threat In terms of threats, though mentioned with less frequency in recent months, North Korea remains the most immediate and vital threat for Japan. Contrary to expectations after the Trump-Kim meeting in Singapore in 2018, North Korea has never put a stop to its nuclear and ballistic missile programs. Since ending a one-year moratorium in May 2019, North Korea has carried out 35 tests as of April 2020, all successful but one.
    [Show full text]
  • China-India-Japan in the Indo-Pacific Ideas, Interests and Infrastructure
    China-India-Japan in the Indo-Pacific Ideas, Interests and Infrastructure China-India-Japan in the Indo-Pacific Ideas, Interests and Infrastructure Editors Jagannath P. Panda Titli Basu PENTAGON PRESSPRESSPENTAGON China-India-Japan in the Indo-Pacific Ideas, Interests and Infrastructure Editors: Jagannath P. Panda and Titli Basu First Published in 2018 Copyright © Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. ISBN 978-93-86618-42-9 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without first obtaining written permission of the copyright owner. Disclaimer: The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, or the Government of India. Published by PENTAGON PRESS 206, Peacock Lane, Shahpur Jat New Delhi-110049 Phones: 011-64706243, 26491568 Telefax: 011-26490600 email: [email protected] website: www.pentagonpress.in In association with Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses No. 1, Development Enclave, New Delhi-110010 Phone: +91-11-26717983 Website: www.idsa.in Printed at Avantika Printers Private Limited. Contents Foreword ix Acknowledgments xi List of Contributors xiii 1. Introduction 1 Jagannath P. Panda and Titli Basu PART I DECODING THE CHINESE STRATEGY 2. Belt and Road Initiative: An Effective Future-oriented Instrument of China’s Economic Development and Diplomatic Expansion? 29 Justyna Szczudlik 3. China’s Security Governance Conception for Asia: Perspectives from India 47 Susanne Kamerling 4. Reflection on OBOR: A Test of Out-of-the-box Thinking: A Chinese Perspective 64 Huang Yunsong 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Handout(PDF:237KB)
    Innovator Japan ～～JapanJapan’s’s newnew sciencescience andand technologytechnology strategystrategy～～ IwaoIwao MatsudaMatsuda MinisterMinister ofof StateState forfor ScienceScience andand TechnologyTechnology PolicyPolicy MayMay 3,3, 2006,2006, WSPAWSPA The Basics of Japan's Science and Technology Policy The Council for Science and Technology Policy Members (Meets monthly) Name Position, title, etc. Junichiro Koizumi Prime Minister Major Events in Science and Shinzo Abe Chief Cabinet Secretary Technology Administration Minister of State for Science and Iwao Matsuda Technology Policy • 1995 Science and Minister for Internal Affairs and Cabinet Heizo Takenaka Communications Technology Basic Law Members Sadakazu Tanigaki Minister of Finance enacted Minister of Education, Culture, Kenji Kosaka Sports, Science and Technology • 1996–2000 1st Science Minister of Economy, Trade and Toshihiro Nikai Industry and Technology Basic Plan Full-time member (Professor Hiroyuki Abe • 2001 Cabinet Office and Emeritus, Tohoku University) Full-time member (Visiting Professor, Taizo Yakushiji Council for Science and Keio University) Tadamitsu Full-time member (Visiting Professor, Technology Policy Kishimoto Osaka University) inaugurated Full-time member (Former Executive Representative Director & Managing Members Ayao Tsuge • 2001–2005 2nd Science Director, Mitsubishi Heavy Industries, Ltd.) and Technology Basic Plan Reiko Kuroda Professor, the University of Tokyo President, Chief Executive Officer • 2006–2010 3rd Science Etsuhiko Shoyama and Director of Hitachi,
    [Show full text]
  • Japan Revival Vision
    Japan Revival Vision Provisional Translation May 23, 2014 Liberal Democratic Party of Japan Japan Economic Revival Headquarters 1 2 Note: This is only a provisional translation. With regard to any parts that seem unclear, please refer to the original Japanese version. Introduction In December of 2012, the Liberal Democratic Party returned to power with Prime Minister Abe in the lead, based on the slogan “Take Back Japan”. After the bubble burst, Japan had experienced a “Lost Two Decades” of long-term economic slump and deflation. Furthermore, stagnation escalated following the “Lehman Shock”, partly due to the deficient economic policies of the new government established after the LDP lost power. However, after the launch of the second Abe Cabinet, as a result of releasing what is known as the “Three Arrows,” domestic and international perceptions of Japan’s economic prospects significantly improved. This was reflected in the rapid rise of stock prices last year. The first arrow was aggressive monetary easing; the second arrow, flexible fiscal policy; and the third arrow, released in June of last year, was the Japan Revitalization Strategy, “Japan is Back”. According to the Tankan (the Bank of Japan’s quarterly economic survey) published in December of last year, for the first time in 21 years and 10 months, the Business Sentiment Diffusion Index turned positive for small and medium-sized enterprises in the non-manufacturing sector, which had been suffering from a long-term slump. Moreover, real GDP for the first quarter of this year grew as much as 5.9% on an annual basis, although this was buoyed in part by rush-demand before the increase of the consumption tax rate.
    [Show full text]
  • Culturegramstm World Edition 2019 Japan
    CultureGramsTM World Edition 2019 Japan until the late 19th century, however, feudal lords (or shoguns) BACKGROUND held political control. Japan adopted a policy of strict isolation and remained closed to nearly all foreign trade until Land and Climate 1853, when Matthew Perry of the U.S. Navy sailed into the Japan is slightly larger than Germany, or just smaller than the harbor of Edo (now Tokyo) to demand a treaty. The shoguns U.S. state of Montana. It consists of four main islands: lost power in the 1860s, and the emperor again took control. Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, and Shikoku. These are Hirohito ruled as emperor from 1926 to 1989. His reign surrounded by more than four thousand smaller islands. was called Shōwa, which means “enlightened peace,” and the Japan's terrain is largely mountainous, and most large cities deceased Hirohito is now properly referred to as Shōwa. He are positioned along the coasts. The country's wildlife is was succeeded by his eldest son, Akihito, in 1989. Akihito's diverse and includes animals such as bears, foxes, snow reign was called Heisei, meaning “achievement of universal monkeys, rabbits, deer, and red-crowned cranes. peace.” In 2019, due to the state of his health, Akihito stepped The nation has a few active and many dormant volcanoes. down as emperor, passing the throne to his eldest son, Mount Fuji, located west of Tokyo, on Honshu Island, is Naruhito, in Japan's first abdication since 1817. Japan's Japan's highest point, with an elevation of 12,388 feet (3,776 government chose Reiwa, meaning “beautiful harmony,” as meters).
    [Show full text]
  • 1 GR JAPAN Update on the Appointment of Prime Minister Suga
    GR JAPAN Update on the appointment of Prime Minister Suga and the Suga Cabinet 17 September 2020 Executive Summary • As expected, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga easily won the election for leadership of the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) on 14 September, taking over 70% of the vote. His premiership was cemented by the formal votes in the Diet on 16 September, where Suga received 314 of 465 votes in the House of Representatives and 142 of 245 in the House of Councillors. • After serving as Prime Minister Abe’s right hand as Chief Cabinet Secretary for nearly eight years, Suga is expected to be a “continuity” Prime Minister who will carry forward very similar policies, but he is seen as less of an ideologue and more focused on practical reforms. • The decisiveness of his victory gives Suga a solid platform within the party, helping him to push ahead with his own agenda and limiting internal dissent. • Suga’s Cabinet appointments reflect his commitment to continuity on the whole, with strategic appointments to further his plans for reform. • Policy priorities will focus on domestic issues, primarily economic recovery and Covid-19 pandemic mitigation, but the new Cabinet will also face tough diplomatic challenges. • Suga has indicated that he will continue Abe’s efforts to place a strengthened US- Japan alliance at the centre of Japan’s foreign policy, but also that he wants to achieve “balanced” relations with China. Yoshihide Suga as party leader As the new prime minister, Suga is stressing political continuity, but also talking about his commitment to administrative and regulatory reform as key priorities for his government.
    [Show full text]
  • China and Japan: Partners Or Permanent Rivals?
    China and Japan: Partners or Permanent Rivals? Willem van Kemenade November 2006 NETHERLANDS INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS CLINGENDAEL CIP-Data Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague Kemenade, Willem van China and Japan: Partners or Permanent Rivals? / Willem van Kemenade – The Hague, Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. Clingendael Diplomacy Papers No. 9 ISBN-10: 90–5031–111-3 ISBN-13: 978-90-5031-111-3 Desk top publishing by Desiree Davidse Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael Clingendael Diplomatic Studies Programme Clingendael 7 2597 VH The Hague Phonenumber +31(0)70 - 3746628 Telefax +31(0)70 - 3746666 P.O. Box 93080 2509 AB The Hague E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://www.clingendael.nl The Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael is an independent institute for research, training and public information on international affairs. It publishes the results of its own research projects and the monthly ‘Internationale Spectator’ and offers a broad range of courses and conferences covering a wide variety of international issues. It also maintains a library and documentation centre. © Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright-holders. Clingendael Institute, P.O. Box 93080, 2509 AB The Hague, The Netherlands. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This Clingendael Diplomacy Paper is the combined product of three short- term research projects that I undertook from my base in Beijing in 2005 and 2006. The first involved a trip to Tokyo in April 2005 for a chapter on ‘The Political Economy of North-East Asian Integration’, which appeared in August 2005 as chapter 3 in a study commissioned by the Directorate- General External Relations (DG Relex) of the European Commission to the European Institute of Asian Studies in Brussels.
    [Show full text]
  • KT 4-9-2014 Layout 1
    SUBSCRIPTION THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 2014 THULQADA 9, 1435 AH www.kuwaittimes.net UN’s OCHA Argentina beat marks World Germany 4-2 Humanitarian in World Cup Day in 2Kuwait final20 rematch Kuwait drops 4 spots in Max 48º Min 27º global competitiveness High Tide 05:14 & 20:23 State ranks lowest in FDA, IT, highest in controlling inflation, HIV Low Tide 13:14 40 PAGES NO: 16275 150 FILS By Sara Ahmed conspiracy theories KUWAIT: Kuwait dropped four spots on the World Congratulations Economic Forum’s Global Competitiveness Ranking for 2014-2015. Falling from 36 to 40 this year, Kuwait’s eval- to the nation uation highlighted problems with inefficient govern- ment bureaucracy, restrictive labor regulations, corrup- tion, access to financing and policy instability as among the top issues inhibiting the state’s global economic competitiveness. Kuwait recorded among the worst rankings in the By Badrya Darwish Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, falling far below the UAE (ranked 12), Qatar (16) and Saudi Arabia (24). It is listed as a transition economy. Other economies in transition on the global list include the Philippines (52), Algeria (79), Iran (83), Mongolia (98) and Bhutan (103). [email protected] The annual report evaluates nations using more than 100 indicators of competitiveness based on 12 pillars including institutions, infrastructure, macroeconomic osh, guys! I’m so overwhelmed and thrilled by environment, health and primary education, higher edu- the ranking of my country in the World cation and training, goods market efficiency, labor mar- GEconomic Forum’s Global Competiveness Report ket efficiency, financial market development, technolog- 2014.
    [Show full text]
  • Celebrating the 50Th Anniversary of the Foundation of ASEAN
    Celebrating the 50th Anniversary of the Foundation of ASEAN Toshihiro Nikai It gives me great pleasure to celebrate the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the Association of Southeast Asia n Nations (ASEAN). Since its inception, ASEAN has played a major role in the development of Southeast Asia under its banner of ‘peace and prosperity’. I have the utmost respect for the wisdom and industry of the men and women of Southeast Asia who established ASEAN and spurred its development. In what follows, I wish to offer a few insights on Japan’s relationship with ASEAN since its foundation, as well as some ideas about the Economic Research Institute for ASEAN and East Asia (ERIA), an international organisation I was closely involved in setting up. After the end of World War II, national independence movements began to gain momentum in the United States–occupied Philippines, the British colonies of Burma and Malaya, and the colonial territories of 241 French Indochina and the Dutch East Indies. This led to the formation of the 10 states that now constitute ASEAN’s membership. While some of these countries gained independence through peaceful negotiations with their respective imperial powers, others did so by waging wars of colonial independence. Differences in status vis-à-vis the former imperial powers, in perception as to where national boundaries should be drawn, or in terms of their respective positions in the global Cold War structure after World War II, left a variety of lingering resentments among these young nations. Although ASEAN took shape in 1967, Southeast Asia at that time was an area fraught with considerable volatility, and subject to frequent outbreaks of local conflicts.
    [Show full text]
  • Asia and Oceania (PDF)
    Chapter 2 Japan’s Foreign Policy that Takes a Panoramic Perspective of the World Map Section 1 Asia and Oceania 030 Section 2 North America 090 Section 3 Latin America and the Caribbean 106 Section 4 Europe 117 Section 5 Russia, Central Asia and Caucasus 134 Section 6 The Middle East and North Africa 143 Section 7 Africa 155 Section 1 Chapter 2 Asia and Oceania to rise sharply. This will support strong economic 1‌ Overview growth within the region, and the huge demand (General overview) for infrastructure and massive purchasing power The Asia-Oceania region is home not only to of the large middle class will also help to bring China and Japan, the second and third largest renewed affluence and vitality to Japan. Realizing economies in the world, but also to many emerging affluence and stability throughout Asia and countries with remarkable growth. As the world’s Oceania is indispensable for Japan’s peace and growth center, the region, with an abundance of prosperity. human resources, drives the world economy and Meanwhile, the security environment in the has been enhancing its presence. Of the world Asia-Oceania region is becoming increasingly population of 7.6 billion, approximately 3.6 billion severe as seen in the following developments: the people live in East Asia Summit (EAS) member nuclear and missile development by North Korea; states (excluding the U.S. and Russia)1. This modernization of military forces in a manner that represents about 48% of the world’s population2. lacks transparency and attempt to change the The combined nominal gross domestic product status quo by force or coercion in countries in (GDP) of the Association of Southeast Asian the region; and tension within the region growing Nations (ASEAN) member states, China and India over maritime domain.
    [Show full text]