The United States and Japan in Global Context: 2015
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Taiwan's Fight for International Space
21 TAIWAN’S FIGHT FOR INTERNATIONAL SPACE Michael C. Burgoyne The Taiwan Strait separating Taiwan and the People’s Republic of Chi- na (PRC) has long been considered a geopolitical flashpoint. Both sides continue to plan and prepare for a kinetic attempt by the PRC to coerce Taiwan into unification. However, the gains in the conflict between these two entities have largely been made in non-kinetic ways: fights over dip- lomatic recognition and attendance in international bodies, among others. The battleground in which this non-kinetic fight has taken place has come to be labeled “international space,” where Taiwan is striving for mean- ingful participation in the international community—broadly defined and evaluated in this chapter as diplomatic relations and participation in inter- governmental organizations (IGO)—and the PRC is trying to isolate the island from these interactions. Having its roots in the Chinese civil war that culminated in the 1940s, this fight is crucially important for both sides. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) sees Taiwan as a matter of legitimacy. The Party portrays itself as a staunch defender of sovereignty and territorial integrity to its citizens, yet Taiwan remains outside its control, which it feels could dele- gitimize it in the eyes of the populace. Constricting Taiwan’s international space is a way to leave Taiwan with no other choice than eventual unifica- tion. Taiwan sees itself as a separate country in a practical sense, with a strong, advanced economy and many advantages; yet it is only recognized as a country by 14 nations, and lacks representation in many IGOs. -
Nationalism in Japan's Contemporary Foreign Policy
The London School of Economics and Political Science Nationalism in Japan’s Contemporary Foreign Policy: A Consideration of the Cases of China, North Korea, and India Maiko Kuroki A thesis submitted to the Department of International Relations of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, February 2013 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of <88,7630> words. Statement of use of third party for editorial help I can confirm that my thesis was copy edited for conventions of language, spelling and grammar by Josh Collins and Greg Demmons. 2 of 3 Abstract Under the Koizumi and Abe administrations, the deterioration of the Japan-China relationship and growing tension between Japan and North Korea were often interpreted as being caused by the rise of nationalism. This thesis aims to explore this question by looking at Japan’s foreign policy in the region and uncovering how political actors manipulated the concept of nationalism in foreign policy discourse. -
An Analysis of the Manchurian Incident and Pan
Imperial Japan and English Language Press: An Analysis of the Manchurian Incident and Pan-Asianism By Garrett Weeden A thesis submitted to the Graduate School School-Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey In partial fulfillment of the requirements For the degree of Master of Arts Graduate Program in World Comparative History Written under the direction of Daniel Asen And approved by _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ _______________________ Newark, New Jersey January 2017 Copyright Page: © 2017 Garrett Weeden ALL RIGHTS RESERVED Abstract of the Thesis Imperial Japan and English Language Press: An Analysis of the Manchurian Incident and Pan-Asianism By Garrett Weeden Thesis Director: Daniel Asen Abstract This thesis seeks to use English language publications to help shine a light on Pan-Asianism as an ideology in regards to Manchuria and the Empire as a whole. The Japanese Empire was a transnational one and one that existed during a time of increasing internationalism. In the field there has not been as much attention to the role that Pan-Asianism has played in the foreign relations of Japan. I will study this by using English language Pan-Asianist texts as well as Japanese governmental and semi- governmental publication cross-referenced with United States Department of State archive to see the effect of such texts on the ideology. The effect was usually negligible, but the reasons and avenue that it was pursued may be even more important and interesting. The focus is on the time period from 1931 until 1934 because that it when the massive changes occurred in Japan within a rapidly changing international environment. -
Taiwan in Japan's Security Considerations Soeya Yoshihide
Taiwan in Japan’s Security Considerations Soeya Yoshihide During the Cold War period, particularly after the outbreak of the Korean War in 1950, Japan’s political and security relations with the People’s Republic of China and Taiwan had to cope with the realities of “two Chinas,” with the history of the Japanese colonization of Taiwan and its military aggression in China compelling post-war Japan to assume basi- cally “non-strategic” security orientation. The fundamental argument in this article is that Japan’s de facto “two Chinas” policy throughout much of the post-war period was not the result of careful consideration of its security priorities, but was rather a choice by default. A serious problem in the post-war study of Japanese foreign policy in general is often a result of over-estimating Japan’s “strategic” responses and over-reading its “strategic” thinking. This preoccupation with Japan as a strategic player is often revealed in the tendency to count it as one of the four major powers with the United States, Russia and China, but this has long been a fundamental source of confusion in the discourse and study about Japan. Here, “strategic” is used to refer to the nature of behaviour and thinking of powers which are capable and prepared to affect the structure of international politics as poles of the structure. Among the so-called four major powers, the United States, China and Russia have been such poles, but Japan was clearly not. This is why the fundamental premise of Japanese foreign and security policy has been the U.S.–Japan security relationship, and the robustness of the relationship, despite some recur- ring friction and political frustrations, is a testimony to the fact that Japan was not a comparable power to the United States, China and Russia. -
Japan at a Political and Strategic Crossroads
Policy Brief DecJune 25,2020 1, 2018 Valérie Niquet is senior Japan at a Political and Strategic fellow at the Japan Institute of International Affairs and Crossroads: head of the Asia program Complex Strategic Choices and a at Foundation for Strategic Balancing Act? Research. She writes extensively on Asia-Pacific Valérie Niquet strategic affairs and security. Her latest book, La puissance Introduction chinoise en 100 questions, Tallandier, has been published On August 28, Shinzo Abe, the longest-serving prime minister in 2017. You can follow her on in Japan (2,822 days) stepped down and was replaced by Yoshihide twitter @V.Niquet Suga, Abe’s former Chief Cabinet Secretary. Having long focused on internal politics and the intricacies of Japanese bureaucracy, Prime Minister Suga is now facing the task of navigating an increasingly tense and uncertain strategic situation, with stakes going far beyond Japan’s borders and immediate environment in the context of the unresolved COVID-19 pandemic.1 The challenges that Prime Minister Suga is facing are manifold and diverse; some can be considered long-term or permanent. Others are relatively new or continued trends with new effects on the strategic balance of power and threats to the region and beyond. Permanencies North Korean missile threat In terms of threats, though mentioned with less frequency in recent months, North Korea remains the most immediate and vital threat for Japan. Contrary to expectations after the Trump-Kim meeting in Singapore in 2018, North Korea has never put a stop to its nuclear and ballistic missile programs. Since ending a one-year moratorium in May 2019, North Korea has carried out 35 tests as of April 2020, all successful but one. -
TOKYO FIELD TRIP Dialogue with Cabinet Ministers
TOKYO FIELD TRIP Dialogue with Cabinet Ministers History Of Japan’s Environmental Policy Kenji Someno, Research Fellow, Tokyo Foundation am speaking here today in place of former ronmental pollution. From 1955 to 1965, en- IEnvironment Minister Sakahito Ozawa, ergy consumption tripled, and the industrial who unfortunately is unable to attend due to structure shifted toward heavy industries. This Diet obligations. resulted in air, water, and soil pollution, which I’ve been involved in pollution measures became serious health hazards. and climate change for over 20 years as a People’s perceptions of economic growth former official of the Environment Ministry, also changed. In the early 1970s, a majority, where I headed the government’s Team Minus for the first time, came to view growth nega- 6 Percent campaign to lower the country’s car- tively as being a threat to their health. bon dioxide emissions. The Basic Pollution Control Law was en- Japan experienced high economic growth acted in 1967. The business community was from the late 1950s to early 1970s. People opposed to the law, as it feared that the higher became more affluent, the material symbols of costs for pollution countermeasures would such prosperity being purchases of the “three hurt their competitiveness. They called for sacred treasures,” namely, the black-and-white balance between business growth and pollu- TV, washing machine, and refrigerator. Later, tion measures. as the country grew richer, the color TV, au- If you replace the word “pollution” with “cli- tomobile, and air conditioner emerged as the mate change,” I think it pretty much sums up “new sacred treasures.” the attitude of the business community today. -
From Rhetoric to Reality: Japanese Foreign-Policy Making Under The
From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis From Rhetoric to Reality Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan April 2012 Weston S. Konishi A publication of The Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis Contents Introduction and Acknowledgments iii Executive Summary v Main Findings v From Rhetoric to Reality: Foreign-Policy Making under the Democratic Party of Japan 1 Internal Challenges 4 Intra-party Divisions 4 The Complexities of Coalition Politics 7 Institutional Reforms: Toward Politician-Led Decision-Making 11 The DPJ’s Foreign Policy: Competing Visions 15 Realists 16 Pacifists 17 Centrists 17 Neo-Autonomists 18 Caveats 20 Prime Minister Hatoyama: An Agenda for Change 23 External Constraints on the Hatoyama Administration 27 The Kan Administration: Political Transition and Crisis Management 30 The Noda Administration: Shifting to the Center? 40 Findings and Implications 45 The Impact of Structural Obstacles on DPJ Foreign-Policy Making 45 Continuity versus Change 46 The DPJ: A Hawkish Party? 47 Bilateralism vs. Multilateralism 49 Competing Schools of Thought 51 Conclusion 54 APPENDIX A: Impact of Major Events on Cabinet Approval Ratings 56 FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY I APPENDIX B: The 2010 NDPG Process 59 APPENDIX C: Survey Data of DPJ Foreign Policy Viewpoints 62 APPENDIX D: Profiles of Key DPJ Politicians 63 APPENDIX E: Chronology of Major Events under DPJ Governments 79 Bibliography 86 About the Author 103 II FROM RHETORIC TO REALITY Introduction and Acknowledgments After more than fifty years of one-party dom- ister Kan Naoto, presided over Japan’s most chal- inance under the Liberal Democratic Par- lenging crisis since World War II—the March ty (LDP), Japan’s political landscape changed 11, 2011, Great East Japan Earthquake—before dramatically with the victory of the Democratic succumbing to his own political fate as a result Party of Japan (DPJ) in parliamentary elections of his inconsistent leadership. -
Renewed Hope in the Year of the Golden Pig
Comparative Connections A Quarterly E-Journal on East Asian Bilateral Relations Regional Overview: Renewed Hope in the Year of the Golden Pig Ralph A. Cossa, Pacific Forum CSIS Brad Glosserman, Pacific Forum CSIS The Year of the Golden Pig has gotten off to an auspicious beginning. The Six-Party Talks, seemingly left for dead at the end of last quarter, were miraculously revived, resulting in an “action for action” game plan for the phased implementation of the September 2005 joint denuclearization agreement. Neither weather nor terrorism concerns prevented the second East Asia Summit from taking place as rescheduled, with the U.S. nowhere to be found. ASEAN leaders also took a step forward in examining their first formal Charter while agreeing with their Plus Three partners (China, Japan, and South Korea, finally once again on speaking terms) to promote greater regional integration. Tokyo and Canberra took a dramatic step forward in strengthening bilateral security cooperation, while the second “Armitage-Nye Report” was released, laying out a bipartisan vision for “getting Asia right.” Korean Peninsula disarmament talks resume The previous two quarters had begun with a blast-off and a bang, respectively, as North Korean missile and nuclear tests had raised the ante and seemed to diminish the prospects for a negotiated denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula, the promises embodied in the September 2005 Joint Statement notwithstanding. Last quarter ended on an equally pessimistic note when the first round of Six-Party Talks in 13 months went nowhere; the participants could not even agree on a date to meet again. Obituary notices turned out to be premature, however, with not one but two Six-Party Talks plenary sessions taking place this quarter. -
AFRICA in CHINA's FOREIGN POLICY
AFRICA in CHINA’S FOREIGN POLICY YUN SUN April 2014 Yun Sun is a fellow at the East Asia Program of the Henry L. Stimson Center. NOTE: This paper was produced during the author’s visiting fellowship with the John L. Thornton China Center and the Africa Growth Initiative at Brookings. ABOUT THE JOHN L. THORNTON CHINA CENTER: The John L. Thornton China Center provides cutting-edge research, analysis, dialogue and publications that focus on China’s emergence and the implications of this for the United States, China’s neighbors and the rest of the world. Scholars at the China Center address a wide range of critical issues related to China’s modernization, including China’s foreign, economic and trade policies and its domestic challenges. In 2006 the Brookings Institution also launched the Brookings-Tsinghua Center for Public Policy, a partnership between Brookings and China’s Tsinghua University in Beijing that seeks to produce high quality and high impact policy research in areas of fundamental importance for China’s development and for U.S.-China relations. ABOUT THE AFRICA GROWTH INITIATIVE: The Africa Growth Initiative brings together African scholars to provide policymakers with high-quality research, expertise and innovative solutions that promote Africa’s economic development. The initiative also collaborates with research partners in the region to raise the African voice in global policy debates on Africa. Its mission is to deliver research from an African perspective that informs sound policy, creating sustained economic growth and development for the people of Africa. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS: I would like to express my gratitude to the many people who saw me through this paper; to all those who generously provided their insights, advice and comments throughout the research and writing process; and to those who assisted me in the research trips and in the editing, proofreading and design of this paper. -
China-India-Japan in the Indo-Pacific Ideas, Interests and Infrastructure
China-India-Japan in the Indo-Pacific Ideas, Interests and Infrastructure China-India-Japan in the Indo-Pacific Ideas, Interests and Infrastructure Editors Jagannath P. Panda Titli Basu PENTAGON PRESSPRESSPENTAGON China-India-Japan in the Indo-Pacific Ideas, Interests and Infrastructure Editors: Jagannath P. Panda and Titli Basu First Published in 2018 Copyright © Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. ISBN 978-93-86618-42-9 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without first obtaining written permission of the copyright owner. Disclaimer: The views expressed in this book are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, or the Government of India. Published by PENTAGON PRESS 206, Peacock Lane, Shahpur Jat New Delhi-110049 Phones: 011-64706243, 26491568 Telefax: 011-26490600 email: [email protected] website: www.pentagonpress.in In association with Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses No. 1, Development Enclave, New Delhi-110010 Phone: +91-11-26717983 Website: www.idsa.in Printed at Avantika Printers Private Limited. Contents Foreword ix Acknowledgments xi List of Contributors xiii 1. Introduction 1 Jagannath P. Panda and Titli Basu PART I DECODING THE CHINESE STRATEGY 2. Belt and Road Initiative: An Effective Future-oriented Instrument of China’s Economic Development and Diplomatic Expansion? 29 Justyna Szczudlik 3. China’s Security Governance Conception for Asia: Perspectives from India 47 Susanne Kamerling 4. Reflection on OBOR: A Test of Out-of-the-box Thinking: A Chinese Perspective 64 Huang Yunsong 5. -
Notes to the Introduction Robert Gilpin, the Political Economy Of
Notes Notes to the Introduction 1. Frederick L. Shiels, Tokyo and Washington (Lexington, Mass.: Lexington Books, 1980) p. 55. 2. Robert Gilpin, The Political Economy of International Relations (Princeton, N. 1.: Princeton University Press, 1987) pp. 391-2. 3. Quoted in Akira Iriye, Pacific Estrangement: Japanese and American Es trangement, 1897-1911 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972) p.9. 4. See James Fallows, More like Us: An American Plan for American Recov ery (New York: Pantheon, 1990). 5. Roger Pineau, The Japan Expedition, 1852-1854: The Personal Journal of Commodore Matthew Perry (Washington. D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1968) pp. 211. 214. 6. Henry Kissinger, Years of Upheaval (Boston. Mass.: Little, Brown, 1982) pp.737-8. 7. Richard Neustadt, Alliance Politics (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970) p. 66. 8. Akira lriye, Pacific Estrangement. p. 1. Notes to Chapter 1: Pacific Patron, 1853-94 1. Cecil Crabb, Policy-makers and Critics: Conflicting Theories of American Foreing Policy (New York: Praeger, 1976) p. 1. 2. William Seward, Works, vol. 4, p. 319. 3. James Thompson et al., Sentimental Imperialists: The American Experience in East Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1981) pp. 35-6. 4. John Witney Hall, Japan: From Prehistory to Modem Times (Tokyo: Charles E. Tuttle, 1971) p. 218. 5. John Foster Dulles, Yankees and Samurai: America's Role in the Emergence of Modem Japan, 1791-1900 (New York: Harper & Row, 1965) pp. 1-6. 6. Ibid., p. 9. 7. Ibid., p. 12. 8. Ibid., p. 29. 9. Akira lriye, Pacific Estrangement: Japanese and American Expansion, 1897- 1911 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1972) p. -
China's Foreign Aid Political Drivers: Lessons from a Novel Dataset of Mask Diplomacy in Latin America During the COVID-19
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/344035590 China’s Foreign Aid Political Drivers: Lessons from a Novel Dataset of Mask Diplomacy in Latin America During the COVID-19 Pandemic Preprint · August 2020 CITATIONS READS 0 2,171 2 authors: Diego Telias Francisco Urdinez Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile 9 PUBLICATIONS 2 CITATIONS 37 PUBLICATIONS 179 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Foreign Policy Index (Brazil) View project Democratic Peace View project All content following this page was uploaded by Francisco Urdinez on 19 April 2021. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Forthcoming in the Journal of Current Chinese Affairs China’s Foreign Aid Political Drivers: Lessons from a Novel Dataset of Mask Diplomacy in Latin America During the COVID-19 Pandemic Diego Telias Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6459-0017 & Francisco Urdinez1 Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3333-478X Abstract: This study investigates a novel dataset comprised of a universe of 537 donations in 33 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, between February 11 and June 20, 2020, which provides a high level of detail on China’s and Taiwan’s mask diplomacy. We describe who the main donors were, who the main recipients were, what was donated to each country, and which variables explain why some countries received more aid than the others. Drawing on previous literature, the article advances understanding about the political determinants of these donations.