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Herodian and Cassius Dio: a Study of Herodian’S Compositional Devices Chrysanthos S

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Herodian and Cassius Dio: a Study of Herodian’S Compositional Devices Chrysanthos S Herodian and Cassius Dio: A Study of Herodian’s Compositional Devices Chrysanthos S. Chrysanthou ERODIAN around the middle of the third century wrote a history of the fifty-eight years from the death of Marcus Aurelius to the accession of Gordian III (180– H1 238). This article addresses the narrative devices he used in composing his History: the ways and purposes whereby he adapts and manipulates his source material, more precisely Cassius Dio’s Roman History.2 Herodian’s reworking of Dio’s story has been noticed by scholars, who have stressed that he frequently suppresses, ex- 1 The date of composition is still a matter of dispute. Many argue that it was written during the reign of Philip the Arab or Decius, e.g. C. R. Whitta- ker, Herodian I (Cambridge [Mass.] 1969) 12–19; G. Marasco, “Erodiano e la crisi dell’impero,” ANRW II 34.4 (1998) 2837–2927, at 2839; A. Polley, “The Date of Herodian’s History,” AntCl 72 (2003) 203–208. See A. Kemezis, Greek Narratives of the Roman Empire under the Severans (Cambridge 2014) 300–304, for a detailed discussion. H. Sidebottom, “The Date of the Composition of Herodian’s History,” AntCl 66 (1997) 271–276, suggests the reign of Gallienus, while A. Kaldellis, “How Perilous was it to Write Politi- cal History in Late Antiquity?” Studies in Late Antiquity 1 (2017) 38–63, at 51– 52, thoughtfully proposes Gordian III. Detailed bibliography: C. Davenport and C. Mallan, “Herodian and the Crisis of Emperorship, 235–238 AD,” Mnemosyne 73 (2020) 419–440, at 420 n.1. 2 Translations here are those of the Loeb editions, slightly adapted at some points. Texts: Herodian, C. M. Lucarini, Herodianus: Regnum post Marcum (Berlin 2005); Dio, U. P. Boissevain, Cassii Dionis Cocceiani historiarum Romanarum quae supersunt (Berlin 1895–1931), here with the ‘reformed’ num- eration of Boissevain, which E. Cary, Dio’s Roman History (Loeb), also uses, followed by the traditional numeration in brackets. ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 60 (2020) 621–651 Article copyright held by the author(s) and made available under the Creative Commons Attribution License CC-BY https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ 622 HERODIAN AND CASSIUS DIO pands, alters, or even distorts details in Dio’s text.3 In this article, a close study of Herodian’s compositional techniques will advance the argument that his writing involves a substan- tial reshaping of Dio’s work. The first part offers an overview of Herodian’s sources; the following parts examine individual compositional devices, especially ‘displacements’, ‘omissions’, and ‘modifications of context’, which Herodian employs to re- work Dio’s History and bring out themes and ideas that are essential to his own reading and understanding of the post- Marcus world. Throughout, I show that Herodian’s revision of his source material reveals crucial differences of both literary presentation and historical interpretation between the two historians. This suggests some wider conclusions concerning Herodian’s historiographical method and literary motivations. Herodian’s sources The only source to which Herodian refers explicitly is Septimius Severus’ autobiography (2.9.4). He also mentions Marcus Aurelius’ writings and speeches (1.2.3), as well as the histories of Marcus’ principate (1.2.5), but nowhere does he in- dicate whether or not he uses these works as sources. He also refers to pictorial accounts and visual representations (e.g. 1.15.4, 2.9.4, 4.8.2, 5.3.5, 7.2.8), which might have served as source material as well.4 Moreover, both in the prologue (1.1– 3 E.g. G. Alföldy, “Zeitgeschichte und Krisenempfindung bei Herodian,” Hermes 99 (1971) 429–449, at 431–432; F. Kolb, Literarische Beziehungen zwi- schen Cassius Dio, Herodian und der Historia Augusta (Bonn 1972) 29–30, 43–44, 47, 160–161; A. Scheithauer, “Die Regierungszeit des Kaisers Elagabal in der Darstellung von Cassius Dio und Herodian,” Hermes 118 (1990) 335– 356; M. Zimmermann, Kaiser und Ereignis: Studien zum Geschichtswerk Herodians (Munich 1999) 43–251; A. G. Scott, “Conspiracy as Plot Type in Herod- ian’s Roman History,” Mnemosyne 71 (2018) 434–459, at 438 with n.14, 442–445, 449–450, 451–452. 4 See H. Sidebottom, “Herodian’s Historical Methods and Understand- ing of History,” ANRW II 34.4 (1998) 2775–2836, at 2786–2787; M. Gleason, “Identity Theft: Doubles and Masquerades in Cassius Dio’s Con- temporary History,” ClAnt 30 (2011) 33–86, at 74. Cf. Scott, Mnemosyne 71 (2018) 437–438 n.12. ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 60 (2020) 621–651 CHRYSANTHOS S. CHRYSANTHOU 623 2) and in the course of his narrative Herodian reports un- specified historians (and poets) who wrote about contemporary history (2.15.6–7, 3.7.3, 6).5 He refers to these authors, without naming them,6 in order to show how and to what extent his own account follows or deviates from theirs. As a result, he de- marcates his own historiographical enterprise and emphasizes his principles, especially his focus on truth and his aversion to bias and flattery.7 In addition, other anonymous sources are mentioned in the form of “it is said” or “they say” or “something/someone was alleged to (ἐλέγετο).8 Hidber notes that, through these un- specified and anonymous sources, Herodian exculpates himself from “the responsibility for a particular report.”9 But there might be another possibility: these unspecified reports, which can refer to both oral and written traditions, may be intended to reconstruct the atmosphere of the times, and to highlight 5 See T. Hidber, “Herodian,” in I. de Jong et al. (eds.), Narrators, Narratees, and Narratives in Ancient Greek Literature (Leiden 2004) 201–210, at 205 with n.15. Cf. Whittaker, Herodian I 246–247 n.2 on 2.15.6–7; and on Herodian’s prologue, T. Hidber, Herodians Darstellung der Kaisergeschichte nach Marc Aurel (Basel 2006) 82–92. On Herodian’s sources in general see Whittaker 61–71; F. Gascó, “Las fuentes de la historia de Herodiano,” Emerita 52 (1984) 355– 360. 6 It has been thought that at 1.1.1 Herodian makes a covert attack on Cassius Dio and Asinius Quadratus, while at 1.1.2 he criticizes, besides Dio, Aelius Antipater and Claudius Aelianus: see Hidber, Herodians Darstellung 82–92. Whittaker, Herodian I 246–247 n.2, mentions some plausible authors whom Herodian might criticize at 2.15.6–7: Marius Maximus, Cassius Dio, Aelius Antipater, Gordian I, and more generally the literary circle around the empress Julia Domna. 7 See Hidber, Herodians Darstellung 92–93. 8 E.g. 1.11.1–5, 1.14.4, 1.16.1, 2.1.6, 3.4.3, 3.4.7, 3.7.4, 4.8.8, 5.6.4, 6.5.2, 7.1.5, 7.1.7, 8.3.7, with Whittaker, Herodian I 63; Hidber, in Narrators 206 n.17. 9 Hidber, in Narrators 206. On such phrases as “authenticating device” see Zimmermann, Kaiser und Ereignis 319 with n.199. ————— Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies 60 (2020) 621–651 624 HERODIAN AND CASSIUS DIO what contemporaries may have thought or said. Herodian’s references to eyewitnesses contribute to this end too.10 While it should be kept in mind that study of Herodian’s sources is more or less a matter of speculation, given his silence on the subject and the fact that most of the sources for this period, known to have existed in various literary forms,11 are non-extant or preserved in fragmentary or epitomated form, scholars have argued that Herodian has effectively drawn on or (at least) was familiar with several Greek and Roman historians and biographers.12 In that regard, what appears most notice- ably in Herodian’s work is his complex intertextual relationship with the Roman History of Cassius Dio. Herodian’s use of Dio has been a vexed question,13 and one of the difficulties is the lack (for the most part) of Dio’s original text.14 It is now generally accepted that Herodian knew Dio’s 10 1.15.4, 3.8.10, 4.8.2. See Hidber, in Narrators 206–207 with n.21. 11 See H. Sidebottom, “Severan Historiography: Evidence, Patterns, and Arguments,” in S. Swain et al. (eds.), Severan Culture (Cambridge 2007) 52– 82. On the historiographical tendencies in the period see also E. Bowie, “Greeks and their Past in the Second Sophistic,” P&P 46 (1970) 10–28. 12 On the Greek side, especially Thucydides, Polybius, Xenophon, and plausibly Herodotus, Asinius Quadratus, and Aelius Antipater. See Side- bottom, ANRW II 34.4 (1998) 2787; Hidber, Herodians Darstellung 60–62, 73– 74, 77–117, 113, 120–121, 196. On possible interaction with Josephus and Appian see Hidber 79 n.24, 120 n.188. On Herodian’s familiarity with Latin literature, Hidber 196–201, esp. 196 n.31, citing further bibliography. On Herodian’s use of Sallust’s Bellum Iugurthinum, Hidber 199–200, noting important verbal parallels. Other Latin authors who have been suggested as Herodian’s plausible sources include Ovid (Whittaker, Herodian I 62, who comments on Baaz’s argument about Herodian’s use of Verrius Flaccus), Tacitus (Hidber 70 with n.348), and the biographer Marius Maximus (Whittaker 64–65, 69–70; Hidber 60 with n.308). 13 Scholars have entertained the possibility either that Herodian does not know Dio, or that Herodian and Dio have a common source, or that Herodian knows and uses Dio. For a range of opinions see e.g. Whittaker, Herodian I 64–68; Gascó, Emerita 52 (1984) 357–360; Sidebottom, ANRW II 34.4 (1998) 2780–2792; and most usefully Scott, Mnemosyne 71 (2018) 438– 439 n.12.
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