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Apuleius's Story of Cupid and Psyche and the Roman Law of Marriage" Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol
Georgetown University Institutional Repository http://www.library.georgetown.edu/digitalgeorgetown The author made this article openly available online. Please tell us how this access affects you. Your story matters. OSGOOD, J. "Nuptiae Iure Civili Congruae: Apuleius's Story of Cupid and Psyche and the Roman Law of Marriage" Transactions of the American Philological Association (1974-), Vol. 136, No. 2 (Autumn, 2006), pp. 415-441 Collection Permanent Link: http://hdl.handle.net/10822/555440 © 2006 The John Hopkins University Press This material is made available online with the permission of the author, and in accordance with publisher policies. No further reproduction or distribution of this copy is permitted by electronic transmission or any other means. Transactionsof the American Philological Association 136 (2006) 415-441 Nuptiae lure Civili Congruae: Apuleius'sStory of Cupid and Psyche and the Roman Lawof Marriage JOSIAH OSGOOD GeorgetownUniversity SUMMARY: Socialhistorians, despite showing greatinterest in Apuleius'sMeta- morphoses,have tended to ignorethe novel'sembedded tale of Cupidand Psycheon the groundsthat it is purelyimaginary. This paperdemonstrates that Apuleiusin fact refersthroughout his story to realRoman practices, especially legal practices-most conspicuousare the frequentreferences to the Romanlaw of marriage.A carefulexamination of severalpassages thus shows how knowl- edge of Romanlaw, it turns out, enhancesthe reader'spleasure in Apuleius's story.The paperconcludes by exploringthe connectionsbetween Apuleius's fairytaleand the accountof his own marriageto AemiliaPudentilla in his ear- lier work,the Apologia.Apuleius seems to be recalling,playfully, his own earlier legal success.At the same time, both works suggestthat legal problemsarose in Romanfamilies not becauseof the actions of any officialenforcers, but rather appealto the law by particularfamily members. -
Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium*
Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium* MELINDA SZEKELY Pliny the Elder writes the following about the king of Taprobane1 in the sixth book of his Natural History: "eligi regem a populo senecta clementiaque, liberos non ha- bentem, et, si postea gignat, abdicari, ne fiat hereditarium regnum."2 This account es- caped the attention of the majority of scholars who studied Pliny in spite of the fact that this sentence raises three interesting and debated questions: the election of the king, deposal of the king and the heredity of the monarchy. The issue con- cerning the account of Taprobane is that Pliny here - unlike other reports on the East - does not only use the works of former Greek and Roman authors, but he also makes a note of the account of the envoys from Ceylon arriving in Rome in the first century A. D. in his work.3 We cannot exclude the possibility that Pliny himself met the envoys though this assumption is not verifiable.4 First let us consider whether the form of rule described by Pliny really existed in Taprobane. We have several sources dealing with India indicating that the idea of that old and gentle king depicted in Pliny's sentence seems to be just the oppo- * The study was supported by OTKA grant No. T13034550. 1 Ancient name of Sri Lanka (until 1972, Ceylon). 2 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 89. Pliny, Natural History, Cambridge-London 1989, [19421], with an English translation by H. Rackham. 3 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 85-91. Concerning the Singhalese envoys cf. -
Supplied Through the Parthians) from the 1St Century BC, Even Though the Romans Thought Silk Was Obtained from Trees
Chinese Silk in the Roman Empire Trade with the Roman Empire followed soon, confirmed by the Roman craze for Chinese silk (supplied through the Parthians) from the 1st century BC, even though the Romans thought silk was obtained from trees: The Seres (Chinese), are famous for the woolen substance obtained from their forests; after a soaking in water they comb off the white down of the leaves... So manifold is the labor employed, and so distant is the region of the globe drawn upon, to enable the Roman maiden to flaunt transparent clothing in public. -(Pliny the Elder (23- 79, The Natural History) The Senate issued, in vain, several edicts to prohibit the wearing of silk, on economic and moral grounds: the importation of Chinese silk caused a huge outflow of gold, and silk clothes were considered to be decadent and immoral: I can see clothes of silk, if materials that do not hide the body, nor even one's decency, can be called clothes... Wretched flocks of maids labour so that the adulteress may be visible through her thin dress, so that her husband has no more acquaintance than any outsider or foreigner with his wife's body. -(Seneca the Younger (c. 3 BCE- 65 CE, Declamations Vol. I) The Roman historian Florus also describes the visit of numerous envoys, included Seres (perhaps the Chinese), to the first Roman Emperor Augustus, who reigned between 27 BCE and 14 CE: Even the rest of the nations of the world which were not subject to the imperial sway were sensible of its grandeur, and looked with reverence to the Roman people, the great conqueror of nations. -
Divination and Fictionality in Apuleius' Metamorphoses
Begoming a book : divination and fictionality in Apuleius' Metamorphoses Autor(en): Kirichenko, Alexander Objekttyp: Article Zeitschrift: Museum Helveticum : schweizerische Zeitschrift für klassische Altertumswissenschaft = Revue suisse pour l'étude de l'antiquité classique = Rivista svizzera di filologia classica Band (Jahr): 68 (2011) Heft 2 PDF erstellt am: 11.10.2021 Persistenter Link: http://doi.org/10.5169/seals-178536 Nutzungsbedingungen Die ETH-Bibliothek ist Anbieterin der digitalisierten Zeitschriften. Sie besitzt keine Urheberrechte an den Inhalten der Zeitschriften. Die Rechte liegen in der Regel bei den Herausgebern. Die auf der Plattform e-periodica veröffentlichten Dokumente stehen für nicht-kommerzielle Zwecke in Lehre und Forschung sowie für die private Nutzung frei zur Verfügung. Einzelne Dateien oder Ausdrucke aus diesem Angebot können zusammen mit diesen Nutzungsbedingungen und den korrekten Herkunftsbezeichnungen weitergegeben werden. Das Veröffentlichen von Bildern in Print- und Online-Publikationen ist nur mit vorheriger Genehmigung der Rechteinhaber erlaubt. Die systematische Speicherung von Teilen des elektronischen Angebots auf anderen Servern bedarf ebenfalls des schriftlichen Einverständnisses der Rechteinhaber. Haftungsausschluss Alle Angaben erfolgen ohne Gewähr für Vollständigkeit oder Richtigkeit. Es wird keine Haftung übernommen für Schäden durch die Verwendung von Informationen aus diesem Online-Angebot oder durch das Fehlen von Informationen. Dies gilt auch für Inhalte Dritter, die über dieses Angebot zugänglich sind. Ein Dienst der ETH-Bibliothek ETH Zürich, Rämistrasse 101, 8092 Zürich, Schweiz, www.library.ethz.ch http://www.e-periodica.ch Becoming a Book: Divination and Fictionality in Apuleius’ Metamorphoses By Alexander Kirichenko, Trier Abstract: This article argues that discussions about divination in Apuleius’ novel are used to highlight the narrative’s status as a piece of self-evident fiction. -
Holy Statue: Dio Cassius and Agrippa’S Pantheon
Holy Statue: Dio Cassius and Agrippa’s Pantheon Dio Cassius’ anachronisms are well-known (Swan 1987, Millar 1964), but this paper argues that his descriptions of the Pantheon and its statuary (53.27.2-3 and 54.1.1) use specific language and imagery to report the Agrippan monument to his third-century readers. This argument seeks to prove two points: that Dio’s language clarifies his layout of the statues, and that the named gods mark the Agrippan version of the temple. A word-study of ἄγαλμα, ἀνδρίας, and εἰκών follows the design of Estienne’s (2010) analysis of Latin words for statuary: 60% of Dio’s applications of ἄγαλμα refer to divine statues, with 23% describing imperial (mostly divi), but never regular mortals; 54% of uses of ἀνδρίας refer to imperial statues and 34% to mortals, but never singularly uses for divine; εἰκών is the most common, with 50% of uses describing imperial statues, 40% percent to mortals, and less than 1% percent are divine. These data show that Dio never applies certain words for specific types of statues, and context reveals more about overlapping and uncertain images. For example, he never utilizes ἀνδρίας for the divine, but the context of Dio’s five uncertain uses of the plural ἀνδριάντες indicates groups of statues, which included gods, emperors, and men (37.9.1, 54.1.1, 60.6.8, 74.5.3, 74.12.5). Dio then applies the plural broadly as a collective term, where the context of the grouping would elucidate his meaning. In the Pantheon, Dio presents all three types of images sharing the temple (53.27.2-3). -
Plato's Phaedrus and Apuleius' Metamorphoses1
“Necessary Roughness”: Plato’s Phaedrus and Apuleius’ Metamorphoses1 JEFFREY T. WINKLE Calvin College Introduction Readers of Apuleius have long recognized the influence of Plato’s Phaedrus (along with other Platonic works) on his Metamorphoses, especially in the allegorical elements of the “Cupid and Psyche” centerpiece.2 Outside of “Cu- pid and Psyche” a handful of other allusions to the Phaedrus in the novel have been widely noted3 but it is the contention of this essay that elements of Plato’s Phaedrus are more deeply embedded in the themes and overall narrative(s) of the Apuleian novel than previously recognized. Reading the whole of the novel closely against the Phaedrus reveals that just as this particular dialogue provides a useful interpretive touchstone for the “Cupid and Psyche” tale, it functions in a similar and deliberate way for the novel’s principal narrative concerning Lucius, acting as backdrop to and underlining what we might call his fall and redemption. What follows is not an argument that the Phaedrus ————— 1 I am very grateful to my colleagues Ken Bratt, U.S. Dhuga, and David Noe for their helpful comments on an early draft of the essay as well as to Luca Graverini and the journal refer- ees especially for bringing me up to speed on recent scholarship and talking me down from particular interpretive ledges. 2 For Phaedrean (and other Platonic) influence on Cupid and Psyche see: Hooker 1955; Walsh 1970, 55ff, 195, 206ff; Penwill 1975; Anderson 1982, 75-85; Kenney 1990, 17-22; Schlam 1992, 82-98; Shumate 1996, 259ff; Dowden 1998; O’Brien 1998; Zimmerman 2004; Graverini 2012a, 112-113. -
Vestal Virgins of Rome: Images of Power
Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU John Wesley Powell Student Research Conference 2013, 24th Annual JWP Conference Apr 20th, 10:00 AM - 11:00 AM Vestal Virgins of Rome: Images Of Power Melissa Huang Illinois Wesleyan University Amanda Coles, Faculty Advisor Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/jwprc Part of the History Commons Huang, Melissa and Coles, Faculty Advisor, Amanda, "Vestal Virgins of Rome: Images Of Power" (2013). John Wesley Powell Student Research Conference. 3. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/jwprc/2013/oralpres5/3 This Event is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. 1 The Power of Representation: The Vestal Virgins of Rome Melissa Huang Abstract: The earliest archaeological and literary evidence suggest that the Vestal Virgins began as priestesses primarily responsible for religious fertility and purification rituals. Yet from humble beginnings, the Vestals were able to create a foothold in political life through the turbulence of the transition from Republic to Principate. -
Julius Caesar to Caligula)
Notable instances of intellectual repression in Rome (Julius Caesar to Caligula) NB: Legal bases: • Twelve Tables (450 BC) (TT 8.1, cited by Cicero in Rep. 4.12, p. 79 in your text, who wholeheartedly agrees with the law) prohibited defamatory writings: ‘If any person had sung or composed against another person a song (=poem) such as was causing slander or insult to another…’ Penalty (in 450 BC, evidently) was to be clubbed to death. • maiestas (treason): first introduced 103 BC, underwent a variety of changes, though the important one was the law passed by Julius Caesar (lex Iulia maiestatis, ca. 45 BC) which made banishment the chief penalty. This was the law invoked frequently in the first century of the Principate (notably by Tiberius, but by almost all of his successors as well). Julius Caesar ca. 45 BC: expert on oracles exiled by Julius Caesar Augustus 31 BC(?): Octavian (=Augustus) burns all documents relevant to triumviral period 28 BC: philosopher (Anaxilaos), expert in magic, banished ca. 27 BC: Augustus curtails publication of the acta senatus (‘senatorial record’) ca. 18 BC(?): Augustus forbids publication of anonymous attacks 12 BC: Augustus, now pontifex maximus, burns all oracular books and writings. First known instance of ‘book burning’ (usually done under charge of maiestas) AD 6 (?): Corvus, professor of rhetoric, charged with ‘harming the state’ for discussing birth control and celibacy in his classroom. Outcome of trial unknown. ca. AD 6-8: Titus Labienus, Augustan orator and an historian, has his writings confiscated and burned by senatorial decree (on grounds that his writings were treasonous). -
Representing Roman Female Suicide. Phd Thesis
GUILT, REDEMPTION AND RECEPTION: REPRESENTING ROMAN FEMALE SUICIDE ELEANOR RUTH GLENDINNING, BA (Hons) MA Thesis submitted to the University of Nottingham for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy DECEMBER 2011 Abstract This thesis examines representations of Roman female suicide in a variety of genres and periods from the history and poetry of the Augustan age (especially Livy, Ovid, Horace, Propertius and Vergil), through the drama and history of the early Principate (particularly Seneca and Tacitus), to some of the Church fathers (Tertullian, Jerome and Augustine) and martyr acts of Late Antiquity. The thesis explores how the highly ambiguous and provocative act of female suicide was developed, adapted and reformulated in historical, poetic, dramatic and political narratives. The writers of antiquity continually appropriated this controversial motif in order to comment on and evoke debates about issues relating to the moral, social and political concerns of their day: the ethics of a voluntary death, attitudes towards female sexuality, the uses and abuses of power, and traditionally expected female behaviour. In different literary contexts, and in different periods of Roman history, writers and thinkers engaged in this same intellectual exercise by utilising the suicidal female figure in their works. ii Acknowledgments I would like to thank the Arts and Humanities Research Council for providing the financial assistance necessary for me to carry out this research. The Roman Society also awarded a bursary that allowed me to undertake research at the Fondation Hardt pour I'etude de I'antiquite classique, in Geneva, Switzerland (June 2009). I am also grateful for the CAS Gender Histories bursary award which aided me while making revisions to the original thesis. -
Ancient Authors 297
T Ancient authors 297 is unknown. His Attic Nights is a speeches for the law courts, collection of essays on a variety political speeches, philosophical ANCIENT AUTHORS of topics, based on his reading of essays, and personal letters to Apicius: (fourth century AD) is the Greek and Roman writers and the friends and family. name traditionally given to the lectures and conversations he had Columella: Lucius Iunius author of a collection of recipes, heard. The title Attic Nights refers Moderatus Columella (wrote c.AD de Re Coquinaria (On the Art of to Attica, the district in Greece 60–65) was born at Gades (modern Cooking). Marcus Gavius Apicius around Athens, where Gellius was Cadiz) in Spain and served in the was a gourmet who lived in the living when he wrote the book. Roman army in Syria. He wrote a early first centuryAD and wrote Cassius Dio (also Dio Cassius): treatise on farming, de Re Rustica about sauces. Seneca says that he Cassius Dio Cocceianus (c.AD (On Farming). claimed to have created a scientia 150–235) was born in Bithynia. He popīnae (snack bar cuisine). Diodorus Siculus: Diodorus had a political career as a consul (wrote c.60–30 BC) was a Greek Appian: Appianos (late first in Rome and governor of the from Sicily who wrote a history of century AD–AD 160s) was born in provinces of Africa and Dalmatia. the world centered on Rome, from Alexandria, in Egypt, and practiced His history of Rome, written in legendary beginnings to 54 BC. as a lawyer in Rome. -
Pliny's "Vesuvius" Narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20)
Edinburgh Research Explorer Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20) Citation for published version: Berry, D 2008, Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20). in F Cairns (ed.), Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar . vol. 13, Francis Cairns Publications Ltd, pp. 297-313. Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Early version, also known as pre-print Published In: Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar Publisher Rights Statement: ©Berry, D. (2008). Letters from an advocate: Pliny's "Vesuvius" narratives (Epistles 6.16, 6.20). In F. Cairns (Ed.), Papers of the Langford Latin Seminar . (pp. 297-313). Francis Cairns Publications Ltd. General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 29. Sep. 2021 LETTERS FROM AN ADVOCATE: Pliny’s ‘Vesuvius’ Narratives (Epp. 6.16, 6.20)* D.H. BERRY University of Edinburgh To us in the modern era, the most memorable letters of Pliny the Younger are Epp. 6.16 and 6.20, addressed to Cornelius Tacitus. -
Matthew Gwinne's Nero
Matthew Gwinne’s Nero (1603): Seneca, Academic Drama, and the Politics of Polity 16 Emma Buckley University of St. Andrews Broadly speaking, J.W. Cunliffe’s narrative of the role of Senecan influence in the early modern period still holds good today, positing as it does a reception history moving from performance, to the influential 1550s translations, to a final phase of Senecan contact in the mature vernacular dramaturgy of the Elizabethan age, where Senecan drama plays an important (but more limited role) in inspiring the Renaissance revenge-tragedy model. Though it may be difficult to isolate ‘Seneca’ in the melting-pot of other literary influences, from the medievalde casibus tradition to tragedies being produced on the continent, it is clear that Senecan tragedy makes a special contribution to the bloodthirsty, spectacular and rhetorically-daring theatre of the late Tudor age.1 In its movement from production, through translation, to cre- ative reconfiguration, and working from dependency to independence, from Latin to English, and from private to public, such a reception-model for ‘Seneca in English’ offers a satisfying arc of progression that fits with the broader story of a Renaissance literary culture, challenging and surpassing norms of what had previously been con- sidered Classical ‘perfection’. In such a narrative, it is easy for the so-called ‘academic drama’ of the late six- teenth century-a form of theatre displaying conspicuous and deep-set engagement with Seneca, and with its roots in the earlier phases of Senecan reception-to