Cassius Dio's Speeches and the Collapse of the Roman Republic
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Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium*
Pliny the Elder and the Problem of Regnum Hereditarium* MELINDA SZEKELY Pliny the Elder writes the following about the king of Taprobane1 in the sixth book of his Natural History: "eligi regem a populo senecta clementiaque, liberos non ha- bentem, et, si postea gignat, abdicari, ne fiat hereditarium regnum."2 This account es- caped the attention of the majority of scholars who studied Pliny in spite of the fact that this sentence raises three interesting and debated questions: the election of the king, deposal of the king and the heredity of the monarchy. The issue con- cerning the account of Taprobane is that Pliny here - unlike other reports on the East - does not only use the works of former Greek and Roman authors, but he also makes a note of the account of the envoys from Ceylon arriving in Rome in the first century A. D. in his work.3 We cannot exclude the possibility that Pliny himself met the envoys though this assumption is not verifiable.4 First let us consider whether the form of rule described by Pliny really existed in Taprobane. We have several sources dealing with India indicating that the idea of that old and gentle king depicted in Pliny's sentence seems to be just the oppo- * The study was supported by OTKA grant No. T13034550. 1 Ancient name of Sri Lanka (until 1972, Ceylon). 2 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 89. Pliny, Natural History, Cambridge-London 1989, [19421], with an English translation by H. Rackham. 3 Plin. N. H. 6, 24, 85-91. Concerning the Singhalese envoys cf. -
Holy Statue: Dio Cassius and Agrippa’S Pantheon
Holy Statue: Dio Cassius and Agrippa’s Pantheon Dio Cassius’ anachronisms are well-known (Swan 1987, Millar 1964), but this paper argues that his descriptions of the Pantheon and its statuary (53.27.2-3 and 54.1.1) use specific language and imagery to report the Agrippan monument to his third-century readers. This argument seeks to prove two points: that Dio’s language clarifies his layout of the statues, and that the named gods mark the Agrippan version of the temple. A word-study of ἄγαλμα, ἀνδρίας, and εἰκών follows the design of Estienne’s (2010) analysis of Latin words for statuary: 60% of Dio’s applications of ἄγαλμα refer to divine statues, with 23% describing imperial (mostly divi), but never regular mortals; 54% of uses of ἀνδρίας refer to imperial statues and 34% to mortals, but never singularly uses for divine; εἰκών is the most common, with 50% of uses describing imperial statues, 40% percent to mortals, and less than 1% percent are divine. These data show that Dio never applies certain words for specific types of statues, and context reveals more about overlapping and uncertain images. For example, he never utilizes ἀνδρίας for the divine, but the context of Dio’s five uncertain uses of the plural ἀνδριάντες indicates groups of statues, which included gods, emperors, and men (37.9.1, 54.1.1, 60.6.8, 74.5.3, 74.12.5). Dio then applies the plural broadly as a collective term, where the context of the grouping would elucidate his meaning. In the Pantheon, Dio presents all three types of images sharing the temple (53.27.2-3). -
Vestal Virgins of Rome: Images of Power
Illinois Wesleyan University Digital Commons @ IWU John Wesley Powell Student Research Conference 2013, 24th Annual JWP Conference Apr 20th, 10:00 AM - 11:00 AM Vestal Virgins of Rome: Images Of Power Melissa Huang Illinois Wesleyan University Amanda Coles, Faculty Advisor Illinois Wesleyan University Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/jwprc Part of the History Commons Huang, Melissa and Coles, Faculty Advisor, Amanda, "Vestal Virgins of Rome: Images Of Power" (2013). John Wesley Powell Student Research Conference. 3. https://digitalcommons.iwu.edu/jwprc/2013/oralpres5/3 This Event is protected by copyright and/or related rights. It has been brought to you by Digital Commons @ IWU with permission from the rights-holder(s). You are free to use this material in any way that is permitted by the copyright and related rights legislation that applies to your use. For other uses you need to obtain permission from the rights-holder(s) directly, unless additional rights are indicated by a Creative Commons license in the record and/ or on the work itself. This material has been accepted for inclusion by faculty at Illinois Wesleyan University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. ©Copyright is owned by the author of this document. 1 The Power of Representation: The Vestal Virgins of Rome Melissa Huang Abstract: The earliest archaeological and literary evidence suggest that the Vestal Virgins began as priestesses primarily responsible for religious fertility and purification rituals. Yet from humble beginnings, the Vestals were able to create a foothold in political life through the turbulence of the transition from Republic to Principate. -
Sertorius's Overlooked Correspondent?
SERTORIUS'S OVERLOOKED CORRESPONDENT? Numismatic evidence can sometimes help to solve historical questions. One such coin may be the joint issue ofC. Cassius and L. Salinator, dated by Michael Crawford to 84 B. C. l ). The first of this pair was probably the cos. 73, a member of the noble plebeian family of the Cassii Longini2). I propose conneeting this particular Cassius with areport in severalliterary sources 3). These sources tell us that, at the end of the Sertorian War in the late seventies B.C., when Pompey captured Sertorius's successor Perperna, the latter offered to show his captor letters from influential men in Rome (Plutarch's Sertorius specifies 'consu lars') who had invited Sertorius to return horne from Spain and to overthrow the Sullan regime. A small controversy has raged concerning these reports. Was Perperna merely lying in order to save his life or is this a case of Plutarchan imprecision4)? If there was indeed an offer I) M.H.Crawford, Roman Republican Coinage (Cambridge, 1974), No. 355· 2) Ibid., p. 371. See MRR ii. 109. Admittedly, the identifieation of the monetalis with the cos. 73 is notassured; cf., e.g., E.S.Gruen, The Last Generation 0/ the Roman Republic (BerkeleyjLos Angeles, 1974), 126, n. 21. See also the final sentenee of n. 10, below. 3) App., B. C. 1. 115. 536: "[Perperna] emßJ..uacp1]fioOvfioCVOv vno TWV i<5lwv we; uNH:VT1]V LSeTWe{ov l<:ul ßOWVTU noJ..J..d fio1]vvastv np llOfion1]Üp nsel Tije;ev'PwfiorJ maaswe;'''; Plut., Pompey 20.7: "6 yde llsenivvue; TWV LSeTWe {ov yeufiofioaTWV ysyovwe; l<:VeWe; EOELXVUEV emaToJ..de; TWV iv'PwfiorJ bvvuTwTaTwv dvbewv, OL Ta nue6vTa l<:tvijaw ßovJ..5fioCVOt neayfiouTu l<:ul fioSTuaTijam T",V noJ..tTstuv el<:aJ..ovv TOV LSeTWeWV sie; T",V '!TuJ..{uv"; Plut., Sertorius 27· 3: "TWV LSeTWe{ov yeufiofioaTwv l<:Vewe; ysyovwe; vmaxvsLTo llOfion1]Ü.p &(~StV vnunl<:wv dvbewv l<:u{ ev'PwfiorJ bvvUfioivwv UVTOyeacpOve; emaToJ..ae;, l<:UJ..OVVTWV LSeHOeWV sle; '!TuJ..{uv, we; noJ..J..wv no()oVvTWV Ta nUe6VTU l<:tvijaw, l<:ul fioSTU ßUJ..SLV T",V noJ..tu{uv." 4) E. -
Amarna Period Down to the Opening of Sety I's Reign
oi.uchicago.edu STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION * NO.42 THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Thomas A. Holland * Editor with the assistance of Thomas G. Urban oi.uchicago.edu oi.uchicago.edu Internet publication of this work was made possible with the generous support of Misty and Lewis Gruber THE ROAD TO KADESH A HISTORICAL INTERPRETATION OF THE BATTLE RELIEFS OF KING SETY I AT KARNAK SECOND EDITION REVISED WILLIAM J. MURNANE THE ORIENTAL INSTITUTE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO STUDIES IN ANCIENT ORIENTAL CIVILIZATION . NO.42 CHICAGO * ILLINOIS oi.uchicago.edu Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 90-63725 ISBN: 0-918986-67-2 ISSN: 0081-7554 The Oriental Institute, Chicago © 1985, 1990 by The University of Chicago. All rights reserved. Published 1990. Printed in the United States of America. oi.uchicago.edu TABLE OF CONTENTS List of M aps ................................ ................................. ................................. vi Preface to the Second Edition ................................................................................................. vii Preface to the First Edition ................................................................................................. ix List of Bibliographic Abbreviations ..................................... ....................... xi Chapter 1. Egypt's Relations with Hatti From the Amarna Period Down to the Opening of Sety I's Reign ...................................................................... ......................... 1 The Clash of Empires -
Cassius Dio's Livia and the Conspiracy of Cinna Magnus Eric Adler Connecticut College, [email protected]
Connecticut College Digital Commons @ Connecticut College Classics Faculty Publications Classics Department 2011 Cassius Dio's Livia and the Conspiracy of Cinna Magnus Eric Adler Connecticut College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.conncoll.edu/classfacpub Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons Recommended Citation Adler, E. "Cassius Dio's Livia And The onC spiracy Of Cinna Magnus." Greek, Roman And Byzantine Studies 51.1 (2011): 133-154. Web. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Classics Department at Digital Commons @ Connecticut College. It has been accepted for inclusion in Classics Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ Connecticut College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The views expressed in this paper are solely those of the author. Cassius Dio’s Livia and the Conspiracy of Cinna Magnus Eric Adler HE CONSPIRACY of Cn. Cornelius Cinna Magnus, which took place at some point during the age of T Augustus, has vexed scholars for generations.1 And for good reason. We possess only two accounts of this unsuccessful plot—one by Seneca (Clem. 1.9) and another by Cassius Dio (55.14–22).2 These descriptions, as we shall see, prove both mutually contradictory and, in places, internally inconsistent. Accordingly, we cannot be certain about crucial details sur- rounding the conspiracy: its date, location, participants, and even its historicity. As a result, scholars examining the Cinna plot have understandably tended to focus their attention on these fundamental issues; many, furthermore, have attempted to home in on Seneca’s and Dio’s likely sources. -
“We Trace out All the Veins of the Earth”1
The Springs Graduate History Journal “We trace out all the veins of the earth”1 Iberian Mining, Labor, and the Industrial Foundation of the Roman Empire: An Interdisciplinary Approach Donald Unger Abstract: By combining the critical analysis of ancient literature with archaeology and modern atmospheric data, this paper explores the limitations of ancient source material treating the topic of mining in Roman Spain from the beginning of third century B.C. during the outbreak of the second major Punic War (c. 218-201 BC) until the end of the first-century CE. By evidencing that historical treatments by ancient authors writing on the topic of mining were sparse and devoid of detail, this paper argues that an interdisciplinary approach combining ancient with modern empirical data is a viable method which can and should be used to overcome ancient source limitations on the topic of mining. Ultimately, this study supports the empirically founded notion that, in the case of the Roman mining enterprise, a proto-industrial revolution occurred at about 100 B.C. in Spain that would not be rivaled in size and scope until the modern industrial revolution. —Introduction— When Hannibal crossed the Mediterranean for the first time in 235 BC at the age of nine, he travelled North with his father Hamilcar Barca to Spain.2 After shoring up his position in North Africa following a mercenary revolt and the loss of the strategic isle of Sicily in the first Punic War against the Romans, the most pressing order of business for Hannibal’s father was to secure his position in Southern Iberia so as to gain control of the peninsula's resources. -
The Neo-Babylonian Historical Setting for Daniel 7
Andrews University Seminary Studies, Spring 1986, Vol. 24, No. 1, 31-36. Copyright @ 1986 by Andrews University Press. THE NEO-BABYLONIAN HISTORICAL SETTING FOR DANIEL 7 WILLIAM H. SHEA Andrews University In a series of earlier studies on the historical chapters of Daniel, I have suggested that a number of details in those narratives can be correlated with events of the sixth century B.C. to a greater degree than has previously been appreciated.' In some instances, it is also possible to make a rather direct correlation between an historical narrative in the book and a related prophetic passage. An example of this is supplied in the final three chapters of the book.2 By locating the historical narrative of Dan 10 in the early Persian period, it is also possible to propose the same date for the immedi- ately connected and directly related prophecy of Dan 11 - 12.3 Another example of the same kind of relationship can be pro- posed for Dan 9. An historical setting for the prophecy of 924-27 can be inferred indirectly from my previous study on Darius the Mede in Dan 6,4 since the narrative in which this prophecy of 9:24- 27 occurs is dated, in 9:1, to Darius' reign. Thus, this prophecy fits with the indicated early - Persian-period setting, a setting also pre- supposed by the lengthy prayer preceding the prophecy-namely, Daniel's appeal for the fulfillment of Jeremiah's prediction concern- ing the return and restoration of the Judahite exiles (9:4-19). The contents of Daniel's prophecy correlate well in this respect, too, as being a forward look to the future of the community, once it had been restored. -
Cassius Dio and the Augustan Settlement
Histos 13 (2019) lxvi–lxx REVIEW CASSIUS DIO AND THE AUGUSTAN SETTLEMENT Marion Bellissime and Frédéric Hurlet, edd., Dion Cassius: Histoire romaine: livre 53. Collection des universités de France. Série grecque, 537. Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2018. Pp. lxxxviii + 106. Paperback, €39.00. ISBN 978-2-251-00621-5. ook 53 of Cassius Dio’s history stands in an important position with regard to both our historical understanding of the reign of Augustus Band our interpretation and appreciation of Dio’s magnum opus. The Book survives almost entirely in its original form and details the years 28–23 BCE, which are crucial to the reconstruction of the so-called ‘Augustan settlement’. It also includes a lengthy speech, young Caesar’s recusatio imperii (chs 3–10), as well as one of Dio’s most explicit statements about historiographic method (ch. 19). The book bridges the gap between Republic and Principate, or in Dio’s terms ‘democracy’ and ‘monarchy’. Since Dio was a supporter of monarchy at Rome and Augustus served as a sort of model emperor for him, analysis of Book 53 is important for what it tells us about Dio’s overall historical viewpoint. This volume, another in a series from Les Belles Lettres that aims to cover the entirety of Dio’s work, is divided into four main sections. There is a lengthy introduction (vii–lxxvi, including bibliography) that provides a general over- view of the book, with more detailed analysis of certain parts and themes. There follows a briefer section on the textual tradition of Book 53 (lxxvii– lxxxviii, including bibliography), then the Greek text with facing French translation (1–38). -
Three Verifications of Thiele's Date for The
Andrews University Seminary Studies, Vol. 45, No. 2, ???-???. Copyright © 2007 Andrews University Press. THREE VERIFICATIONS OF THIELE’S DATE FOR THE BEGINNING OF THE DIVIDED KINGDOM RODGER C. YOUNG St. Louis, Missouri Overview of the Work of Thiele Edwin Thiele’s work on the chronology of the divided kingdom was first published in a 1944 article that was an abridgement of his doctoral dissertation.1 His research later appeared in various journals and in his book The Mysterious Numbers of the Hebrew Kings, which went through three editions before Thiele’s death in 1986.2 No other chronological study dealing with the divided monarchies has found such wide acceptance among historians of the ancient Near East. The present study will show why this respect among historians is justified, particularly as regarding Thiele’s dates for the northern kingdom, while touching somewhat on the reasons that later scholars had to modify Thiele’s chronology for the southern kingdom. The breakthrough for Thiele’s chronology was that it matched various fixed dates in Assyrian history, and also helped resolve the controversy regarding other Assyrian dates, while at the same time it was consistent with all the biblical data that Thiele used to construct the chronology of the northern kingdom—but with the caveat that this was not entirely the case in his treatment of texts for the Judean kings. Of interest for the present discussion is the observation that Thiele’s dates for the northern kingdom had no substantial changes between the time of his 1944 article and the 1986 publication of the final edition of Mysterious Numbers.3 The initial skepticism that greeted Thiele’s findings has been replaced, in many quarters, by the realization that his means of establishing the dates of these kings shows a fundamental understanding of the historical issues involved, whether regarding Assyrian or Babylonian records or the traditions of the Hebrews. -
Pompey and Cicero: an Alliance of Convenience
POMPEY AND CICERO: AN ALLIANCE OF CONVENIENCE THESIS Presented to the Graduate Council of Texas State University-San Marcos in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of ARTS by Charles E. Williams Jr., B.A. San Marcos, Texas May 2013 POMPEY AND CICERO: AN ALLIANCE OF CONVENIENCE Committee Members Approved: ______________________________ Pierre Cagniart, Chair ______________________________ Kenneth Margerison ______________________________ Elizabeth Makowski Approved: ______________________________ J. Michael Willoughby Dean of the Graduate College COPYRIGHT by Charles E. Williams Jr. 2013 FAIR USE AND AUTHOR’S PERMISSION STATEMENT Fair Use This work is protected by the Copyright Laws of the United States (Public Law 94- 553, section 107). Consistent with fair use as defined in the Copyright Laws, brief quotations from this material are allowed with proper acknowledgment. Use of this material for financial gain without the author’s express written permission is not allowed. Duplication Permission As the copyright holder of this work I, Charles E. Williams Jr., authorize duplication of this work, in whole or in part, for educational or scholarly purposes only. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Above all I would like to thank my parents, Chuck and Kay Williams, for their continuing support, assistance, and encouragement. Their desire to see me succeed in my academic career is perhaps equal to my own. Thanks go as well to Dr Pierre Cagnart, without whom this work would not have been possible. His expertise in Roman politics and knowledge concerning the ancient sources were invaluable. I would also like to thank Dr. Kenneth Margerison and Dr. Elizabeth Makowski for critiquing this work and many other papers I have written as an undergraduate and graduate student. -
S 171 202 Cammarosano
Altoriental. Forsch., Akademie Verlag, 36 (2009) 1, 171–202 Michele Cammarosano A Coregency for Mursˇili III? Abstract This paper offers a historical reconstruction of the period between the end of Muwatalli II’s reign and the beginning of his successor’s. Such a reconstruction is based on the hypothesis of a coregency between Muwatalli II and Mursˇili III/Urhi-Tesˇsˇub. This version of events, the paper argues, ˘ follows from a non-forced interpretation of the text KUB 21.33, a fragment mentioning a number of events of “political” nature independent of one another but are linked to a person called Mursˇili. This text has been widely discussed by previous scholarship and it is here re-edited and thoroughly examined. The hypothesis of a coregency seems to fit in with the evidence provided by another enigmatic text, KUB 31.66(+), and could also shed some light on the bullae characterized by the so-called Doppel- abdrücken from the Nis¸antepe archive. The main topics discussed are the removal of Sˇapili, king of Amurru, the lawsuit concerning queen Tanuhepa, the political relations with Manapa-Tarhunta, king of ˘ ˘ Seha River Land, and the marriage arrangement concerning Masˇsˇanauzzi. Remarks on the hittite kings’ ˘ “double name option” and on coregency in hittite history conclude the paper. Keywords: Coregency, Double Name, Urhi-Tesˇsˇub ˘ 1. Introduction This paper offers a historical reconstruction of the period between the end of Muwatalli II’s reign and the beginning of his successor’s, based on the hypothesis of a coregency between Muwatalli II and Mursˇili III/Urhi-Tesˇsˇub. This version of events, the paper argues, follows ˘ from the interpretation of the text KUB 21.33.