Degree Project Master of Science in Tourism Destination Development Colonial Imagery and Representation in Tourism Marketing of African Destinations

Degree Project Master of Science in Tourism Destination Development Colonial Imagery and representation in tourism marketing of African destinations.

A case study of Kenya

Author: Anne Mundati Supervisor: Albina Pashkevich Examiner: Tara Duncan Subject/main field of study: Tourism Course code: TR3008 Credits: 15hp Date of examination:

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Dalarna University – SE-791 88 Falun – Phone +4623-77 80 00 Acknowledgement

I would like to thank God for giving me strength, spiritually, mentally and for the patience required to pursue and complete this research thesis. I acknowledge that I am also here by the grace of my ancestors from the Githinji clan, reaching heights that women in my clan would otherwise wouldn’t be able to achieve. I acknowledge the Swedish Institute for granting me financial assistance to pursue my dreams. I would like to also express many thanks to my supervisor, Associate Professor Albina Pashkevich, Dalarna University, for her unfiltered guidance through my thesis and my academic life.

Many more thanks go to my Family, first and foremost my Dad, Paul Githinji, for we began this journey together and I know you would be proud for it has now been accomplished. You’re always with me in spirit, look at where your ambitious genes got your ‘crazy’ daughter. I thank my Mum, Joyce Wairimu, for her continued words of encouragement and prayers, your guidance has made me what I am today. To my brother, Martin Mundati, you have been the small voice in my head providing colonial historical accounts and current affairs in the driver guide experiences. This thesis is dedicated to you, Dad and all who have served in the tourism industry. To my sisters, Caren and Sharon, I hope the bar has not been set to high, it’s just a masters, I promise it’s not that hard. To my cousin and friend, Eva Wanderi, thank you for holding my hand through my Masters application, I can’t believe that I almost didn’t apply. Your positivity, ‘never give-up’ and ‘will figure it out’ mindset should be a scented candle. I hope to laugh about this later.

Abstract

This research study is based on the visual marketing of African destinations and the colonial influence in a post-colonial world. Recent tourism research tourism has examined post-colonial realities in developing countries addressing the experience of British post-colonialism, however, only a few of those studies have examined the cultural consequences of tourism marketing image influence on culture and national identity. This study’s objective is to investigate the colonial imagery and visual representation of Kenya while evaluating the extent to which the colonial discourse has shaped tourism marketing in Kenya.

To investigate the colonial imagery influences in destination marketing in Kenya, qualitative analysis tools such as content and discourse analysis were used to evaluate images in this study. By evaluating the images, the endeavour was to discern how marketing represents the tourism culture, the people and the place. The results conclude that the construction of Kenya’s tourism space in post-colonial times should be thought of from a neo-colonial perspective.

The study mainly concludes that the images on Kenya’s tourism come out of a colonial fantasy and nostalgia that contributes to the manufacturing of ‘safari country’ initiated by the colonialist gaze. The colonial myths endure in Kenya’s tourism space and continue to shape the tourists’ fantasies as a majority of tourism marketer’s hail from western countries. The Kenya colonial myth is perpetuated through films and memoirs that depict Kenya through repeated images and analogies of beautiful prehistoric scenarios of fantasies. Like most developing countries and despite the COVID-19 pandemic, Kenya will continue to rely on its tourism industry for foreign exchange.

While this study was aimed at a practical problem, future research on this topic is recommended to find out how consuming different cultures especially of former colonies could be done ethically, and how hosts’ active inclusivity and tourist diversity marketing should be upheld as part of responsible travel for travel agencies and luxury camps.

Key words: Colonial myth, photography, marketing, Kenya, destination.

Table of contents Acknowledgement ...... 0

Abstract ...... 1

Table of contents ...... 2

List of Figures ...... 4 List of Tables ...... 5 List of Abbreviations ...... 6

1. Introduction ...... 7

1.1 Research Aim ...... 9 1.2 Research Objectives ...... 9 1.3 Research Questions ...... 9 1.4 Summary ...... 9

2. Literature review ...... 10

2.1 Tourism as a colonial legacy ...... 10 2.2 Wanderlust ...... 11 2.3 Photography in Tourism ...... 12 2.3.1 The role of photography in the Tourist gaze ...... 13 2.3.2 Destination Image and Identity ...... 14 2.4 Indigenous Tourism...... 15 2.4.1 Authenticity ...... 16

3.0 Study context ...... 18

...... 18 3.1 Exploration (1880s -1900s) ...... 19 3.2 Colonial Involvement (1900-1962) ...... 19 3.2.1 Settler Colonialism ...... 20 3.3 Post-colonial Development (1963-1987) ...... 21 3.3.1 Colonial Nostalgia ...... 21

4.0 Methodology ...... 24 4.1 The Case Study Research Approach ...... 24 4.1.1 Content Analysis ...... 25 4.1.2 Discourse Analysis ...... 26 4.2 Data Collection ...... 27 4.3 Data Analysis ...... 28

4.4 Limitations ...... 29

5.0 Findings ...... 30

5.1 Images on tourism marketing ...... 30 5.1.1 Nature...... 31 5.1.2 Architecture ...... 32 5.1.3 Culture and Heritage ...... 33 5.1.4 Luxury ...... 34 5.1.5 People...... 34 5.2 Findings Summary ...... 36

6.0 Discussion ...... 37

6.1.1 Who is tourism for? ...... 37 6.1.2 Continuity and change ...... 38 6.1.3 National Identity ...... 39

Conclusion...... 41

References ...... 43

List of Figures

Figure 1. National Parks Map of Kenya (https://www.bestcampingkenya.com/kenya-national-parks/) ...... 18 Figure 2. The Norfolk Hotel (www.fairmont.com) ...... 22 Figure 3. The Norfolk Hotel (wwwfairmont.com) ...... 22 Figure 4. 1930s Safari Camp (www.cottarscamp.com) ...... 32 Figure 5. Modern Safari Camp (www.cottarscamp.com) ...... 32

List of Tables

Table 1. Main Themes ...... 29 Table 2. Frequency in categories of Themes ...... 30 Table 3. Frequency of Architecture ...... 32

List of Abbreviations

DMC Destination Management Company

KTB Kenya Tourism Board

KATO Kenya Association of Tour Operators

KNBS Kenya National Bureau of Statistics

1. Introduction

Visual images are powerful tools used in tourism marketing and above all, have been the sole lure, for tourists making travel arrangements (Jenkins, 2003). Chaulagain, Witala and Fu, (2019) noted that the image of a destination highly influences the tourist’s decision to revisit a destination. To remain competitive, destinations have highly invested in the marketing tools of image making to conform to rapid changes in tourism trends and consumer needs (Salazar, 2009). The link between destination images and tourist decisions to travel is therefore inevitable. Harvey (1989, p.290-293) considered tourism as an, “image production industry” where people and place representation has become an acceptable and fleeting production.

Tourism destination image has been described as the compiling of people’s thoughts, ideas and imaginations of a destination which is crucial for marketing angles and the choosing of a destination by tourist (Crompton, 1979; Li, J; Xu; Tang; Wang; Li, L, 2018). Through images of marketing, it can be viewed that destinations are represented as places to be revelled by the tourists while the local people living there mostly represented as secondary or insignificant (Mowforth and Munt 1998). To this note, the great fascination of destination images and tourism has come under criticism for the representation of the native people in the touristic destinations.

Tourism marketing in developing countries is on the rise with Africa increasingly being a favourite destination for tourists worldwide (Echtner, 2002). Many governments of developing countries endorse tourism as a dependable source of economic revenue as the benefits include; foreign exchange earnings and source of employment. Tourism, therefore is sought after to substitute the exporting of raw materials and agricultural produce which faces harsh competition from manufactured goods. Also, the year-round tropical climate, clean sandy beaches and variety of wildlife species mean that tourism is reasonably favourable for consumption at the place of production (Akama, 2002).

This process known as touristification, a subsequent result of globalisation, is the damage of culture for complete dependence on tourism through circulation, commodifying of people, places and images especially in areas that are poverty-stricken (Salazar, 2009). Franklin and Crang (2001, p.10) point out that, “tourism is not simply a function of changing local cultures caught in the stream of globalization flow or the touristification of localities (...) Touristic

culture is more than physical travel, it is the preparation of people to see other places as objects of tourism, and the preparation of those places to be seen”. Significantly, instead of viewing culture as having been damaged by tourism, it should be viewed that tourism imagery is partly responsible for the mutation of culture and society (Salazar, 2005).

The western imagery of sub-Saharan Africa has been mostly displayed in visual representation which thrived in the colonial period with the classic base of ‘us’ versus ‘them’ divisions (Salazar, 2007). In the colonial era, the British portrayed the indigenous ethnic groups of the Maasai living in (Kenya and Tanzania) as a highlighted group since as colonizers, they felt the need to promote the appearance of Africans as noble primitives (Salazar, 2009). A few authors have termed contemporary tourism as an extension and preservation of outdated methods of stereotyping and gauging of African cultures in a hierarchy of comparison to western values and civilisation (Mowforth and Munt, 2003). It is no wonder, tourist desire:

“...pristine African landscapes with the picturesque thatched roofs dotted and blending into it and expect to hear the rums the minute they arrive in Africa, with Africans rhythmically dancing to its ongoing cadenza. That is Africa. That is the otherness (...) for which they are prepared to pay money. This is the imagery to which the tour-operators have to relate in their brochures in order to persuade clients/tourists to book a holiday with them” (Wels, 2002, p.64)

Generally, tourism marketing is a crucial player in the construction of destination images and further intensify the expectations of tourist, which is common for most types of destination marketing (Echtner, 2002). Britton (1979) is notable for addressing the issue in Tourism marketing with articles like The image of Third World Marketing, where he notes, and ‘the inability of the tourism industry to represent destinations as real places’. Echtner and Prasad (2003) and Echtner (2002) also write on the Context of Third World Marketing and the Content of Third World Marketing respectively, while using the post-colonial theory to critically evaluate the context of third world marketing.

In previous research, Britton (1979, p.324) recognizes the analogy amid the, “dictated roles...advanced by imperialist... (and the) traits perpetuated in the travel industry imagery”. In contemporary tourism, Morgan and Pritchard (1998) gave a more extensive approach evaluating the connection between power play and tourism promotion asserting that, “...images of the Third World...tend to reflect a western, white, male, colonial perspective”, through which, “...a dynamic First World contrasts itself with a static, timeless and unchanging world” (1998, p.169, 242). Similar sentiments have been acknowledged by Wilson (1994, p.774) who

notes that stereotypical images of tourist destination, “reflect the interests and objectives of White Europeans...and have little to do with the actualities”.

The research contribution will involve evaluating the context of destination marketing in Kenya through the creation and controlling of marketing images with further application of the post- colonial theory. This research will contribute to existing knowledge by highlighting the type of relation between developing and developed destination marketing from a historical context. With a focus on the travel agencies and an international target market, the research will contribute by evaluating how destination images affect, identities and cultural representations. Below are the research objectives and questions that will guide the thesis in meeting the aim of the study

1.1 Research Aim The aim of the study is to investigate how colonial imagery influences destination marketing in Kenya.

1.2 Research Objectives To investigate the colonial imagery and visual representation of Kenya as a destination. To evaluate the extent to which the colonial discourse has shaped tourism marketing in Kenya.

1.3 Research Questions What kind of images and visuals are used to market Kenya as a tourist Destination? What is the extent of the colonial narrative in the tourism marketing of Kenya?

1.4 Summary

The research begins with an introduction to the visual marketing of destinations and the immense influence it creates on tourism culture and destination image. The motivations for tourist to travel has also been reflected in the introduction with further analysis done in the literature review. Further, the chapter introduces the contexts of various aspects of image making and marketing in the developing world that has created influence over destinations between developed and developing world dynamics in former colony tourism.

2. Literature review

The overall goal of this chapter is to first evaluate relationship between tourism and colonialism the second, consciousness and motives behind the travel tourism phenomenon, and further identify how such a phenomenon is captured in images and which produce the tourist gaze and destination identity. The significant bulk of the chapter will evaluate the cultural representations, indigenous tourism, photography and authenticity concepts and the role they play in the marketing of destinations. The conclusive concept will be the colonial legacy concept that will be used to evaluate the colonial narratives and imageries in the post-colonial world of tourism marketing. The post-colonial theory has been implemented from an analytical connection through the context of images.

2.1 Tourism as a colonial legacy

Many studies in post-colonial literature have reviewed matters present in representation and opposing ingrained colonial connections (Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin, 1995). Further to this, postcolonial literature has endeavoured to evaluate the link between, development of tourism and colonial narratives in a post-colonial world (Palmer, 1999; Hall and Tucker, 2004; Winter, 2007; Carrigan, 2011). Colonial legacies are enclosed in heritage spaces and tourism marketing agencies which reproduce and advertise such spaces to be consumed with colonial nostalgia (Buckley, 2013).

Although post-colonial literature in tourism development has mainly focused on issues faced by former European colonies such as identity, representation and marketing of colonial antiquity for tourism consumption, uneven distribution of power reigns (Palmer, 1994; Echtner and Prasad 2003; Amoamo and Thompson 2010). Colonial heritage has been viewed from a marketing perspective of demand and supply for the purpose of Tourism development (Teather and Chow, 2003; Basu, 2008; Sarmento, 2010). In contemporary tourism, a post-colonial perspective is required to understand Tourism development in former colony countries (Said, 1978). The issues faced by former colonies arise as their tourism development revolves around the reinforcing of prejudice patterns that reproduce ‘exoticism’ and ‘othering’ which underpins the colonial narrative (Said, 1978). As a result, new challenges arise for the locals as they try to construe their own national identity (Palmer, 1994). Colonial heritage from this aspect is viewed as a socio-cultural and a political process involved in a never-ending cycle of identities

and legacies (Smith, 2006). Di Giovine (2009) describes tourist production and heritage as a, “multi-layered, global, social structure wherein individuals struggle and negotiate to create, define and promote formative encounters with a place”.

2.2 Wanderlust

A great percentage of environmental degradation and cultural degradation could be attributed to tourism, for the role it plays in mass movement. Therefore, a fundamental question remains, why do we have travel tourism? Would it not be easier if everyone stayed in their houses (Houser, 2017; Miles, 2017). However, there is a common understanding that the more people travel experiencing different cultures, landscapes and weather, development of awareness is created and people become more accommodative to people of different backgrounds (Falk, Ballantyne, Packer, and Benckendorff, 2012).

Travel vlogs and Instagram posts have increased wanderlust among keen travellers and this is a clear indication that globalization has given rise to the desire to travel. Wanderlust is defined by Peggy Shields (2011) as the ‘strong desire to travel’, ‘the positive drive to travel’, as well as ‘the compulsion to travel’. Regardless, the convergence of cultures in tourism brings about the challenge of the uncovering of the ‘other’. Through cultural misconceptions, the circumstance produced is cultural appropriation, which is greatly fuelled by tourism (Hall and Lew, 2009).

The tourism industry has created efforts to reduce commodification and negative economic impacts of tourism by presenting upstanding alternatives even though these alternatives are considered a ‘niche input’ (Higgins-Desbiolles, 2009). Although the impact of alternative tourism offers the most ethical tourism, its effects are low in comparison to regular mass tourism (Lew, 2018). Whether tourist travel with a conscious or an unconscious mind-set, tourism offers a sincere face to face experience and a chance to have an awareness of different places (Falk et al., 2012). Travel is a mechanism that alters the tourist’s awareness unknowingly (Lew, 2018). Moreover, people are always lusting over an out of this world experience, whether through recreational drugs, caffeine or entertainment (Lew, 2018). Due to the strong urge to travel and explore, tourism is the most accepted platform to alter a person’s awareness (Lew, 2018). Therefore, people travel to understand and gather information about the world, to interact with the world and to participate in its existence (Lew, 2018). Knowledge of destinations is made

known to people through history, media, promotional marketing advertisements or geographical characteristics like weather and landscapes (mountain, beaches or cities) which are in line with the tourist’s curiosity (Lew, 2018).

This knowledge further becomes the impulse that prompts a tourist visit. In a psychology study reviewing a conscious approach to travel without a global frame of reference, John Leherer (2010) established that, “We travel because we need to, because distance and difference are secret tonic of creativity. When we get home, home is still the same. But something in our mind has been changed and that changes everything”.

2.3 Photography in Tourism

An old adage reiterates that a picture is worth a thousand words. It is undeniable that photography and tourism are inherently connected. Photographs are a key element in the marketing of destinations as they appear on brochures, websites and adverts (Garrod, 2009). Photography is further linked to the essential nature of tourists. Urry (1990) connects the two elements stating that they create a link that supports the ‘close circle of representation’ where the photos taken by the tourist display and give information on destination images (Garrod, 2009).

Visual representation in marketing of destinations is captivating and influential in the tourism industry. For successful marketing of destinations, the destination has to be designed and produced virtually, and that the main elements of the destinations (imaged or imagined) be formed and used as images to entice tourist (Jenkins 1999; Morgan and Pritchard 1998; Tasci and Gartner 2007; Tasci, Gartner, and Tamer Cavusgil 2007).It is important to note, that even though destination images may be produced, the tourists expect that the images resemble the actual place, lest they become dissatisfied (Britton 1979; Fakaye and Crompton 1991), and in turn fail to suggest to others or revisit themselves later (MacKay and Fesenmaier 1997; Milman and Pizam 1995; Tuohino and Pitkänen 2004). Further to this, tourism marketers have been aware that likeness to the image and the actual place does not need to be identical (Garrod, 2009). Undoubtedly, destination marketing is more compelling if the tangible elements of the place are combined with exotic images, feelings of great pleasure and fantasies (Buck 1993; Krippendorf 1984; Tuohino and Pitkänen 2004). Photography therefore motivates a tourist to visit a destination as well as offer an activity to be carried out by a tourist (Jenkins, 2003). In point of fact Urry (1990, p.140) notes that:

“...we partly choose where we go to capture places on film. The obtaining of photographic images in part organizes our experiences as tourists. And our memories of places are largely structured through photographic images and the mainly verbal text we weave around images when they are on show to others”. Additionally, (Urry, 1990, p.140) exhibits that photography and tourism are theoretically and essentially linked by summarizing that; i) to take a photo of something is to somehow own it; ii) that photography is a technique to interpret the real world; iii) photography comprises of choosing, construction and producing of what is to be desired, allowing a romanticized image of the gaze to be captured; iv) that the influence of a photo lies in its capacity to become a real scaled-down version of a place; v) that photography is an ever present occurrence and a standardized activity; vi) that photography allows image interpretation and storytelling by the photographer; vii) that photography moulds travel tourism by influencing where we go, and which activities we take while we are there, signifying that travel in tourism is a blue print to amass photos; viii) that ultimately photography may be viewed as a component of the ‘hermeneutic circle’ where tourism is reproduced and tourist obtain images of the destination they tour to confirm they have been there, consequently, Urry’s (1990, p.140) argument establishes that, “the tourist gaze thus irreducibly involves the rapid circulation of photographic images”.

2.3.1 The role of photography in the Tourist gaze

While evaluating the role of photography in tourism (Urry, 1990) established a criterion dubbed the tourist gaze which explained how tourism is created and re-enacted to become a socially accepted occurrence. (Urry, 1990) further states that the tourists gaze is amplified as a special process of viewing the world which is in turn imposed on tourists whose minds have been altered by the destination images. Essentially, the tourist’s inclination to visit particular destinations is to gaze on the geographies of a place; (mountain or beaches) people or monuments which they have been influenced to anticipate through a continuous broadcast to visual representation by destination marketing e.g., social media, movies, travel shows and magazines (Garrod, 2009).

It is the incessant recreation and redistribution of significant destination images that eternalize the tourist gaze in the world (Garrod, 2009). Considerably, “tourism is essentially about consuming places visually” (Haldrup and Larsen 2003, p. 24). Destination management companies (DMCs) are fundamental actors in regards to the presentation of a destination where

the tourist gaze is steered (Cornelissen, 2005). Visual representation of destinations created by the DMCs lure the tourist and further sustains the tourist gaze (Garrod, 2009). Notwithstanding, Urry (1990, p.140) narrates, “Photography is...intimately bound up with the tourist gaze. Photographic images organize our anticipation or day dreaming about the places we might gaze on”.

Further to this, a structure of assumptions exists behind the photos containing people and places taken by the tourist which means that the representation of the destination needs to be considered in the making of the tourist product (Cassel and Pashkevich, 2018). Tourist make decisions of their travels based on the information they gather consisting of destination images they encounter on e.g., websites, social media, as well as the groups of people represented in the marketing material (Choi, Lehto, and Morrison, 2007; Kim and Yoon, 2013; Stepchenkova and Morrison, 2008). The theoretical brand identity of a destination forms an important frame of reference in forming a destination image (Matiza and Oni, 2014).

2.3.2 Destination Image and Identity

The marketing of a destination has been described as the intentional use of publicity with the sole objective of informing through particular images of a destination to a given people (tourists) with the goal of persuading intentions (Hopkins, 1998). The impulse therefore lies at the centre of decision making for a traveling consumer (Kotler and Gertner, 2002).Therefore, the image of a destination is the foundation of a tourist beliefs or impressions they experience while they are at a destination which further concludes that most destinations contain images that reflect on people and places, geographic landscapes, weather and standard of life (George, 2011). Various destinations in the world have a specific image that triggers the mind of a tourist just by the mention of the country, it is important to note that the country may or may not be in control of the image (brand) (Kotler and Gertner, 2002). Destinations are places with a physical context which contain a sense of identity (Nelson, 2005). Therefore, the identity of a destination is marketed to attract tourists (Hopkins, 1998), however more often than not reality could be deceiving as the representation might not reflect actuality (Barnes and Duncan, 1992).Nature based tourism in sub-Saharan Africa to this effect might have little difference between the countries and therefore tourism marketers use their own creativity to create a point of differentiation to sell the ‘unique identity’ of a destination in the given country (Rose, 2001).

Destination management companies strive for a unique edge for competition, and build their brand from the ‘point of differentiation’ which determine and help form the assumption the tourist has on a destination (George, 2011). Echtner (2002) notes that, ‘the image problem of Third World countries is seen to the images and stereotypes that are created from a first world perspective and which influence the marketing of these countries as tourism destinations’. From this point of view, touristic destinations and their geographies are recognized as cultural appropriated spaces where power, perceptions and attitudes are created, arranged and rearranged conforming to social-cultural norms (Aitchison, C., Reeves, C., and Jordan, F. 1998).

2.4 Indigenous Tourism

Nature based tourism in sub-Saharan Africa is highly competitive and as established, DMCs create a competitive edge to their identity from the ‘point of differentiation’ which relies on indigenous tourism. Indigenous tourism is synonymous to ethnic tourism where the cultural representation and heritage are portrayed as different (out of the norm) and associated with a particular group of people (tribes) (Müller and Viken, 2017). This is also used as a strategy to diversify the tourism products with the inclusion of local people. For Botswana, this strategy has been used to expand the tourism industry for development (Saarinen, Moswete, and Monare, 2014).In Namibia, the Ovahimba indigenous tribes have benefited from tourism, having an extra income from tourism activities as they are the main attraction in northern Namibia (Saarinen, 2011).

Indigenous tourism is characterized by the portraying of cultural heritage activities as authentic through targeting of traditional attires, cultural dances and practices as well as handicraft jewellery and souvenirs (Bunten, 2010). Ultimately, such kind of indigenous tourism fuels stereotypes and affects indigenous people on how they view themselves, their culture and national identity (Pashkevich and Keskitalo, 2017). When a place is promoted as an indigenous tourism destination, it gains an overtone of being different, peculiar or even authentic as compared to the non-indigenous destinations (Keskitalo, Schilar, Cassel and Pashkevich, 2019). Indigenous tourism production does not only differ in cultural ‘authentic’ symbols but also in geographical landscapes considered to be far, remote and inaccessible (Keskitalo et al., 2019; Keskitalo, 2004). The quest to search for the unknown, unexplored authentic experience

becomes the basic foundation of othering in tourism discourse (Keskitalo et al., 2019). Further to this, it is evident that the distinguishing factor between indigenous and non-indigenous tourism is the authority over acknowledgements of indigenous power to control economic benefits, cultural authenticity and activities related to an indigenous destination area (Bresner, 2010). Tourism development has focused on the economic benefits of the consumption of handicrafts created by indigenous groups due to the supply-demand aspect, however the focus is lessened on the inclusion of the indigenous groups creating the handicrafts (Keskitalo, and Schilar 2017).

2.4.1 Authenticity

The classification of handicraft jewellery constructs the idea of authenticity to the tourist (Keskitalo et al., 2019). This classification has further been used to distinguish indigenous and non-indigenous souvenirs (Keskitalo et al., 2019). Authenticating of handicraft is produced through the using of phrases such as ‘local’ ‘indigenous handmade’ or simply ‘authentic’ (Keskitalo et al., 2019). This reproduced authenticity can be carried by a tourist wherever they go and serves as a nostalgic remembrance of the places they have been (Pietikäinen and Kelly- Holmes, 2011).

Due to the link of souvenir handicrafts with a specific group of people, the cultural identity of such people is limited to a given past history or cultural activities which is then fashioned into commodities via a practical process (Swanson and Timothy, 2012). Authenticity has been considered an integral part for the role it plays in decision making of tourist travel so much so, that it is a competitive element for destinations (Bernardi, 2019). World-wide integration has increased with the rise of travel tourism and this has exposed local population/indigenous groups to be in the service of tourism ventures which are reproduced and designed cultural activities (Selwyn, 1996). Indigenous tourism is promoted as a niche tourist product for the portrayal of difference in cultural norms which is considered a diverse contrast from the centralised world norms (western values).

Political and economic issues have risen due to the problematic use of heritage which has been described as the, ‘the present day use of the past’ (Ashworth, 2003; as cited in Timothy and Boyd, 2006, p. 2). Heritage tourism comprises of traveling to destination where culture can be

witnessed (Timothy and Boyd, 2006). Since authenticity is viewed as a reproduced activity or commodity it cannot be considered either as biased or unbiased (Zhu, 2012). A destination’s authenticity is associated with the creation of synergy between the people in a place and between the people and objects of a place (Knudsen and Waade, 2010).

More importantly it has been noted that authenticity is associated with the heritage of a place (Zhu, 2012). Due to the fact that authenticity is reproduced in tourism contexts, it can lead to the creation of myths ascribed to some parts of actual authenticity, political and historical aspects (Selwyn, 1996, p.2). However, Steiner and Reisinger (2006) have explained that staging some cultural activities might in fact be a form of authenticity of its own by the local people, this is considered so as it gives the locals, agency and control. All these aspects of cultural heritage, authenticity is nevertheless related to the tourist experience (Ivanovic, 2014).

3.0 Study context

This study will provide a historical and contextual analysis of Kenya’s tourism development to provide an insight of how international tourism and Kenya’s colonial history intertwine and influence tourism. The main themes will be; Exploration, Colonization and Post-colonial development. This will provide a premise of Kenya’s tourism conduct as it is impossible to understand Kenya’s tourism development without acknowledging Kenya’s colonial history. An overview of tourism from inception will provide an understanding of current tourism practices. Below is Figure 2 that shows Kenya’s map of national parks that are safari regions which cover up to 8% of the country.

Figure 1. National Parks Map of Kenya (https://www.bestcampingkenya.com/kenya-national-parks/)

3.1 Exploration (1880s -1900s)

Kenya as it is called today was officially named Kenya in 1920 and only had its political borders after colonial involvement, therefore during the exploration period, Kenya was just a part of the larger East Africa. The indigenous tribes that lived within this area had not yet created any centralized government or economic institutions which therefore meant that the East Africa region was not well known and consequently less explored (Akama, 1999).

Moreover, the lack of any institutions or government meant that there was no proper rail and road infrastructure or hospitality accommodation which further made it difficult for any kind of travel (Akama, 1999). Although the East African coast was well known by early explorers like the Portuguese Vasco Da Gama in the 15th century, the hinterland was difficult to navigate and accommodate any form of tourism. A few explorers who navigated the hinterland were considered thrill seekers who wanted to venture into the unknown, discover new things, while spreading western values and religion (Jackson, 1963; Mazrui, 1986).

3.2 Colonial Involvement (1900-1962)

Colonial rule officially began in 1895 and with it came the formation of centralized governments and institutions including proper transport infrastructure (Akama, 1999). The first structure of hospitality accommodation began during the construction of major railway lines which was the main mode of transport that went across the hinterland and into Uganda (Akama. 1999). Like many other colonized African countries, the establishment of tourism accommodation was initiated by colonial developers and immigrants (Akama, 1999). For Kenya’s tourism history this was crucial as this became the blue print of influence in tourism to date.

While the first grand hotels like the Norfolk hotel were built between 1890 and 1904, the indigenous Africans played the role of providing labor as they had no financial capacity to begin and conduct tourism (Akama, 1999). Safari tourism where ‘safari’ is Swahili word for journey, is used to describe nature tourism which was located deep into the hinterland, remote and almost inaccessible. The hinterland was home to large mammals and the colonial era saw many tourists who were particularly interested in big-game hunting. Big game was a word coined to describe animals (Elephants, Lions, Rhinos, Leopards and Buffaloes) that were big, dangerous and difficult to hunt. Big-game trophy hunting was a huge phenomenon and was seen as a mark of European supremacy past nature and society as a basis of socio-political

power (Akama, 1999; Anderson, 1987; Mackenzie, 1987). However, it is important to note, during this period air travel was largely expensive and traveling by water took a long time, therefore big-game hunting was consequently an activity reserved for noble men from aristocratic families, travelers, and powerful politicians e.g., US president at the time Theodore Roosevelt (Anderson, 1987; Akama, 1999).

This type of tourism became popular and was documented widely on explorer’s ‘memoirs’ that provide crucial details of how tourism was conducted during this period. The memoirs were considered important models that advance the western view point and imaging of Kenya and the rest of sub-Saharan Africa as a wildlife paradise (Akama, 1999). To promote tourism, the government formed tourism organization in adherence to international regulation on tourism management and marketing in amid to diversify tourism products slightly leaning towards watching wildlife and photography from the usual big-game hunting (Akama, 1999). This kind of tourism together with beach tourism was becoming more popular as it was less expensive than big-game hunting and therefore affordable to the majority of the North American and European middle class (Graham, 1973; Ouma, 1982).

3.2.1 Settler Colonialism

Kenya, synonymous to other ‘Safari countries’ in East and Southern Africa was not only similar geographically but politically in colonial times as most of these countries were Anglophone. While many African countries were colonized by Britain, only a few experienced settler colonialism. Settler colonialism is defined as, “continuous settler occupation, exploiting lands and resources to which indigenous peoples have genealogical relationships” (Cox, 2017). Although there were a few aristocratic settlers the majority of European immigrants were from a soldier-settlement scheme created in 1919 to allocate land to British citizens who served in the military during the First World War (Kennedy, 1987).

In the Kenyan tourism industry, memoirs of the settlers’ especially aristocratic settlers contributed to Kenya being depicted as a myth of paradise to present day (Jackson, 2011). Memoirs like Out of Africa written by Danish Baroness Karen Blixen described Kenya with a rhetoric of leisure, picturesque landscapes and nature that set the tone for travel literature and practice in Kenya (Jackson, 2011). This discourse connected to richness, romance and thrilling adventure is still presently associated with tourism spaces (Knipp, 1990; Whitlock, 2000). The colonial mythology of tourism spaces written by European settlers provides a historical insight of how current tourism is carried out years after independence (Knipp, 1990; Whitlock, 2000).

The written account of bush safari and big-game hunting contributed largely to European immigrants wanting to settle in Kenya (Steinhart, 2006). Tourism discourse in the colonial era therefore is interconnected with the writing of settler and explorer memoirs in the 19th century, the promoting and marketing of Kenya in the 20th century as a destination, and the rising picturesque allure of Kenya (Jackson, 2011).

3.3 Post-colonial Development (1963-1987)

Kenya gained its independence in 1963 and needing to foster economic growth, the government turned to Kenya’s international ‘commodity’ tourism, which had already gained worldwide acclaim to provide employment and earn foreign exchange (Akama, 1999). While settler farming had appropriated the land and labour of Kenya, independence meant giving back Kenya to its natives, this therefore meant that European settlers required a great excuse to legitimize their occupation on vast lands forcefully acquired from indigenous Africans (Jackson, 2011).

As a result, wildlife conservancies emerged, protecting flora and fauna on behalf of the ‘African’ once again (MacCannell, 1973). Coincidentally this was followed by skyrocketing tourist arrivals in Kenya from 41000 in 1958 (pre-independence) to 262000 in 1968 (post- independence) (Akama, 1999). The rapid growth was also due to advancing technological development in aviation and overall growth in international tourism (Jackson, 2011). Kenya’s exposure to the West and its political stability saw the tourist numbers increase to well over a million by 2000. (Jackson, 2011).

Trophy hunting was banned in the 1970s and therefore wildlife photography, wildlife viewing in protected areas and conservancies became the main tourist product (Jackson, 2011). However, while ‘game’ viewing presented a ‘wild’ experience to the tourist, an imagined colonial cycle revolving the tourist experiencing the gimmick of prehistoric, pristine wild Kenya and the imaged colonial space began (Jackson, 2011).

3.3.1 Colonial Nostalgia

A large number of memoirs written by European settlers were written at the end of the colonial rule as well as after independence (Jackson, 2011). The memoirs recant wishes for the settlers to remain back ‘in time’ in unchanged spaces of wilderness and non-civilisation. The negative effect of Kenya achieving its independence, made Europeans dream of colonial times and as such Kenya as a tourism product was marketed with colonial nostalgia (Jackson,2011) The

reminiscing of the colonial paradise with imaged effects of memoir literature which were political in hindsight were made appealing and favourable (Jackson, 2011). While writing on Karen Blixen’s memoirs, Simon Lewis noted that, writing about Africa and depicting the colonised Kenya and the author’s position in the colonised space as remarkable, made political and economic power structure seem natural occurring far from the trivial of politics and disgrace of human actions (Barthes, 1972). It is no surprise the recreation of Kenya as a tourism product in the post-colonial era has magnificent influence from Karen Blixen and Denys Finch- Hatton (Jackson, 2011).

Maurizio Peleggi has detailed how colonial nostalgia has been expressed in the revival of hotels in south East Asia in colonial style (Peleggi, 2005). The manufactured authenticity in the hotels often goes unnoticed to the tourist (MacCannell, 1973). Similarly in Kenya, many tourist attractions are of colonial fantasies, like; the home of Karen Blixen which is a museum with original setting, Finch-Hatton’s grave and Lord Egerton castle (Whitlock, 2000). Kenya’s hotels like Norfolk hotel have been revamped to look like they are in colonial time (Jackson, 2011). Below figure 2 depicts the hotel in 1928 during colonial times, while figure 3 shows the same hotel today with only a few renovations but giving the same ambiance enough to create colonial nostalgia.

Figure 2: The Norfolk Hotel 1928 www.fairmont.com Figure 3 The Norfolk Hotel, Today www.fairmont.com

Safari bush camps are no different as almost all camps benefit from posing their camps with chic and white linen with nostalgic interior decor as depicted in the film Out of Africa (Stoler, 1989). In the south west of Kenya, Maasai Mara national park hosts Karen Blixen’s bush camp which affirms an encounter to “a step back in time” alongside “the luxury of today” complete

with the baroness’s household items (Karen Blixen camp). Similarly in the south east of Kenya, Tsavo national park hosts Finch-Hatton’s high-end lodge, where it is said he pitched a camp and tourists are immersed in “the golden era of the safari with elegance, first class comforts and the finest cuisine, surrounded by the spectacle of the great African wilderness” (Finch Hatton’s camp)

The two camps tailor to Peleggi’s sentiments on the recreation of colonial setting where the ambiance produces a fantasy a tourist can separate themselves from the actual socio-political happenings by absorbing the colonial past (Peleggi, 2005). Many luxury camp owners are striving to achieve the colonial look but by avoiding to acknowledge the colonial political past, they instead attribute to the good old days where Europeans were at their peak (Peleggi, 2005). Today, tourist may find themselves unintentionally playing the role of the ‘white settler’ a paradox evidenced in the recreation of tourist products that fit their fantasy and imagination (Jackson, 2011). Urry (1990) implies that tourists’ expectations are honed and maintained by things like films and literature, a practice roughly characterized by Said (1994) as discourse which is incorporated in marketing.

In the turn of the 21st century, Kenya still experienced a rise in writing of colonial memoirs that remain significant to the reader, author and subject being softly blended, generating a fantasy rendezvous with colonial empire where the reader is encouraged to experience the imagination through the feeling of the author (Nicholls, 2005; Jackson, 2011). The tourism colonial nostalgia is however incomplete without the fusion of early aviation, a cultural tradition for the European settler with living relics like the Aero club of East Africa that has existed since 1927 (Aero club of East Africa). In post-colonial Kenya, this cultural practice has been recreated since the 80s as hot air balloon safari, a crucial element in the splendour of the safari experience with a complete champagne breakfast, a set rehearsal of the life of Karen Blixen and Finch- Hatton (Jackson, 2011). The implication of the tourist gaze on Kenya is acquired from the fact that not only was Africa made fascinating and exotic but also the colonising process of Africa (Jackson, 2011).

4.0 Methodology

This chapter will introduce the methods that were used to conduct the study. Qualitative research techniques in the form of case study were used for this study. This was done by providing a historical context of the country presented in the case study which will be succeeded by this chapter which will primarily focus of selected images used in the colonial imagery in the marketing of Kenya. These images will be analyzed through content analysis together with post-colonial theory to identify any colonial discourse used to construct tourism activities in Kenya. The limitation present in the data collection and analysis will also be shown.

4.1 The Case Study Research Approach

The study which is qualitative in nature seeks an in-depth implication of the underlying factors to discover their true meanings (Njie and Asimiran, 2014). The qualitative approach is considered a more integrated approach of phenomena (Silverman, 2000). Stake (2010) states that qualitative research contains personal interpretation rather than a course and effect explanation where the existential and constructivist factors are parallel on the basis that,” phenomenon are intricately related to many coincidental actions and that understanding them requires a wide sweep of contexts; temporal or spatial, historical, political, economic cultural, social and personal”.

To understand complex phenomenal in human relation, an interpretive approach is required so as to not live out significant details that cannot be understood through quantitative modes of sampling, calculation and results (Njie and Asimiran, 2014). Qualitative research therefore gets direction from the researcher’s aims of study and a case study has been chosen for this research study for its in-depth qualities to attain a better insight if the study. A case study therefore entails a thorough analysis and exploration often with information overtime within a context of study (Hartley, 2004).

Further, a case study has been defined as a research approach that is, “an empirical inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real-life context, especially when the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident” (Yin, 2003, p.13). Further to this, a case study’s empirical inquiry involves a given number of cases from a variety of sources that culminates in triangulation and theoretical approaches to influence collection and analysis of data (Yin, 2003). In summary, a case study is used for its comprehensive

approach that caters for the design, data collection methods for data analysis (Xiao and Smith, 2006). Due to its in-depth approach and its integration of ontology and epistemology application of its design framework with verifying theories (Xiao and Smith, 2006), the case study approach is suitable for this study. This approach will aid in the answering of ’why’ and ’how’ questions (Yin, 2003) by examining the marketing of tourism activities in Kenya.

4.1.1 Content Analysis

Content analysis is a method used to evaluate information e.g., on media platforms, virtual spaces or travel journals. This method has been considered significant for its capacity to convert data into various approaches that can be used to describe a phenomenon (Elo, Kääriäinen, Kanste, Pölkki, Utriainen, and Kyngäs, 2014). Content analysis therefore can be described as a scientific analysis of conveying information through images or texts through a precise process for content information (Kassarjian, 1977). Additionally, content analysis transforms images and texts while determining themes that describes and transforms them through approaches that are used to understand phenomenon under study (Drisko and Maschi, 2015). With coding concepts used in this method, it is considered a significant aspect as it provides an in-depth account of content classification and exploration used to progress the data (Drisko and Maschi, 2015).

To evaluate how colonial imagery has influenced the marketing of Kenya as a tourism product, content analysis will be used to provide a detailed account of the discourse (texts and images) through coding as a means for interpretation. Due to its coding processes content analysis is found upon objectivity (Kassarijian, 1977) an aspect referred to as a process where detailed classification is applied (Kolbe and Burnett, 1991). Developing of these classification follows guidelines such that when multiple code categories compile and analyse the data (Holsti, 1968) similar results will be attained. The bias in subjectivity is minimised in such a case providing other researchers to replicate a study (Kolbe and Burnett, 1991). To add on, a precise analysis is acquired through a consistent principle that combines and eliminates content or classification (Holsti, 1968). This way objectivity reduces bias (Kassarjian, 1977). Furthermore, the classification of the data findings should be supported by a theoretical applicability and generalizability (Holsti, 1968; Kassarjian, 1977). Although there has been debate as to whether content analysis is a quantitative or a qualitative research method (Berelson, 1952; Brotherton, 2015; Burns and Grove, 2005; Hoslti, 1968; Krippendorff, 1990) some authors have stated that content analysis considers the text meanings, and therefore sustains a textual qualitative

approach (Elo and Kyngäs, 2007; Heise, 1992; Silverman, 2006). Berg (2009) particularly considers that the disagreement by multiple authors on the matter regarding content analysis should resolute to the method being considered a ’mixed research method’ that can be used in both qualitative and quantitative approach.

4.1.2 Discourse Analysis

In tourism studies, many researchers have used discourse analysis when evaluating qualitative data in form of text or visual data such as images and photographs (Hannam and Knox, 2005). This kind if data represents how people have made sense of the world based on their reflection (Hannam and Knox, 2005). The content of a given discourse is therefore influenced by a personal or inner type of experience besides a given fact. As discourse analysis might contain various definitions and understandings, a view point from a structural theorist suggest that discourses develop as an everyday occurrence in the socio-cultural process, where people use mediums of power to achieve action (Fairclough, 1992).

The actions further involve the development exhibiting and acknowledgment of social relations, identities and knowledge, together with the development of contexts that result into actions (Van Dijk 1993, 1997). Social contexts are the most significant aspect of discourse analysis. Discourse analysis can be discerned into two categories: firstly, discourse can be viewed to be largely contributing to the construction and the management of knowledge thus an aspect of investigating and analysing power of discourse (Hannam and Knox, 2005). Secondly, discourse analysis similar to semiotic analysis is viewed from a socio-cultural context where specific interpretation of meanings is given within a socio-cultural text (Hannam and Knox, 2005).

Ultimately, discourse can be viewed as methods that restructure knowledge spaces as well as social practice (Foucault, 1972, 1979). With the influence of Foucault (1965, 1977) discourses have been developed to have widely assumed power above social actions due to the fact that obtaining a scientific status compares to validity and reliability (Hannam and Knox, 2005). Industries like tourism as suggested by Foucault create discourses since travel agencies, tour operators as well as destinations control the spaces the tourist visit to a point that they even create the tourist (Hannam and Knox, 2005). This indicated that the state of the information created on discourse influences the response taken and therefore the result will probably be associated with any given socio-cultural context (Hannam and Knox, 2005).

Foucauldian interpretations also account for the recreation and refiguring of discursive contexts under people’s actions, which applies to the creation of a tourist who is controlled through invitation into the spaces of leisure and tourism where institutions are recreated and maintained through tourist visits (Hannam and Knox, 2005). Discourse analysis will therefore be used in this study to investigate any power of knowledge in the marketing of Kenya.

4.2 Data Collection

In order to understand how colonial imagery has influenced Kenya’s tourism marketing a total of 10 camps and lodges were chosen for this study. They consist of classic tented camps and lodges located in the savannah regions of Kenya. All the images were collected from the photo galleries of the camps’ websites and online brochures that can be accessed by the public. Some camps contained old pictures which will be used for time line purposes to identify any sort of evolution pattern in Kenya’s tourism and marketing. Thorough and careful examination was given to every photo to determine full-scale and unlimited coding categories involved with research content analysis.

Photos used to disseminate any tourism representations consisted of images taken from 1930s to 2020. The photos accumulated were also from popularly visited safari destination of the case study. Selection of the camps and lodges were evaluated before final selection to make sure they met the criteria. Furthermore, images from their given website galleries were collected until saturation point. It is important to note as many other studies in similar research have used the official tourist board of countries, this case will not use data from the Kenya Tourist Board (KTB) as the images were not enough for analysis and further the website had links to the camps that have been used for this study.

All the images collected were high quality images that were used on the websites and only the vintage photos were not in great quality. Regardless, the vintage images were still collected for analysis as a time comparison would be a critical element for the analysis. Majority of the images allocated were the ones depicted on the home page and were majorly used for the evaluation as the images on the website are generally the important images the marketers used to convey a message.

In short, the first images that appeared when opening the websites were given priority by the marketer. These images were important as they could easily be the destination brand image. The image of the camps and the lodges were also the same that were used by local travel

agencies as well as international agencies, this verified that destination images were used for marketing equally around the world. All camps and lodges were also marketed by companies registered under the Kenya Association of Tour Operators (KATO) which means they were reputable and have been in operation for at least more than a decade. Once the data was collected, 329 images had been chosen for evaluation.

However, only 113 images were used for analysis after sorting out images that did not meet the evaluation criteria, such as images that were from newspapers and magazines. Verbal contents that were used on the descriptions of homepage images were also considered. Verbal descriptions were common on most of the homepage images of almost all camps as well as the rest of the priority images.

4.3 Data Analysis

According to theory and methodology the data analysis will comprise of a critical analysis of the images and by using descriptive, systematic insight and categorical coding to identify the discourses of race and class. The indexes in the coding categories will aid the analyst in identifying a pattern and to find out if there is any sort of evolution in the tourism marketing since the very beginning. The analysis will also be evaluated in terms of producing power discourses in the representation of people as well as empire legacies.

For all the images a content analysis was done through the stages of familiarization inventory, analysis tabulation and statistical analysis and further reprising of the original image data (Collier and Collier, 1999). Categorical coding of the data was analysed and interpreted as done by earlier researchers analysing tourism marketing material (Brito-Henriques (2013); Echtner and Prasad (2003); Jenkins (2003); Pritchard and Morgan (2000).

Among the categories that were developed to represent most of the needed features of colonial imagery in the marketing of Kenya were; Architecture, tourist activities, hosts, wildlife, interior design and nature (savannah grasslands) as well as clothing of both tourist and host. Due to the fact that colonial imagery in marketing was significant in the study the architecture and the people represented were crucial for the study. These representations of architecture and people in images were the majority and therefore it was important for the researcher to decode the meanings behind the images. This was guided through literature on tourism representation, cultural and identity. Human characteristics such as race, interactions between host and tourist

as well as clothing as either safari clothing (hats, boots, and khaki shirts) work uniforms or cultural attire were also evaluated.

Some photographs were also categorized in accordance to absence or presence of people. The representations of race in tourism have created the assumption that most foreigners considered in local language as ‘wanderers’ are ‘white’, wealthy and the only ones according to the locals that can be considered ‘touristic’ in image. Kenyans of European descent and international tourists of European descent are considered to be one and the same in the local dialect. Such physical attributes were present in the themes that were classified in the study.

4.4 Limitations

The study attempts to make a comprehensive research on the evaluation of colonial imagery of safari tourism marketing in Kenya, however some limitations occurred. Not all safari camps in Kenya were included in the data collection and this study only attempted to make a research out of the most visited regions in Kenya. Therefore, data collection was limited to only the regions mentioned as sample. Furthermore, I used the indigenous tribes of the Maasai in Kenya and not as a special customised research topic since it has been a current issue in the world and in Kenya, I used the indigenous tribes out of their popularity.

As mentioned earlier on the synonymous geographical view and even tourism practice with other nature-based tourism (safari) countries in East and Southern Africa, it would easily be seen that the post-colonial theory would be used to interpret the image representation in the research study, however, more data categories would be required for more evaluation. In Echtner and Prasad (2003) multiple coders were used to analyse the images to reduce bias, as such, this research fell short on having multiple coders as a result of hindrances on finances and time. Regardless, it has been noted that most of research has been written from the researcher’s point of view, as such having a research without bias is not entirely practical (Ryan, 2000).

5.0 Findings

5.1 Images on tourism marketing

Out of the thematic categories established, majority of the images fell under four categories as shown on summarized on Table.1.

Table 1. Main Themes

Category Number of images Percentage % Nature 86 46.7 Architecture 43 23.3 Scenic landscapes 36 19.5 Vehicles 19 10.3

Images with nature content were the majority accounting for 46.7 % of the total, this was expected for nature-based tourism in safari regions of Kenya. The nature content was inclusive of images animals, savannah and people in nature. A few images of nature included tourist activities like game drives, animal feeding, horse and camel riding across the savannah. The images of nature are seen as pristine, wild and intriguing. The people photographed alongside the natural lands and are mostly male hosts of indigenous tribes of the Maasai people and the actors (tourists) are mixed gendered of European descent. The architecture category was second highest accounting to 23% of the total images taken.

The images were mostly of the camp and lodge designs both interior and exterior design. The luxury rooms and amenities were displayed in the images with luxurious infinity pools overlooking the landscapes. This category has further been elaborated in broader themes at Table.2. To establish the kind of design the camps embody. The scenic landscapes accounted for 19% of the images, with bare bird’s eye views of the savannah over hills and ridges. Most of these images did not contain people or animals. Lastly, the safari vehicles accounted for 10%.

The vehicles were all the same in different shades of green with similar modification like open top and open side designs. The vehicles are designed to blend with the background in colour and give the ‘near touch’ experience while watching wildlife. The off-road vehicle brings out the element of remote, inaccessible and exclusive destination.

Table 2. Summarizes the broader themes from the four categories, where nature accounted for (119 images) with the frequency indicating the number of times they appeared in the images collected. The images under Architecture were (57) followed by cultural and heritage images at (35). The images on luxury images were (70) and the majority of the images (170) featured people.

Table 2. Frequency in categories of Themes

Category Theme Frequencies Percentage Nature Landscape 36 30.2 Animals 29 24.3 Savannah 54 45.3 Total 119 Architecture Exterior design 20 35.0 Interior design 34 59.6 Old buildings 3 5.2 Total 57 Culture & Heritage Clothing 33 60 Cultural activities 2 40 Local food 0 0 Total 35 Luxury Accommodation 34 48.5 Fine cuisine 11 15.7 Infinity pools 6 8.5 Vehicles & activities 19 27.1 Total 70 People Tourist 73 42.9 Hosts 35 20.5 Indigenous tribes 62 36.4 Total 170

5.1.1 Nature

Nature images were a high percentage and considering Safari tourism is the biggest niche in Kenya’s tourism, it clearly shows that the images play a big role in the marketing of nature- based tourism. Many of these nature images mostly consisted of bird’s eye view landscapes, savannah grasslands and animals. Although many people do not feature on the nature images, the tourism marketing clearly displays the nature as the top most attraction. This animals’ category also included domesticated wild animals that are photographed as tourist activities where tourists are seen feeding the animals. Other domestic animals were horses and camels that were used for riding and carrying luggage for wild camping. Dogs were also present in the images as they were used for tracking in tourist activities.

The savannah grasslands are captured as extensive and described as ‘unchartered’ by some websites, while most of the scenic landscapes are bare with no wild animals, some landscape views portrayed sundowner and bush breakfast as tourist activities. Even though the savannah hosts the big five animals (elephants, lions, rhinos, leopards and buffaloes), a common feature were the wildebeest that migrate in millions and the animal is used as part of identity of the camps in the region of Maasai Mara. In nature-based tourism of East and Southern Africa, Kenya is known for its wildebeest migration. Below are images that were selected for the nature theme category.

5.1.2 Architecture

The architecture of safari tourism is highlighted from the images collected showing the safari tourism culture in Kenya. Many of the tented camps are created out of canvas but with luxurious interiors with en-suite rooms, explorer and rustic chic antics as room accessories. The tented camps resemble the very first of their kinds used first in the 1920s as shown below in the figure 4. In figure 5 the image depicts a modern safari camp which is has only slight changes from the old version. Khaki coloured tent exteriors that camouflaged with the unfenced savannah environment were frequented in the images collected. White linen in the rooms with safari chairs also made out of wood and canvas were highlighted in the images. These settings closely resemble the Out of Africa film setting that was based on the adventures of Karen Blixen in the 1930s.

The temporary lighting depicts a detachment from the busy modern world but the luxury infinity pools suggest that it’s a remote environment with a modern touch. The effect of colonial nostalgia is felt through the images from the old designed furniture in the interiors of the rooms. The old table designs and the lamps portray an Ernest Hemmingway’s explorer feel complete with the old safari hats that are careful placed on the edge of the beds.

Figure 4: 1930s Safari Camps www.cottar.com Figure 5: Modern Safari camp www.cottar.com

The architecture theme has been explored further and summarized in the Table. 3 to show the frequent images of accessories collected while observing tented camps in the safari regions of Kenya. The tented camps are pictured to be in the middle of the savannah and unfenced to give the wild experience feel. Some animals like elephants have been photographed near the camps.

Table 3. Frequency of Architecture

Architecture Architecture Exterior design Frequency Interior design Frequency

Colonial style tent 12 White linen 8

Non-electric lighting 10 Safari chairs 14

Khaki tent 15 Chest drawer 8

Unmarked pathways 7 Antic lamps 2

Remote/Excluded 8 Colonial furniture 28

Infinity pool 6 En suite tent 34

Unfenced 15 Rustic wood 5 finishing 5.1.3 Culture and Heritage

Images collected under this category included the colonial heritage that were used in the website of some camps. The camps and lodges that have colonial past also have photographic art in the main areas depicting the safari times of the past. Most the Kenyan culture and heritage featured in old photos portrays Kenya indigenous tribes as part of the wild landscape as no names of Kenyans are mentioned in photos as compared to explorer pioneers. While analysing the images, a pattern on clothing that contributed to 60% of the images, was repeated throughout in how the people were represented.

The indigenous tribes of the Safari region are the Maasai tribe, they are shown dressed in tribal attire and are depicted as the main attraction alongside the landscape and wild animals, an aspect of beauty to be stared at. Old and current head portraits with extravagant cultural attire appear in the main areas of the accommodations. The indigenous tribe crafts are also depicted as merchandise that can be bought to support community projects and as a cultural activity. Many Maasai women are shown making souvenirs for tourists in their traditional attires and tourists wearing the craft from blankets, hand and head bracelets. The tourists are photographed

in the cultural safari khaki outfit, complete with a hat and leather boots. Some camps have merchandise on the khaki-linen and leather fashion which has even featured on high fashion magazines such as Vogue. Clothing was significant as it was used as an identifier of tourist, staff and indigenous tribes. However, what was evidently missing was images of local food or drink. All images of food and beverages were of western influence.

5.1.4 Luxury

Out of the thematic categories, images on luxury were third highest after nature and people. Majority of images on luxury were presented from the homepages of the websites of the chosen camps and lodges. A large percentage of the images (48.5 %) were portraying the accommodations. Luxurious rooms with and canvas en suite rooms dominated the images used for marketing. The accommodations were of colonial style with rustic chic interior’s expending the early explorer nostalgic feel.

Rooms with expansive landscapes as their backgrounds were also constantly used. The ‘wild, remote escape’ is used as a marketing angle. The accommodations are depicted as wild but with a ‘modern touch’. This also evident with the infinity pools near the rooms also overlooking the landscapes. Luxury safari vehicles were a consistent image, with almost all vehicles containing a shade of green to blend with the nature. The vehicles which were four-wheel drive and an upgraded version of the early explorer vehicles, are modified for close encounters with wild life.

Game drives are some of the tourist activities in the images alongside, horse riding in the wild and camel trekking. A rare tourist activity was feeding of captive wild animals. Images on fine dining accounted for (15%) with drinking beverages like champagne being in many of the images collected. Most of the drinks were portrayed being served by private butlers to tourist either in the pools or during sundowners. Although not a theme, spa images depicting tourists getting massages were not frequent.

5.1.5 People

Images depicting people were the majority of all the pictures of all images taken totalling to (170). The largest group of people that were on the images were tourist (73) on vacation partaking on tourist activities. These images consisted of tourists in groups but the frequent image was tourists on honeymoon settings. Couples overlooking the sunset or landscape images revealed the ‘out of this world’ experience for honeymooners. Using the approach

applied by Buzinde, Santos, and Smith, (2006) the images of the websites were also evaluated to determine how tourist (white Europeans) and indigenous people (black Africans) were portrayed. The images were further evaluated to determine if there were any stereotypes in regards to race and to what extent they were present.

In the methodology proposed by Buzinde et al., (2006) the two primary guides are the attitude and their clothing depicted in the images. The clothing category has been classified in Table 2 under the culture and heritage theme. What was consistent throughout the images was that Africans were portrayed in wither khaki work uniforms or tribal attire. The tourists were either in swimsuits but majorly in the safari khaki outfit with emphasis on white, brown and linen colours. This classification in clothing seemed to be determined by ethnicity. As expected, white people in the images correspond to the characters of a tourist and black people in work uniform corresponded to being hospitality staff.

The black people in tribal attire are portrayed as tourist commodities to be consumed as noble savages. The images were affected by colonial myths and racial stereotypes as the races represented in two classifications; the first classification depicted one race carrying out dominating and intelligent roles while the second classification depicted the other race as masculine and in servitude roles. Caton and Santos (2008) ascertain that cultural connotation behind touristic images, essentially portray disparities and the differences create two encounters like (master and servant).

The same notion is replaced in the images collected for the study. Seeing as indigenous people were portrayed in cultural attires or work uniform or participating in cultural activities like tribal dancing for the enjoyment of tourist is a connecting rationale. Considering that white tourists were also portrayed in the images viewing the savannah landscapes is quite telling as the analogy of the tourist being characterized as a figure of power over the landscapes of Africa.

This power is expended through the viewing of the expansive, never ending landscape, intelligent and thoughtful control to form a connecting with potential tourist viewing the website as they share a similar attitude. Only a few images portrayed the interaction between the two groups and when the interaction was captured, it was common for the blacks to be serving drinks as private butlers, driver guides, or the indigenous Maasai people posing as exotic accessory to a white tourist. The pose of a tribal warrior was re-enacted in the Vogue safari shoot featuring renowned actress Keira Knightley.

5.2 Findings Summary

The findings aid the research in establishing postcolonialism in the conduct of tourism in many aspects as shown in above from architectural styles to the identities represented, of which their dynamics have not changed from the colonial times. Nature has remained the same and remains the biggest attraction and, in this case, the nature must be presented as classic as it was in the colonial times, which includes vehicles.

It is evident that the tourism culture has western influences and that it has been based on subtle ramification of colonialism that tourism has managed to cover. The luxury fascination of the safari and exchange of cultures that pictures front, deny tourism to be discussed from political angles and only as extra-curricular activity created for joy.

6.0 Discussion

6.1.1 Who is tourism for?

The main aim of the study was to investigate how colonial imagery influences destination marketing in Kenya. Based on the images used to market tourism in Kenya, it seems that most safari companies want tourist to imagine a colonial fantasy of prehistoric nostalgia of the exotic wild Africa where Africans play the fundamental role of cultural amusement and helper. The images do not portray any Africans on holiday or any other race for that matter. To destination marketers they seem to only portray tourist of their target market which is limited. The evaluation of images used to market Kenya have highlighted colonial imaging which has placed the role of the African in the same position for over a century. The master and servant image are frequent and the appropriation of the indigenous culture of the Maasai has been over consumed in marketing that it has redefined the cultural international identity of Kenya. Although the findings are not particularly new as the study has reflected on previous research by other authors who have found out similar scenarios.

The image of Kenyan locals being Maasai and living side by side with wild animals has been created out of stereotypes perpetuated by the images used in marketing. These stereotypes have further been used to portray Africans as uncivilized and in constant need for western intervention to climb out of poverty in the purchase of handicraft jewellery. To an extent, the early images in colonial times used for marketing have re-written the history of Kenya as a country that was happy to be colonized, with the unpleasant parts of history where the African land is forcefully taken to lay grounds for tourism and conservation is not acknowledged. A large part of the Maasai in the images collected for the study, work in the safari camps where their own indigenous lands once stood.

Although the Maasai tribes are the highlight of the locals used in the images evaluated for marketing of Kenya, the cultural identities depicted are very limited. Kenya has over 47 tribes that still maintain their cultural practices, however, the Maasai tribes are largely found within the safari country. In the images, the Maasai are but a ‘display’ for the tourist to gaze on. Many ethnic tribes in Kenya had to forcefully assimilate to the British culture during colonization leaving behind most of their cultural practices, the Maasai however, were able to largely continue with their old cultural practices. Morgan and Pritchard (1998) mention that

manufactured images misconstrue people’s real life and cultural practices which then mutate and recreates historical exchanges.

The colonial nostalgic fantasies have been beautified by leaving out the independence struggles like evictions from indigenous fertile lands for colonial settlement. The role of the local in the images is on servitude basis. Through the examining of the images, there is a pattern of characteristics of the desired tourist that safari companies target. Out of the camps and lodges used for data sampling, only one had resident rates published. As established earlier, safari tourism is for all but the rates ranging from $800 to $1700 for single occupancy per night, is out of reach for the local Kenyan whose average salary as per the Kenya National Bureau of Statistics (KNBS) stands at $578. It can be easily said that safari tourism is limited to wealthy travellers, however, even though safari companies make more money with international tourist, leaving out locals in marketing and rates is not sustainable.

6.1.2 Continuity and change

Tourists of European descent dominate the images in marketing of Kenya to the point it is seen as the ‘ideal’ image of the desired tourist used by travel agencies. The absent representation of other races is evident in the images collected. Many historians have considered tourism from developed countries to developing countries as a form of neo-colonialism (Akama, 2004) Although much literature has been written on Safari tourism by European settlers and international travel agents and companies, it is important to disseminate how present acts of tourism carry on associating Kenya with a colonial myth (Akama, 2004). Evaluating Kenya as a tourism commodity helps this study explain why the colonial fantasy paradise is active and thriving (Jackson, 2011).

An important question remains, how have things changed so far? It seems that the most debatable action in Kenya and Africa as a whole is the enthusiasm in upholding the marketing of international tourism through colonial nostalgia (Peleggi, 2005). Even though many local Kenyans have been encouraged to partake in bush tourism through the Kenya Tourism Board (KTB) marketing slogan ‘Tembea Kenya’ which means ‘Visit Kenya’, many Kenyans do not share the exalted European captivation with wildlife tourism (Monbiot, 1994). Post- independence has also seen the rapid growth of globalisation which means that now tourists come from all over the world to Kenya and not primarily from Britain or the USA. Although the tourism products are advertised to all, exclusions still continue in the consumption of the product (Jackson, 2011).

Hypothetically, any visiting tourist can partake in appreciating Kenya’s tourist products but practically, the main tourists are wealthy, white, western Europeans who can afford the tourism products (Jackson, 2011). Although the two-fold characteristics of colonised and the coloniser might be applied for the unchanged tourism in Kenya, the racial anomaly does not particularly apply but the supply and demand dictate how and for whom the tourism product will be produced (Jackson, 2011). Although many people around the world will be limited by finances to visit Kenya and other safari countries, they will be exposed to African travel through advertisements, media marketing and social media (Mackenzie, 1988). The Kenya Tourist Board unseemly announced an ironic phrase on its website, “The colonial legacy lives on in the traditions of the great safari, and the pursuit of adventure and freedom” (Magical Kenya).

6.1.3 National Identity

From this case study, it is evident that the prominent tribe that features is the Maasai tribe, as most of the safari regions are located in the tribe’s lands. However, Kenya’s safari marketing has created a fascinations with the Maasai tribe to the extent of having export products, art and post cards containing Maasai images. The small minority group has been over exposed, as they also feature from nature documentaries to big screen movies in Hollywood films like Out of Africa (1988). Promotion of safari destinations like many marketing techniques is deluding and often from colonial narratives which are of narrow perspectives and create stereotypes that are further propelled by the tourists (Nelson, 2005).

The commodification of the tribe from jewelry ornaments to clothing and photography has affected the Maasai culture (Salazaar, 2009) and the national identity of Kenya which has over 47 ethnic tribes. Both Kenya and Tanzania (which has over 150 ethnic tribes) are now famously known for the Maasai people. Although considered harmless, the Maasai clothing and jewelry have slowly become the nation’s cultural identity internationally. This essentially means that tourism marketing and representation of the country’s people is not culturally inclusive. Morgan and Pritchard have stated that:

“Tourism image (as constructed by tour operators and other tourism marketers) reveals as much about power relations underpinning its construction, as it does about specific tourism product or country it promotes. The images projected in brochures billboards, and televisions reveal the relationships between countries, between genders and between races and cultures. They are powerful images which reinforce particular ways of seeing the world and can restrict and channel people, countries, genders and sexes into certain mind-sets” (1998, p.6 as quoted by Akama, 2004).

Currently, responsible tourism, largely considered a niche marketing mainly focuses on climate change and recycling, however the ethical consumption of cultures should be emphasized as part of responsible tourism efforts. The emphasis should be as vocal as conservation of land and animals and climate change. The degradation of culture ultimately leads to the loss of identities.

Conclusion

The main aim of the research study was to evaluate how colonial imagery influences destination marketing in Kenya. More emphasis was placed on the extent of colonial imagery on tourism culture. Employing research tools of qualitative analysis such as case study, content and discourse analysis aided the evaluation of images used to market Kenya as a tourist destination. Further, the use of theories and relating them with discourse context, an understanding of colonial influences and imbalances in contemporary tourism in Kenya’s tourism marketing emerges.

Guided by the research question on the extent of colonial discourse in shaped tourism marketing in Kenya, the results and findings of the study affirm that the patterns of colonial nostalgia which lay the foundation for tourism inception, still influence how Kenya is produced as a tourist product. Nostalgic fantasies that have been used to represent Kenya as a wild paradise of unchartered landscapes with indigenous people, upholds imperial legacies and misconstrued stereotypes that continue to thrive. The frequent images maintain locals in their colonial/neo-colonial acts as drivers, guides, waiters and the indigenous trackers (Jackson, 2011). This is a blueprint which establishes that since colonialism, time has stood still for the roles held between the African and the European as they have not changed over a century in the tourism space.

Further, the overconsumption of the Maasai culture has become problematic to Kenya’s identity as tourism created an obsession of one culture. While over 80% of Europeans dominate the tourism space as owners in Kenya, changes in marketing appear slim. International tourism in Kenya is still feasible and the colonial memoirs still have a large audience (Jackson, 2011). It seems that the colonial fantasies are not easily understood over the political indiscretions and even though the internet moderates the ideas of Kenya’s past and present, the displacement of the colonial fantasy is yet to be witnessed (Jackson, 2011).

However, with Covid-19 pandemic, local Kenyans have been encouraged to partake in tourism which could eventually re-shape marketing since Africans might influence the changes in the colonial nostalgia consumption. Many locals have not been aware of social cultural problems that have emanated from colonial assimilation over the years, however there is hope that with globalization, the new generation is becoming aware of their own identities and Kenya’s own

tourism heritage. Further studies are recommended to analyse the effects of colonial imagery in nature-based tourism in other colonized countries as this study was limited to Kenya only.

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