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Autobiography, Intimacy and Ethnography 28 Autobiography, Intimacy and Ethnography DEBORAH REED-DANAHA Y Ethnographers have long displayed themselves and Lavie ct aI., 1993). A more general trend toward others as individuals through photol:,rraphs, bio­ 'retlexivity' in ethnographic writing (Cole, 1992), graphy, life history and autobiography. While dis­ influenced by both postmodemism and feminism, closure of intimate details of the lives of those also informs the increasing emphasis on self­ typically under the ethnographic gaze (the infor­ disclosure and self-display. Anthropologists and mants) has long been an acceptable and expected sociologists are becoming more explicit in their aspect of ethnographic research and writing, self­ exploration of the links between their own auto­ disclosure among ethnographers themselves has biographies and their ethnographic practices (Ellis been less acceptable and much less common. As and Bochner, 1996; Okely and Callaway, 1992). At Ruth Behar (1996: 26) has written, 'In anthro­ the same time, the 'natives' are increasingly telling pology, which historically exists to "give voice" to their own stories and have become ethnographers of others, there is no greater taboo than self-revelation'. their own cultures (Jones, 1970; Ohnuki-Tierney, Writing about the private lives of both ethno­ 1984). Researchers as well as their informants! graphcrs and their infornlants has been subject to collaborators have become aware of the politics of debates about the humanistic versus scientific valid­ representation and ofthe power relations inherent in ity of a focus on individuals. In recent decades, ethnographic accounts (Archetti, 1994; Behar and three prominent genres of writing have influenced Gordon, 1995; Cliftord, 1983; Fox, 1991; Harrison, thinking about the relationship between ethno­ 1997; Hymes, 1974; Marcus and Fischer, 19X6; graphy and the self of both the ethnographer and the Moore, 1994; Okely and Callaway, 1992; Strathern, 'native' informant: 1987). 111is growing trend in ethnographic writing that foregrounds self-narratives can be character­ native anthropology, in which people who were ized with the term 'autoethnography' - referring to formerly the subjects of ethnography become sclf-inscription on the part of the ethnographer, the authors of studies of their own groups either as 'native', or both (see Reed-Danahay, I 997b). professional anthropologists or indigenous In this chapter I will review ethnographic prac­ ethnographers; tices that use life writing, and the various issues of 2 ethnic autobiol:,rraphy: personal narratives in power and representation that these raise. This litera­ which ethnic or eultural identity is foregrounded ture review will depend most heavily on sources in in the life story; English or English translation, but will also include 3 autobiographical ethnography, in which profes­ French sources. This retlects my own linguistic limi­ sional researchers incorporate their own per­ tations and I apologize in advance tor my neglect of sonalnarratives into their ethnographic texts. ethnographic productions in other languages. This Social theory that emphasizes social agency and chapter aims to be interdisciplinary in its coverage practice influences this trend (Cohen, 1994; of ethnography, drawing from qualitative studies in Giddens, 1991), as do approaches of social and sociology, education and communication studies, cultural poetics (Fernandez and Herzfeld, 1998; but depends most heavily on writings in cultural 89 401{ HANDBOOK OF ETHNOGRAPHY anthropology. [ will tirst review approaches to life point of view of indigenous narrators' (1980: 229). history, and then tum to the autobiographical prac­ This standard view, while still prevalent among many tices of ethnographers themselves, before pointing researchers, has shifted ground somewhat in more to newer hybridizations in ethnographic writing. recent approaches that focus on interactions between ethnographer/interlocutor and autobiographer, and on issues of individual creativity and emotion. These LIFE HISTORY will be discussed later in the chapter. Brandes (19112) identifies 'ethnographic auto­ The methods of life history have been central to biography' as a form of tirst-person narrative, ethnography, particularly in the United States, but recorded and edited by a professionalanthropolo­ nevertheless remain in an ambiguous relationship gist (or someone in a related discipline). Texts of to participant observation fieldwork. Recent this sort are, he writes, usually non-Western narra­ approaches to the study of lives have introduced tives, and the anthropologist generally takes an concepts of life stories and personal narrative, interest in the psychosocial and developmental as well as 'ethnographic biography' (Herzfeld, stages of an individual's life, In advocating the use 1997b), to this tradition. While Watson and of life histories, Brandes argues that 'autobio­ Watson-Franke (19R5: I) describe the marginal role graphies, more than any other research tool, demon­ of life history in social science methods, Peacock strate that complex and subtle considerations and Holland write that 'life histories have become motivate individuals; people are not automatons, standbys in American ethnography' (1993). The responding blindly to the vague factors and torces neglect of life history in their review article on that are said to compel this or that type of action' cthnographic texts by Marcus and Cushman (l9R2), (1982: 190). Anticipating current trends, Brandes is perhaps most indicative of the position of this notes that 'ethnographers themselves are becoming methodological approach in the wider discipline. increasingly autobiographical in their presentation Bertaux and Kohli (19R4) remarked upon the of data, showing that the study of society is rooted retrenchment of autobiobTfaphical and biographical as much in the anthropologist's personality, and the methods in anthropology, particularly during the purely fortuitous circumstances into which he or 19705, and attributed this to a trend toward 'scicn­ she is thrust' (19R2: 190). In his essay, Brandcs also tism'. However, the same neglect by Marcus and discusses editing choices made, and other methodo­ Cushman, who can hardly be placed in the camp of logical issues in ethnographic autobiography. 'scicntism', shows the wider biases in ethnography Blauner (1987), who includes a useful literature that have worked against an emphasis on life stories. review of methods, also comments on methodo­ Scveral essays and entire volumes discuss logical issues of editing first-person narratives methods of life history and its relationship to ethno­ such as those of voice and selection. graphy. Recent writers such as Angrosino (19119), National trends in uses of life history have been Atkinson (1992), Denzin (19R9), Linde (1993), identified by various scholars. Angrosino defines Peacock and Holland (1993), Rosenwald and the Amcrican (as opposed to European) approach to Ochberg (1992), and Watson and Watson-rranke life history as one continually searching for the (19115) have identified various genrcs of writing and extraordinary individual who is representative of introduce typologies of terminologies in this field. their culture (especially Native Americans). This An example of this would be the distinction drawn person's life comes to express change and to illus­ between life history - elicited by another person trate factors of acculturation. In the European study and autobiography self· initiated (Watson and of life history, according to Angrosino, there is a Watson-Franke, 19115: 2). Watson and Watson­ more collective approach to personal narratives Franke further distinguish 'biography', which in order to show 'society as a whole' (intact). involves more rearranging of material than life Angrosino attributes these differences in approach history, so that it becomes a 'reeorder's report of the to historical factors, such as the intluence of nation­ subject's life' (191{5: 3), and 'diary' - life recorded alism on European approaches and to the intluence in an 'immediate perspective' (19R5: 3). Angrosino of psychology on American approaches (19119: (1989: 3) differentiates between genrcs of bio­ 15-16). In the collective approach, there is more graphy, autobiography, life history, life story and emphasis on the life cycle, on aging and on sociali­ personal narrative. zation features not unique to the individual. I Bruce Shaw (19110) suggests four elements in most There are several key histories and reviews of life detinitions of anthropological approaches to life history in ethnography to which the reader may history: '( I) they emphasize the importance of the turn. The earliest, and now classic, statement on teller's sociocultural milieu; (2) they focus methods of life history is Dollard (1935). This on the perspectives of one, unique individual; was followed by the also classic interdisciplinary (3) thcy have a time depth, so that a personal history 1945 collection The U~e oj' Personal Documents reveals also matters relevant to a region's or group's in History, Anthrop%lO; and Sociology, by local history; (4) they relate the local history from the L. Gottschallk, C. Kluckhohn and R. Angell. Two 90 AUTOBiOGRAPHY, It'vTI,HACYAND ETHNOGRAPHY 409 decades later, Langness provided a short but dense Nisa ([19RI]19R3), Caroline Brettell's work among 1965 text which contains a comprehensive review Portuguese migrant women (19R2) and on her own of the literature on anthropological uses of bio­ mother's life (1999),
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