28

Autobiography, Intimacy and Ethnography

DEBORAH REED-DANAHA Y

Ethnographers have long displayed themselves and Lavie ct aI., 1993). A more general trend toward others as individuals through photol:,rraphs, bio­ 'retlexivity' in ethnographic writing (Cole, 1992), graphy, life history and autobiography. While dis­ influenced by both postmodemism and feminism, closure of intimate details of the lives of those also informs the increasing emphasis on self­ typically under the ethnographic gaze (the infor­ disclosure and self-display. Anthropologists and mants) has long been an acceptable and expected sociologists are becoming more explicit in their aspect of ethnographic research and writing, self­ exploration of the links between their own auto­ disclosure among ethnographers themselves has biographies and their ethnographic practices (Ellis been less acceptable and much less common. As and Bochner, 1996; Okely and Callaway, 1992). At Ruth Behar (1996: 26) has written, 'In anthro­ the same time, the 'natives' are increasingly telling pology, which historically exists to "give voice" to their own stories and have become ethnographers of others, there is no greater taboo than self-revelation'. their own cultures (Jones, 1970; Ohnuki-Tierney, Writing about the private lives of both ethno­ 1984). Researchers as well as their informants! graphcrs and their infornlants has been subject to collaborators have become aware of the politics of debates about the humanistic versus scientific valid­ representation and ofthe power relations inherent in ity of a focus on individuals. In recent decades, ethnographic accounts (Archetti, 1994; Behar and three prominent genres of writing have influenced Gordon, 1995; Cliftord, 1983; Fox, 1991; Harrison, thinking about the relationship between ethno­ 1997; Hymes, 1974; Marcus and Fischer, 19X6; graphy and the self of both the ethnographer and the Moore, 1994; Okely and Callaway, 1992; Strathern, 'native' informant: 1987). 111is growing trend in ethnographic writing that foregrounds self-narratives can be character­ native anthropology, in which people who were ized with the term 'autoethnography' - referring to formerly the subjects of ethnography become sclf-inscription on the part of the ethnographer, the authors of studies of their own groups either as 'native', or both (see Reed-Danahay, I 997b). professional anthropologists or indigenous In this chapter I will review ethnographic prac­ ethnographers; tices that use life writing, and the various issues of 2 ethnic autobiol:,rraphy: personal narratives in power and representation that these raise. This litera­ which ethnic or eultural identity is foregrounded ture review will depend most heavily on sources in in the life story; English or English translation, but will also include 3 autobiographical ethnography, in which profes­ French sources. This retlects my own linguistic limi­ sional researchers incorporate their own per­ tations and I apologize in advance tor my neglect of sonalnarratives into their ethnographic texts. ethnographic productions in other languages. This Social theory that emphasizes social agency and chapter aims to be interdisciplinary in its coverage practice influences this trend (Cohen, 1994; of ethnography, drawing from qualitative studies in Giddens, 1991), as do approaches of social and sociology, education and communication studies, cultural poetics (Fernandez and Herzfeld, 1998; but depends most heavily on writings in cultural

89 401{ HANDBOOK OF ETHNOGRAPHY anthropology. [ will tirst review approaches to life point of view of indigenous narrators' (1980: 229). history, and then tum to the autobiographical prac­ This standard view, while still prevalent among many tices of ethnographers themselves, before pointing researchers, has shifted ground somewhat in more to newer hybridizations in ethnographic writing. recent approaches that focus on interactions between ethnographer/interlocutor and autobiographer, and on issues of individual creativity and emotion. These LIFE HISTORY will be discussed later in the chapter. Brandes (19112) identifies 'ethnographic auto­ The methods of life history have been central to biography' as a form of tirst-person narrative, ethnography, particularly in the United States, but recorded and edited by a professionalanthropolo­ nevertheless remain in an ambiguous relationship gist (or someone in a related discipline). Texts of to participant observation fieldwork. Recent this sort are, he writes, usually non-Western narra­ approaches to the study of lives have introduced tives, and the anthropologist generally takes an concepts of life stories and personal narrative, interest in the psychosocial and developmental as well as 'ethnographic biography' (Herzfeld, stages of an individual's life, In advocating the use 1997b), to this tradition. While Watson and of life histories, Brandes argues that 'autobio­ Watson-Franke (19R5: I) describe the marginal role graphies, more than any other research tool, demon­ of life history in social science methods, Peacock strate that complex and subtle considerations and Holland write that 'life histories have become motivate individuals; people are not automatons, standbys in American ethnography' (1993). The responding blindly to the vague factors and torces neglect of life history in their review article on that are said to compel this or that type of action' cthnographic texts by Marcus and Cushman (l9R2), (1982: 190). Anticipating current trends, Brandes is perhaps most indicative of the position of this notes that 'ethnographers themselves are becoming methodological approach in the wider discipline. increasingly autobiographical in their presentation Bertaux and Kohli (19R4) remarked upon the of data, showing that the study of society is rooted retrenchment of autobiobTfaphical and biographical as much in the anthropologist's personality, and the methods in anthropology, particularly during the purely fortuitous circumstances into which he or 19705, and attributed this to a trend toward 'scicn­ she is thrust' (19R2: 190). In his essay, Brandcs also tism'. However, the same neglect by Marcus and discusses editing choices made, and other methodo­ Cushman, who can hardly be placed in the camp of logical issues in ethnographic autobiography. 'scicntism', shows the wider biases in ethnography Blauner (1987), who includes a useful literature that have worked against an emphasis on life stories. review of methods, also comments on methodo­ Scveral essays and entire volumes discuss logical issues of editing first-person narratives methods of life history and its relationship to ethno­ such as those of voice and selection. graphy. Recent writers such as Angrosino (19119), National trends in uses of life history have been Atkinson (1992), Denzin (19R9), Linde (1993), identified by various scholars. Angrosino defines Peacock and Holland (1993), Rosenwald and the Amcrican (as opposed to European) approach to Ochberg (1992), and Watson and Watson-rranke life history as one continually searching for the (19115) have identified various genrcs of writing and extraordinary individual who is representative of introduce typologies of terminologies in this field. their culture (especially Native Americans). This An example of this would be the distinction drawn person's life comes to express change and to illus­ between life history - elicited by another person trate factors of acculturation. In the European study and autobiography self· initiated (Watson and of life history, according to Angrosino, there is a Watson-Franke, 19115: 2). Watson and Watson­ more collective approach to personal narratives Franke further distinguish 'biography', which in order to show 'society as a whole' (intact). involves more rearranging of material than life Angrosino attributes these differences in approach history, so that it becomes a 'reeorder's report of the to historical factors, such as the intluence of nation­ subject's life' (191{5: 3), and 'diary' - life recorded alism on European approaches and to the intluence in an 'immediate perspective' (19R5: 3). Angrosino of psychology on American approaches (19119: (1989: 3) differentiates between genrcs of bio­ 15-16). In the collective approach, there is more graphy, autobiography, life history, life story and emphasis on the life cycle, on aging and on sociali­ personal narrative. zation features not unique to the individual. I Bruce Shaw (19110) suggests four elements in most There are several key histories and reviews of life detinitions of anthropological approaches to life history in ethnography to which the reader may history: '( I) they emphasize the importance of the turn. The earliest, and now classic, statement on teller's sociocultural milieu; (2) they focus methods of life history is Dollard (1935). This on the perspectives of one, unique individual; was followed by the also classic interdisciplinary (3) thcy have a time depth, so that a personal history 1945 collection The U~e oj' Personal Documents reveals also matters relevant to a region's or group's in History, Anthrop%lO; and Sociology, by local history; (4) they relate the local history from the L. Gottschallk, C. Kluckhohn and R. Angell. Two

90 AUTOBiOGRAPHY, It'vTI,HACYAND ETHNOGRAPHY 409 decades later, Langness provided a short but dense Nisa ([19RI]19R3), Caroline Brettell's work among 1965 text which contains a comprehensive review Portuguese migrant women (19R2) and on her own of the literature on anthropological uses of bio­ mother's life (1999), Lila Abu-Lughod's work on graphy and methods of life history research up until Bedouin women 'g stories (1993), Ruth Behar's the 19605. Langness' bibliography shows that there volume on a Mexican peasant woman (1993), and was an impressive amount of work already pro­ Sally yIcBeth'8 collaboration with Esther Burnett dw.:ed by that time. Despite the volume of work, Horne on the life story of a Shoshone teacher ( 199R). however, Langness criticizes its lack of focus or Current theoretical debates in life history research method (cf Crapanzano, 19R4). A later review of are about issues of cultural constructions of self.. the life history approach was Lives: An Anthro­ hood, of truth and representation (see BertalLx, 19R I; pological Approach (Langness and Franke, 19R I ). Mintz, 1979), issues of the generalizing versus A more recent comprehensive bibliography of life particularizing nature of this research (that is, is this history (Grimes, 1995) lists the major texts. person 'representative' and does this matter?), and The earliest uses of lite history by social scientists questions of voice. At issue, according to Watson in the United States focused on Native Americans and Watson-Franke (19R5), is not so much the truth (Kroeber, 190R; Landes, [193R] 1997; Radin, 1926; or representativeness of the individual life story, but Simmons, [1942] 1979) and immigrants from rather the degree to which this narrative is revealing Europe (Thomas and Znaniecki, 191 R-I920; of concepts of the 'ideal self' in a given cultural con­ Whyte, 1943). These studies used personal narra­ text. They propose a method through which the indi­ tives, diaries, autobiography and the editorial meth­ vidual's comments on 'self-appraisal' are analysed ods of lite history in order to present first-person (19R5: I RR-9), and in which such material can be accounts of individuals in the midst of culture used in a comparative cross-cultural framework. change. An edited collection of fictionalized Native James Peacock and Dorothy Holland (1993) draw American personal narratives written by anthropolo­ attention to the ways in which changing concepts of gists who used composite portraits of their infor­ the selfin recent theoretical approaches intluence life mants also appeared in this earlier period (Parsons, history research. Such approaches raise questions [1922] 1(67). The concerns of those ethnographers about the universality of the traditional Western view who used life history methods in the early twentieth of the 'unified' self, and present a view of the selfas century were connected to debates about the rela­ fragmented and context-dependent. Given this tionship between creativity and cultural constraints, changing concept of the self, Peacock and Holland issues of getting the native point of view, and psy­ prefer the term 'life story' to that of life history (since chological foci on the modal personality (DuBois, the latter connotes a more unified and coherent 1(44). Ruth Landes ([193R] 1(97) collected life narrative). They identitY two dominant approaches histories of Ojibwa women to show that generaliza­ to life stories. The first is the 'life-focused' approach, tions about culture must be nuanced by individual which cmphasizes the individual's lite and is depen­ life stories, in order to portray individual ditTerences dent upon ·truth' and historical fact (1993: 369). The rather than to tocus on lives that were representative second is the 'story-focused' approach, advocated by of the culture. [n later research among Native Linde (1993), which emphasizes narrative torm, Americans in both North and Central America, life techniques and the subjective experience of the histories were used to identify and chronicle cultural narrator. In order to reconcile these two approaches, change and deviance (Lewis, 1964; Sewid and Peacock and Holland propose a synthesis which Spradley, [1969] 197R; Spindler, 19(2). they call a processual approach. In this method, they Such concerns can still be seen in more recent write, 'the telling oflife stories, whether to others or work. Several newer themes have, however, to sel f alone, is treated as an important, shaping event emerged. The therapeutic use of life history among in social and psychological processes, yet the life the clderly and the mentally and physically ill has stories themselves arc considered to be developed in, been advocated by Angrosino (19R9), Crapanzano and the outcomes ot: the course of these and other (19RO), Church (1995), Frank (1995), Kaufman life events' (1993: 371). This vicw of life stories ( 19R6) and Myerhoff (197R). Langness and Frank helps to crase the older objective vs. subjective ( 1981: 107) suggest that life history can playa role dichotomy that has marked life history research from in 'repair work' to repair identities among stigma­ the beginning. tized populations, such as that of transsexuals. There In addition to the processual approach, two other has also been a growing emphasis on the study of alternatives to a supposedly objective, factual women '8 life histories, as a way to compensate for approach to autobiography can be identified: a previous research with a male bias that ignored the hermeneutic or phenomenological approach (Little, 'woman's point of view' (see Personal Narratives 1980; Watson, 1976), and an interactionist approach Group, 19R9). Three· early examples are Landes (Angrosino, 19R9). In the hermeneutic approach, ([193R] 1(97), Reichard (1934) and Underhill which Little traces back to Paul Radin, the tocus is ([ 19361 1985). Key recent texts include Marjorie on interpretation and meaning in particular, the Shostak's life history of a !Kung woman named individual's own interpretation of his or her life

91 .+10 HANDBOOK OF ETHNOGRAPHY experiences. The aim is not to get at cultural important light on everyday, autoethnographic pattcms, but, rathcr, to focus on the acsthctics of productions. Two other studies show nicely the the life history and the emotions it portrays. In his ways in which personal narrative is not necessarily volume Documents of Interactioll: Biography. dependent upon oral or written expression. John Autohiography und Life Histm:v ill Social Science Dorst (1989) analyses local festival displays, Perspectives, Angrosino (\989) argues that auto­ including arts and crafts, in semi-rural Chester biographical materials should be !l'cated as part County, PA, as a fonn of Hutoethnography. Social of an interaction between 'a subjcct recounting his and cultural artifacts constitute a form of ,;elf­ or her life experiences and an audience, either inscription and self-referentiality, he argues. Dorst's the researcher recording the story or the readers work calls attention to everyday practices of of the resulting text' (1989: I). Drawing from personal narrative that may elude the ethnographer Catani (1981). he suggests that I ife history is the looking for oral or written forn1S. product of' encounter' (1981: 17), and cites Vincent In another study, Hertha Wong (19X9) has con­ Crapanzano's work as a useful method for this tributed to the understanding of Native American approach. In his book Tuhami, Crapanzano (1980) autobiography by showing that Native Americans explicitly shows the researcher's role in shaping used pictographs as personal records. Previous the text in his discussions of his encounters with scholars overlooked the significance of pictographs as Tuhami. Elsewhere, Crapanzano (1984) critiques means of individual expression, she writes, because life history approaches for their lack of analysis. it was assumed that notions of individualism were He suggests that ethnographers pay more attention exclusively Western (1989: 295). Plains Indian to indigenous notions of rhetoric and narrative males, she argues, described heroic feats in pictures technique (1984: 957). as well as in words. Pictographs constitute visual There is in increasing emphasis on story, on the narratives of accomplishments and of processes of interaction between the research and narrator, and cultural conversion (forced acculturation). Wong on issues of narrativity in life history research. The shows that we need to rethink 'autobiographical uses of personal narratives that may not include an activity' through her analysis of pictographs by cntire autobiography have become key tools of artists White Bul! and Za-Tom in the lutc nineteenth cultural study. Thus, Ginsburg (19X7) made use century. Zo-Tom's 'cultural conversion narrative' of 'procreation stories' to study abortion activists; embodied in pictographs depicts a classroom in Fort Herzfeld (19X5) examined 'thieving stories' to Marion at the Indian School. 'Instead of the long­ study concepts of masculinity and self-presentation haired, brilliantly attired and ornamented Kiowa among Cretan shepherds; Rosaldo (1989) has warriors of his earlier drawings. he draws seven examined 'hunting stories' among the llongot; clean-cut Indian students in blue pants and snug Kleinman (1988) and Frank (\995) have looked at black coats who sit, lining a long school bench, at a 'illness narratives' in order to understand inter­ long desk. Mrs. Gibbs, the teacher. stands prim and actions between culture and illness; and Reed­ pleasant, to the len' (Wong, 19X9: 3(4). Danahay (1997b) and Luttrell (1997) have turned Both Wong and Goldman critique anthropo­ to 'schooling stories' to examine cultural construc­ logical methods of life history and offer their own tions of education and literacy. Lawuyi (1989) work as correctives to its biases. Their attempts to analyses Yoruba obituaries as a form of bio­ uncover native voices depend upon two different graphical expression with interest for life history types of critiques, however. Wong argues that research. Attention has also been drawn in recent anthropologists were biased in seeking the 'indivi­ studies to the ethnographic uses of diaries (Bunkers dual' in the Native American self-narrative that was, and Huff, 1996; West, 1992) and other forms of she suggests, more dependent upon the communal. everyday autobiographical productions (Smith and In contrast, Goldman argues that anthropologists Watson, 1996). undertaking life histories sought the cultural repre­ sentative at the expense of the individual, and she claims that her work restores the sense of individual Beyond the Written social agency to the subjects of ethnographic research. These two contrasting critiques, coming [n the area of cultural studies, three rccent works from outside of the discipline, underscore continued point to forms of self-inscription that come from debates within the discipline about the politics of rep­ popular culture, and in which the social agency of resentation, self-representation and self-disclosure. local populations is expressed. Anne Goldman They also point to unresolved debates on cross­ (1996) shows that recipes. midwife narratives and cultural studies of subjectivity. Is the 'individual' a work narratives among working-class ethnic strictly Western invention, or does it have cross­ American women constitute important sites for cultural validity? Can we construct life history self-narration and self-display. In her work with the and autobiography without recognizing issues autobiographical genres of Mexicanas, Jewish of gender, class and culture? More recent collabo­ and African-American women, Goldman sheds rative approaches in life history research, to be

92 lCTOBIOGRIf'H}: 1.\T/.\I1CYIXf) lJHVOGR.iPHY ..+11

discllsscd latcr in this chapter. attempt to address ethnography were played out, especially in the pages thcse concerns. of ('lIr},!'II! Allflirop%gy, which published several essays (Honigmann, 1976: 7\lundelbauIll, 1973: Nash and Wintrob, 1972: Sangren, 19XR: Strathem, IlJX7).

TilL 'PERSON\l. ApPR(HLIl' These articles and the responses to them dealt with the tension between what is otl:cn phrased, falsciy :N E fll:--"O(;f{\PflY Illany argue, as the 'personal' and the 'objective'. Autobiographical and retlexive methods have long Althllllgh, as Judith Okely writes, 'the personal 1S bICen viewed by many within the social science para­ often denigratc'd in anthropological monographs' digms of positivism as unsci"ntitic, and at odds with (1996: 30), there has been slifticient usc of this ,)bjective, standardizICd t()fms of resean:h. Other cri­ mode to warrant numerous overviews and discus­ tiqucs point out th" cultural biasICs in an emphasis on sions of the personal approach. The conventions of th" individual. Nash and \Vintrob identitied an s.:lf-disclosure in ethnographic \\ riting have been increasing trend to insert anthropologists 'into the discussed at length by Angrosino (19X9). Atkinson tield picture' (1972: 527), and pointed to the difti­ (1992), Denzin (19X9), Friedman (1990), Okely culties historically experieneICd by anthropologists and Callaway (1992), Reed-Danahay (19lJ7b), who attempted to publish personal accounts oftield­ Tedlock (1991) and Van :Vlaanen (19XX). work. Their perspICctive was that since anthropology Ethnographers intensitied enorts to chronicle their is a science. there is a need to sec ways in which indi­ fieldwork experiences in ways that tl)regrounded vidual biases atleet this science. Nash and Wintrob the researcher as person during the mid-twentieth identitied the current conditions that were undermin­ century. Although many overviews of ethno­ ing 'naive empiricism': graphic writing propose a chronological develop­ ment from realist ethnographic writing that ,trove an increasing personal involvement of ethno­ for objectivity to newer forms of autoethnographic graphers with their subjects; vHiting, there have long been modes of ethnogr~lphic .2 the -dC1110cratization' of anthropol()gy~ writing that incorporated the self of the ethnographer 3 multiple tick! studies of the samIC culture; - (Arana, 19XX: Cole, 1992; Pratt. 19X6; Stivers, 1993; ..+ assertions of independence by native peoples. - Tedlock, 19(5). In many cases, these represented parallel \vorlds to the ethnographic writing products This latter trend, they sllggICstICd, was chipping -.. that established a scholar's reputation through away at the self-confidence of anthropologists, ethnographic theory and description. t\s Bruner associated as they were with colonial powers on the .. ( 1993: 3) wri tes, 'U ntiI the past few decades ... the decl inc . .. majority decisioll was to ,;harply segmICnt the etllllo­ In his 1976 essay, Honigmann defended the per­ graphic self ti'om the personal self.' Similarly, sonal approach, pointing to Kroeber's earlier .. ethnographers who uSICd life history methods kept attempts to incorporat" such methods, as well as their own Jives outside of the life histOlY narmti\es bans-Pritehard's interest in hermcn"utics. This .. they recorded (;ee Brandes, 19X2). :Vlary Louise article relied, however, on the dichotomy bdween .. Pratt has abo taken note of the parallel tropes of objective and subjective, a dubiolls dichotomy, as ethnographic writing. She writes 'Of these pairs of pointed out by Charles Ked in his response to .. hooks. the fllflllal dhnograpily is the one that counts Honigmann (1976: 253). Foreshadowing critiques as professional capital and as an authoritative repre­ of the I 9XOs and I 990s, Ked argued fix the adoption • sentation: the personal narratives arc often deemed of 'extended autobiographics before fieldwork and • self·indulgent, trivial, or heretical in oth..:r ways. But candid diaries during t1eldwork' and thIC insistence ... despite such "disciplining", they have kept appear­ that'in\'estigators work in multicultural collectivi­ ing, kept being read and above all kept being taught ties with the people and for the peopk rather than on ... \\ ithin the borders of the discipline, for what onlC dle people tl)f us' (1976: 253). In a more recent dis­ must assume arc powerful reasons' (Pratt. 19X6: 3 I J. cLission of the 'personal approach,' Steven Sangrcn ... She argucs that the persistence of personal narrative ( 19XX) cautioncd that sllch approaches rely narrow Iy is due to the mediating role it plays between the upon Western notions of individualism. Sangren • contradictions of personal and scientitic authority broadened the dctinitiol1 of 'individualism', beyond .. connected to ethnographic, patticipant observation its conncctions to commodity fetishism, to mean research. During the late 1970s and 19XOs the ·the privileging of the subject or ""xperiellce" in .. dichotomy between personal and scientitic writing theoretical cOlbtructions of reality' (19XX: "+23). began to change, with experimental writing projects SangrICn vl-Tites that 'in short, the pri\i/cging of • that blended the genres of ICthnography, biography "expericncIC" or the actor's point ohiew reproduces

Since they appeared in 1980s, critiques of accounts is to establish authority - to establish that ethnographic realism put forth by Clifford (1983) the ethnographer was really there (see also Pratt, and Marcus and Cushman (1982) have been highly 1986). Moreover, Van Maanen suggests that they intluential in thinking about the history of self­ also work to establish intimacy with readers and to disclosure in ethnography. British anthropologists convince them of the human qualities of the field­ writing in the classic phase of what has come to be worker (1981\: 75). Marcus and Cushman (1982: called 'ethnographic realism' included discussions 26) contrast the methodological orientation of of fieldwork, but in forms that bracketed the essen­ confessional fieldwork literature in the past to tial business of the ethnography itself Marcus and more recent ethnographies whose main aim is to Cushman identify the key features of this approach, 'demystify the process of anthropological tieldwork which 'seeks to represent the reality of a whole whose veil of published secrecy has been increas­ world or form of life' (1982: 29), as 'unintrusive ingly embarrassing to a "scientitic" discipline'. presence of the ethnobrrapher in the text' , combined Self-disclosure in ethnographic writing can serve with the use of photos to demonstrate 'having been either a confessional autobiographical approach, there'.2 The ethnographer is thus visually portrayed according to Marcus and Cushman (1982), or one as present in the work if not explicitly signified in more intellectual, concerned with the epistemology the writing. The writing, they suggest, leaned of knowledge. Tedlock (1991) identifies a trend of toward a focus on 'native point of view'. movement from the 'ethnographic memoir' to the ClitTord (1983) suggests, however, that the valid­ 'narrative ethnography'. She writes that 'in contrast ity of ethnographic research was originally estab­ to memoirs, narrative ethnographies focus not lished through texts that incorporated explicit on the ethnographer herselt: but rather on the char­ discussion of the fieldwork. He cites the examples acter and process of the ethnographic dialogue or of classic ethnographies written by Malinowski encounter' (1991: 78). The narrative ethnography (Argonauts), Mead (Coming of Age in Samoa) and deals with the personal experiences of the ethno­ Firth's We the Tzkopia. Evans-Pritchard wrote of grapher, but also incorporates cultural analysis. tieldwork experiences in his introduction to The Bruner ( 1993: 6) expresses these concerns about con­ Nuer (1940). Malinowski described fieldwork in his fessional modes and memoir in his statement that introduction to Argonauts ofthe Pacific (1922), and 'the danger is putting the personal self so deeply also in his Appendix to Coral Gardens and their back into the text that it completely dominates so tHagic (1935). Later, however, tieldwork accounts that the work becomes narcissistic and egotistical.' became less necessary, ClitTord argues, as the autho­ There are those, such as Carolyn Ellis and Susan rity of anthropology as a discipline became more Krieger, who would deny a dichotomy between the established. Godfrey Lienhard!'s brief statement at personal and the intellectual, between memoir and the beginning of Divinity and Experience, 'this book ethnography. Ellis (Ellis and Bochner, 1996) argues is based upon two years' work among the Dinka, that personal, autobiographical modes of writing spread over the period 1947-1950' (1961: 124), are vital for knowledge production in the social is an example. There is no other discussion of sciences. She proposes an 'evocative autoethno­ the work itself. The growing prestige of the graphy' (1997), and an 'emotional sociology' (Ellis, 'fieldworker-theorist' (that is, Evans-Pritchard and 1991) that draws upon Denzin's emphasis on per­ The Nuer), led to the eventual bifurcation of the per­ sonal epiphanies to advocate the study of not only sonal and ethnographic modes. Clifford writes that the emotional lives of those ethnographers studied but 'we are increasingly familiar with the separate also the emotions of researchers as legitimate foci fieldwork account (a sub-genre that still tends to be of study. In much of her work, Ellis makes use of classified as subjective, "soft", or unscientitlc). But 'introspective narrative' - revealing personal narra­ even within classic ethnographies, more or less tives written by researchers (see Ellis and Bochner, stereotypic "fables of rapport" narrate the attain­ 1996) that may have less than obvious connections ment of full participant-observer status' (Clifford, to conventional ethnographic concerns than have 1983: 132). Newer forms of writing about field­ previous 'fables of rapport'. Krieger (1991: 4X) work that went beyond stereo typic accounts began similarly argues that 'inner experience' in social to appear in the late 19708. such as those by life should be more developed in social science Dumont ([ 1922] 1978), Favret-Saada (1980), writing. She writes 'it may not be best to organize an Rabinow (1977) and Shostak ([1981]1983). account around an intellectual idea when the subject is one's own experience. For me, it is desirable to structure a description in terms of the emotional Fables of Rapport content of an experience' (1991: 50--1) (see also Richardson, 1994). Accounts oftieldwork have been referred to by Van Another proponent of personal narrative in Maanen (19X8) as 'confessional tales' and by ethno!:.rraphy, Judith Okely, writes in her essay on Clifford (19X3) as 'fables of rapport'. Both critics 'The Self and Scientism' that 'there is a need for agree that one of the most important aims of such more explicit recognition of fieldwork as personal

94 AUTOBIOGRAPHY. INm.lACY AND ETHNOGRAPHY 413 experience instead of sacrificing it to a false notion writes that she was frustrated that there were no of scientitic objectivity' (1996: 27). She further accounts of fieldwork to which the beginning suggests that 'since almost nothing about the people student could tum, and that this inspired her own studied is dismissed as private, taboo or improper autobiographical excursions. However, the lack of for investigation, the same should apply to the an intellectual climate in which such an account investigator' (p. 29). [n her recent writing, Ruth would be well received prohibited her from pub­ Behar also illustrates the refusal to distinguish lishing this until many decades later. In this account between emotional forms of knowledge and intel­ of first fieldwork in Greenland during the summer lectual fomls. In a book subtitled Anthropology that of 1929, DeLaguna details her personal experiences Breaks Yuur Heart (1996), Behar utilizes a highly with a combination of narrative, direct quotes from intimate mode of writing in order to express per­ her fieldnotes and letters exchanged between her­ sonal concerns and professional issues that go much self and her family. beyond those of fieldwork itself. She urges ethno­ One of the first published accounts of tieldwork graphers to write 'vulnerably'. Behar cautions, was Alice Lee Marriott's (1952) Greener Fields: however, that 'vulnerability does not mean that Experiences among the American Indians. Another anything personal goes. The exposure of the self early account came in the form of a 1954 novel, who is also a spectator has to take us somewhere we Return to Laughter, written pseudonymously as couldn't otherwise go to. It has to be essential to the Elinore Bowen by Laura Bohannan. This book argument. not a decorative flourish, not exposure chronicles an anthropologist's experiences during for its own sake' (1996: 14). Renato Rosaldo ( 19R9) fieldwork in Africa, and is generally viewed as a has also written a narrative of emotion which thinly disguised autobiography, although Rosalie explicitly links his own experiences of grief over Wax has suggested that it 'may be a fictionalized the death of his wife to his understanding of the pastiche composed of the tales of several persons llongot headhunters he studied during many years and numerous trips' (1971: 37). Jean Briggs' Never of fieldwork. He draws upon his own emotions to in Anger: Portrait o/an Eskimo Family (1970) is a gain ethnographic insights on the emotional life and similarly novelesque rendering, full of humorous culture of the !longo!. self-disclosure, of a fieldwork experience among It was in American anthropology, and among the Inuit. Two other volumes attempted to meld female anthropologists, that the use of personal narratives of fieldwork with discussions of and narratives of fieldwork.experiences became estab­ training in tieldwork methodology. [n her 1966 lished as a separate genre from the ethnographic book Stranger and Friend, Hortense Powdermaker monograph (Arana, 19RR; Tedlock, 1(95). Observers writes that the project 'attempts to present a case of this trend have raised the possibilities of differ­ history of how an anthropologist lives, works, and ent subjectivities t(1r males and females (Behar and learns; how he thinks, and feels, in the field. Other Gordon, 1995; Cole, 1(92). Retlections by Jean readers may also tind it useful and interesting to go Jackson ( 19R6), Judith Okely (1996) and Anne-Marie backstage with an anthropologist, and see what lies Fortier (1996) make use of personal narratives of behind the finished performance' (1966: 15). fieldwork and the role of gender in order to critique Rosalie Wax (1971) used three of her own field­ theory and writing in ethnography. Barbara Tedlock work experiences to discuss methods in her guide to ( I (95) suggests a gendered division of labor in fieldwork, and the bibliography usefully includes textual productions by male and female ethno­ other accounts of tieldwork that had been written graphers. She argues that the 'narrative mode', with before 1970. A similar approach to incorporating less structure, and less authority in its prose, is more personal experiences in ethnography tor didactic often adopted by females. This issue has also been purposes is taken by Peter McLaren (l9R9), who addressed by Arana (19RR) and Stivers (1993). In makes use of his early teaching journal as a way to her article 'Works and Wives' Tedlock (1995) teach about the approach of critical pedagogy. points out that husband and wife teams in ethno­ Gerald D. Berreman's (1962) Behind Many graphy (among them Victor and Edith Turner, Masks: Ethnography and Impression A1anagement Elizabeth and Robert Fernea) generally retlected a in a Himalayan Village also provided an account gendered approach to writing. Bruner (1993: 5) of tieldwork, but one that refused to present itself as suggests that 'husbands would do the ethno­ a model for methods. Berreman's objective was graphy and wives would tell the story of the tield to discuss the ways in which presentation of self experiences'.3 by both the ethnographer and those they study comes The earliest ethnographic memoirs were written into play, and the various forms of impression by female anthropologists. One of the first deliberate management, including secrecy and concealment, attempts to describe the ethnographer's experience involved. This account of fieldwork in a highly of fieldwork, foregrounding the 'self' of the strati tied, caste-based Indian village underscores researcher, was written in 1930 by Frederica the complexities of fieldwork in such a setting. oj DeLaguna, but was not published until 1977. A There are now scores of volumes written by student of Boas, Benedict and Reichard, DeLaguna ethnologists that explore their fieldwork experiences

95 .+14 HANDBOOK OF ETHNOGRAPHY

in candid accounts. These include both monographs Most published fieldwork stories are shorter than and edited volumes of essays. A ~ignificant depar­ book-length, and collected in numerous edited ture from the earlier 'realist' tieldwork accounts was volumes that have appeared since the 19608. The taken by Jean-Paul Dumont, who attempts to blend relative absence of such volumes during the 19ROs the two genres of ethnographic monograph and per­ and abundance of them during the 1990s should be sonal narrative. He begins his book nle Headman noted. Many of these edited collections are shaped and I with the statement: 'This book is about the around particular themes. The first, Casa!:,rrande's Panare Indians of Venezuelan Guiana and me, the 1960 In the Company of,,"fan: Twenty Portraits oj' investigating anthropologist' (1992: 3). Written in Amizrop%gical fn/hrmants, took up the issue of 197X, Dumont's book represents a significant turn­ relationships between informants and tieldworkers, ing point in the relationship between ethnobrraphy with an emphasis on the humanity of the informant. and autobiography. While Rabinow (1977) had, It has been followed by the more recent volume some feel, raised the fieldwork account to a new Bridges to Humanity: Narratives on Anthropology level of intellectual sophistieation, Dumont's book and Friendship (Orindal and Salamone, 1995), in was one of the first to gain aeclaim as an ethno­ which the emphasis has turned to the humanity of graphy that is also autobiographical. Elizabeth Fernea the anthropologist. Several more general antholo­ ( 1969, 1975) had earlier done much the same thing, gies of discussions of tieldwork have appeared, but she received less attention. Also receiving less starting with the 1964 volume Reflections on attention is an account of fieldwork written by Community Studies (Vidieh et aI., 1964), and then Miriam Slater that aimed to be 'a cross between the Anthropologists ill the Field (Jongrnans and personal and the objective' (1976: 1). She explicitly Gutkind, 1967). These have been followed, in rejects, she writes, the tactic of writing two books chronological order, by Frielich (1970), Spindler (the monograph and the memoir), and hoped to (1970). Kimball (1972), Beteille and Madan (1975), intersect the two in her narrative ethnography. Shaffir and Stebbins (1991), DeVita (1992), Hobbs The autobiographical tieldwork account persists and May (1993), Jackson and lves (1996), and as a separate genre from other forms of ethnographic Lareau and Shultz (1996). Here, one ean see a shift writing. There is also a continued production of 'con­ in emphasis from techniques of scientific research, fessional tales' written by ethnographers, despite with autobiography used only anecdotally, to the Tedlock's (1991) prediction that ethno!:,rraphic narra­ proliferation of a more personal mode of writing tive would supersede memoir. A recent book by about fieldwork experiences. In Jongmans and Daniel Bradburd, Being There, The Necessity ol Gutkind (1967), for example, Edmund Leach writes Fieldwork (199R), makes use of anecdotes from of tieldwork from a strictly teehnical perspective. fieldwork in Iran to convey, as the author writes, An exeeption in that volume is the essay by Ki:ibben 'out-of-thc-ordinary, unplanned elements of my tield (1967), who mentions his experiences of emotional experience' (199R: xiii). Bradburd previously pub­ stress during t1eldwork in Surinam. More recent lished another book that was 'more formal', and con­ volumes of the 1990s foreground the personal experi­ formed to more conventional torms of ethnographic ences of the ethnographers. A similar comparison writing. He positions the newer personal approach as could be drawn, in sociology, between Hammond a response to what he labels the postmodern (.:ritique ( 1964) and Ellis and Bochner ( 1996). of tieldwork offered by James Clitford, Mary Louise Several volumes of fieldwork narratives are Pratt and others. The detense of fieldwork as the organized around particular themes. For example, hallmark of anthropology' may also be seen in Geertz there are edited collections, beginning with Golde's (199R: 69), who similarly criticizes what he terms the 1970 H'omen in the Field, that deal with issues of 'l1on-immersive, hit-and-nm ethnography' of cul­ gender and/or sexuality in the tield. Golde's land­ tural studies writers such as Clifford. Geertz, how­ mark volume drew attention to the particular issues ever, does not advocate the 'fables of rapport' facing female anthropologists, and opened discus­ approach taken by Bradburd and others. sions about teminist approaches to fieldwork. It has Autobiographical accounts of tieldwork have in been followed by Whitehead and Conway (19R6), recent years become too numerous to mention all of Altorki and EI-Solh ([ 19RR] 1992) and Bell, Caplan them here. Examples of books that propose to show and Karim (1993). Behar and Gordon (1995) echo the intimate experiences of the fieldworker 'in the early concerns in a recent volume devoted to gender field' include Anderson (1990), Barley (19R6), and the writing of ethnography. Sexuality in the Cesara (19R2), Hayano (1990), Raybeck (1996), field, which will be discussed further below, has Turner (19R7), Van den Berghe (19R9), Wachtel been addressed in the edited collections by Kulick (1994) and Ward (19R9). The everyday process of and Wilson (1995), Lewin and Leap (1996) and fieldwork, especially the issues of domestie Markowitz and Ashkenazi (1999). arrangements in an anthropological household in Other themes that have prompted edited collec­ the field, are also illustrated by Elizabeth Fernea in tions of tieldwork accounts include issues of her vivid aecounts of tieldwork in the Middle East children and family in the tield (Butler and Turner, (1969, 1975). 19R7; Cassell, 19R7; Fernandez and Sutton, 199R;

96 AUTOBIOGRAPHY, INTlJfACYAND ETHNOGRAPHY 415

Flinn et al., 1(911), and the personal and profes­ various issues of the crossing of boundaries in sional aspects of long-term fieldwork (Fowler and anthropological tieldwork. These texts romanticize Hardesty, 19(4). There arc also volumes devoted to the male's erotic attractions to these women. A fieldwork in a particular part of the world - DeVita Gennan scientist. who worked closely with anthro­ ( ! (90) on the Pacific: Srinivas et al. (1970) on pologists. detailed his own marriage to a much India: and Altorki and EI-Solh ([191111]1992) on the younger! Kung woman (Heinz and Lee, 1979) in a \!iddle East. The volume Distant ,'vtirrors: America text that blends confessional autobiographical writ­ as a Fim:ixn Cli/Iure (DeVita and Armstrong, ing with ethnographic description. Of his wife, [1993] 19911) contains personal essays by non-US Heinz writes 'Here was fundamental woman in a anthropologists who have conducted fieldwork sort of simple splendor. a basic creature whose there, inverting some of the usual ethnographic femininity bared her emotions, sometimes tierce, constructions of ·otherness.' The essays in Anthony mostly gentle, genuine and good. And I, so worldly Jackson's Anthropology at Home (19117) similarly and corrupt, so cultured by degrees and academia, deal with issues of place and tieldwork. this time had won her heart' (1979: 99). In her foreword to when tieldwork is not 'away', but 'home.' this book, Margaret Mead comments that it stands Another set of collections focus on auto­ as a strong counterpoint to the image of the cold, biography, ethnography and narrative torms of distant researcher, and ·depends upon keeping the writing; and on the intersections of literature and mother-in-law taboos oneself' (\979: xiii). Photos ethnography. The essays in the ground-breaking include the author, always captioned 'Dr Heinz' Al1lhrop%J.,'Y and Autohioxraphy (Okely and and always fully clothed, and his wife, usually Callaway, 1992) are ret1exive in their uses of bio­ with naked breasts exposed and always captioned graphical genres to discuss tieldwork experiences, simply 'Namkwa'. In a more recent text, anthropo­ bringing issues of theory, method and writing logist Kenneth Good ( 1991) has written an autobio­ together. Other volumes that relate these issues graph ical account of his work among the Yanomama include Ylyerhoff and Ruby (19112), Bruner (19114). that chronicles his courtship of and subsequent Benson (1993). Lavie et al. (1993), Daniel and marriage to a young native girl, whom he eventually Peck (1996), Reed-Danahay (1997b), Tierney and tries to setde in suburban New Jersey. Pictures of Lincoln (1997) and Hertz (1997). his naked pubescent future wife are included in the text, as arc intimate photos of the couple lounging in their hammock. As with Dr Heinz, Dr Good is Ethnographers, Intimacy and Sexuality always fully clothed. In both books, cross-cultural marriage is used as an entry to ethnographic obser­ In most autobiographical ethnography, there has vations and knowledge of the 'other'. A female been scant mention of the sexuality of the counterpm1 to these male writers is Joana Varawa resear.:her. This taboo was famously broached (19119), who has chronicled her experiences of when Malinowski's diaries (1967) were published, marriage to a Fijian tisherman. and his own struggles with sexual repression and Several edited collections have appeared in expression were brought out of the closet. In his recent years that directly explore issues of sexuality discussion of the publ ication of the diaries, George and ficldwork (Kulick and Wilson, 1995: Lewin Stocking (1974) mentions that many people had and Leap, 1996; Markowitz and Ashkenazi, 1999). intommlly told him that sexuality was an issue tor These collections arc intormed by the experimental them during fieldwork, despite the lack of public ethnographic writing of the 19XOs with their cri­ dismurse on this subject. Paul Rabinow's (1977) tiques of 'objectifying' accounts of both the anthro­ candid description of accompanying his intonnants pologist and his/her intonnants, and by the gender in pursuit of sexual cncounters with local girls in studies and feminist approaches in anthropology in Morocco was unusual at the time tor its acknowl­ the decades since the 19708. In the first such edgment of sexual activity on the part ofthe anthro­ volume to appear, Kulick and Wilson (1995) deal pologist. Karl Poewe's (Cesara, 19X2) tieldwork more explicitly with issues ofsexuality than previous memoir was ground-breaking in its open discussion work, tying them to broader themes of retlexivity of gender and sexuality for a female anthropologist and subjectivity in ethnographic research (see also in the field (see also Weber, 19X9). Several anthro­ Probyn, 1993). Kulick and Wilson are so sensitive pologists, such as Shostak ([ 1911 I J 19113) and to previous prohibitions against disclosures of sex­ Herdt (19112), have written of the intimate sexual ual intimacy in the tield that Kulick makes the dis­ behaviors of their infornlants (with Shostak, in par­ claimer in his introduction that ·this volume is not a ticular. alluding to her own youthful interest in the catalogue of ethnopornography' (1995: 5). He older Nissa's sexual experiences), but to write points out that sex itself has always been a part of about one's own sexuality is much less common. anthropology and that ·anthropology has always Two males have written in detail about their mar­ trafticked in the sexuality of the people we study' riages to ·native' women, in books that reveal inti­ (1995: 2). Nevertheless, he continues, 'throughout macies in .:ross-cultural encounters that raise all the decades of concern with the sex lives of

97 416 HANDBOOK OF ETHNOGRAPHY others, anthropologists have remained very this particular form of 'insider' research, or tightlipped about their own sexuality' (p. 3). Kulick autoethnography (see especially Kennedy, 1996; cites Wengle's (191\8) conclusion from his review Weston, 1996). of ethnographic reports that ethnographers have The most recent volume to appear on anthro­ generally remained celibate during fieldwork. pology and sexuality (Markowitz and Ashkenazi, Silences about this topic are connected, Kulick sug­ 1999) is informed by previous contributions in this gests, to three features of ethnol:,rraphy: the absence field, and works to link theory to personal narratives of the ethnographer in text; disdain for personal nar­ of experiences of sexuality in the Held. As the edi­ ratives in the discipline; and general cultural taboos tors write, 'Sex and sexuality are not novel topics in about discussing sex. With this volume, the editors anthropolol:,'Y, nor is a consideration of participant and chapter authors hoped to open the conversation observation as method and epistemology. What is about the 'erotic sUbjectivity of the ethnographer' new is linking these two themes in the person of the (Kulick and Wilson, 1995: 23). anthropologist' (Ashkenazi and Markowitz, 1999: 5). One example from this volume is Jill Dubisch's A major contribution of this recent volume is its chapter 'Lovers in the tield'. [n her acknow ledg­ focus on the cultural construction of sexuality and ments, she thanks (with an ironic tone?) 'various the ways in which anthropologists' discussions of friends and lovers in Greece' (l995: 41\). As a their personal and erotic relationships in the field scholar with long-term field experience in Greece, can help in understandings of the ways in which Dubisch has made nnmerous field trips, and has had both anthropologists and their 'field partners' various encounters with Greek males during ditTer­ (,intormants') are 'positioned' in systems of power ent stages of her life and career. In her discussion of and meaning. One example of this is the essay by this, Dubisch is not explicit about the sex itselt: but Michael Ashkenazi and Robert Rotenberg (1999) in engages with issues of gender and sexuality, which the authors compare their experiences of marriage, attachment, cultural and class ditTerences undertaking tieldwork in cultural settings (Japan in approaches to sexuality. Most interestingly, and Vienna) that include public nudity during Dubisch shows that tieldwork raises issues of self­ public bathing. While avoiding overly 'confes­ hood for the ethnographer and describes how she sional' accounts of their personal encounters with came to self-understanding through tieldwork in nudity in various spheres, through their discussions Greece. Through her encounters with many infor­ of social discomfort, the authors convey the ways in mants, friends, lovers and collaborators (not a which the erotic is socially constructed in different mutually exclusive list, she lets us know), Dubisch cultures. They also vividly address the etTects of came to see a blurring of the concept ofthe 'authen­ doing fieldwork in the nude on concepts of author­ tic unitied self'. Each time she returns to Greece, ity and intimacy. As they write, 'Observing, partici­ she is different, and she explores different aspects pating with, and interviewing nude people of both of her seltbood during each tieldtrip. On the topic of genders while nude oneself has unexpected conse­ sexuality, Dubisch writes ;Sexuality is one dimen­ quences' (Ashkenazi and Rotenberg, 1999: 92). sion of the self, and a dimension which may be While anthropologists have otten conducted tield­ particularly challenged in the field, whether by the work fully clothed in settings where the 'natives' felt necessity tor abstinence, the sexual temptations were naked or partially naked (cf. Malinowski, offered to us, the fears of professional conse­ 19(7), this essay illustrates the more recent sensi­ quences of sexual indulgence, and/or the reactions tivity among anthropologists to issues of power and of those we encounter to our perceived nature as representation in ethnography. Discussions of sexual­ sexual beings' (1995: 47). Nothing in our training ity and tieldwork speak to issues of intimacy and as ethnographers, Dubisch concludes, prepares us their representation in ethnographic writing, to the for this. ways in which both ethnographer and informant The next volume to follow was Lewin and Leap's are constructed as individuals in ethnographic (1996) collection of essays on gay and lesbian accounts, and to the ways in which sexuality is cul­ anthropologists and sexuality in tieldwork. Some of turally constructed and informed by systems of the most candid discussions of sexuality and the power and authority. field are to be tound in the writings of gay and les­ bian anthropologists, despite the heterosexual bias of most anthropological research on sexuality.5 Intellectual Memoirs While there has been silence about sexuality in the field, the silences about gay and lesbian anthropo­ One biographical genre that is otten overlooked in logists have been even more pronounced. As Lewin discussions of ethnography and autobiography is and Leap write, 'Speaking openly is a step toward that of the intellectual autobiography and biography stripping homosexuality and lesbian and gay by the protessional ethnographer. Zussman (1996) identity of their stigma' (1996: xi). For gay and points out that anthropologists have produced lesbian anthropologists who do research on gay much more such autobiographical writing than and lesbian issues, there are additional issues about have sociologists, but works appear in both

98 AUTOBIOGRAPH'r; INTI:vIACY AND ETHNOGRAPHY 417 disciplines. Sociologist William foote Whyte:8 and M.N. Srinivas (1997). Edward Hall (1992) has (1994) Participant-Observer: An Autobiography, IS also written a memoir of his career as an anthropo­ a notable exception (see also Goetting and logist, while several essays in Fowler and Hardesty fenstermaker, 1995; Riley, 19XX; Williams, 19RR). ( 1994) deal with issues of career and intellectual Since the theme of this chapter is ethnography, development (see also Goldfrank. 197R; Hurston, intellechml autobiographies written by social scien­ [[942J 1991: Miller, 19(5). tists who are not ethnographers fall outside of the scope; however, it is worth noting that there have Illness and Self-disclosure been a number of such texts produced (I.e., Dews and Law. 19(5). Another genre of personal narrative that ethno­ Two of the most famous autobiographies in Qraphers have written is that of the . illness narrative' anthropology are Blackbeny Winter, by Margaret (Kleinman. 1988). While there has been little writ­ Mead ([ 1972] 19(5) and Trisres Tropiqlies, by ten about illness during fieldwork. self-disclosure Claude Levi-Strauss ([1955] 1992). These two associated with issues of emotion, death and illness books focus on the intellectual and professional has developed into an identifiable genre of writing development of the scholar, and on their theoretical by ethnographers. Anthropologists Robert Murphy concerns. fieldwork is mentioned, but not in the (1987) and Susan DiGiacomo ( (987) have written 'confessional mode' to the same degree as are about their own chronic illnesses and the medical 'fables of rapport' or narratives of fieldwork experi­ profession with the keen insights of an ethnographer. ences per se. We learn less about the foibles and Murphy, who conducted decades of research in personal experiences, less explicitly about the inner South America, compares his spinal cord disease, life of the scholar, in such intellectual reports. which left him paralysed, to an 'extended anthro­ There is more explicit discussion of theory in Mead pological ficld trip' (! 9R7: ix). DiGiacomo (19X7) and Levi-Strauss' memoirs, although descriptions who suffers from cancer, also writes of entering from the tield also playa role in legitimizing the a new tield site: 'the kingdom of the sick'. In authority of each anthropologist through discus­ sociology, Irving Zola (1982) and Arthur Frank sions of their 'having been there'. (1991) have also written extensively of personal Clifford Geertz's A/ter the Fact (1995) is his illness from the perspective of a social scientist. own contribution to the genre of intellectual auto­ While all tour of these authors applied previous biography. In these essays, Geertz refrains from the ethnouraphic insights to their new experiences of confessional mode to detail his professional experi­ dines;' Kathryn Church ( I 9(5) moves in a differ­ ences and the development of much of his thinking. ent direction, making use of her own experiences It is in many ways an anti- 'fable of rapport'. illus­ of physical and mental breakdown during an tratin!.! Geertz's famous mistrust of the anthropolo­ ethnoPaul Bohannan (1997), Ottar researchers and infom1ants, and convergence Brox ( (990), Ernestine friedl (1995), John Hostetler between the personal narratives of each, are among (1992), Ida Magli (1991), Robert Paine (199/1) the prominent trends that one can notice in recent

99 4111 HANDBOOK OF ETHNOGRAPHY

work. As the 'natives' become increasingly literate, understandings of culture and history. No the need for 'life history' that speaks for the other contradiction is posited between friendship, intel­ will lessen, and the 'natives' will tell their own lectual intimacy and anthropological objectivity; stories (perhaps with the aid of the ethnographer - for Herzfeld, such a dichotomy is false. Other as in the case of Home and McBeth, I 99l1). The experimentations with autobiography, biography 'field' of ethnography is broadening, to include and ethnography include the work of Brettell 'home', 'self', fiction and other textual productions, (1999), Brown (1991), Kendall (19RlI) and Narayan as well as visual culture. The construct of 'the field' ( 19R9). as a site of ethnographic research (Gupta and An interest in the practices of ethnography and Ferguson, 1997) is being questioned. self-disclosure among those who were traditionally Recent attention to native torms of autobiography, the subject of the ethnographic gaze has produced biography and ethnography have led to hybrid several important models of collaborative research forms and experimentations with established genres and understandings of the 'practical knowledge' of life history and ethnography. The edited volumes (Bourdieu, 1980) of both researchers and their by Driessen (1993) and Brettell (1993) both address informants. There is a growing tendency to pro­ the encounters, particularly through published duce texts that are presented as autobiographical, ethnographic writing, between professional anthro­ first-person accounts by the subject him or herself, pologists and the subjects of their research. They rather than mediated life histories. The growth of also draw attention to the issues of power and schooling and literacy has enhanced this trend. representation raised in ethnographic writing. In Examples of this form of autoethnography are Laye Brettell's volume, Ginsburg (1993) discusses her ([ 1954) 1994), Roughsey (1984), Saitoti (l9R6) work among abortion activists in order to highlight and Home and McBeth (199l1). Ethnographers the politics of academic research and the ways in increasingly view informants as collaborators and which colleagues react to certain forms of research. autobiographers in their own right. One example is Elsewhere, Blackman 0992) reviews the ways in Janet Hoskins' ( 19R5) discussion of Maru Kaku, an which Native American life histories have been Indonesian man who assisted several anthro­ received by Native American audiences. pologists, and who created an autobiography that The increasing production of ethnography by uses his own poetic traditions. Hoskins describes 'native anthropologists' working in their own cul­ this as a lament about choices made. Although tural milieu has also led to discussions of selfhood, Kaku's own native oral tradition does not include voice and authority in ethnographic writing. Kondo self-presentation, this boundary-crosser innovated, (1990) explores these issues through a blending combining conventional narrative genres in his of ethnography and personal narrative, in a study own tradition with more Western individualistic of Japan by a Japanese-American woman who genres of autobiography.6 Susan Rodgers (1993) stands in an ambiguous role vis-a-vis her Japanese has written about an Indonesian Batak writer who, informants - looking Japanese but not acting or while not explicitly autobiographical in his talking like a 'real' Japanese person. Ethnic writings, makes use of autoethnographies and autobiography has inspired Trinh T. Minh-ha's auto representations of ethnicity and culture. This book Women, Native, Other (1989) which deals writer, suggests Rodgers, is writing his own culture with issues of self-presentation and displays of self through a form of self-presentation. Autoethnography (and other) through discussions of conventions of of this sort is also described by Herzfeld (1997a, anthropological writing. Minh-ha uses photos, 1997b), Kideckel (1997), Reed-Danahay (1997 a) poems, tiction and personal narrative in her and Warren ( 1997). discussions of gender and 'nativism'. Her book Among the topics for narrative ethnography and represents an example of the blending of anthro­ ethnographic memoir that have not yet been pological theory and personal narrative, in a genre addressed as much as others cited in this chapter, form that rejects the claim that the two must be in are issues of danger in tieldwork and physical or opposition. mental illness in the field (see Howell, 1990; Lee, Michael Herzfeld (I997b) has produced an 1995). There has also been relatively little candid 'ethnographic biography' that uses genres of life writing about ethnographer careers (mentorship, history, biography and ethnography to discuss the education and employment issues, family and work life and work of Greek novelist and left-wing politi­ issues, career success and failure). Perhaps these cal figure Andreas Nenedakis. Herzfeld explores will be the next 'taboos' broached in intimate ethno­ important cultural and historical themes in Greek graphic writing! culture through the eye of the anthropologist (himselt) and the eye of the novelist (Nenedakisl. More than this, however, the book shows that the Acknowledgements long-time friendship between these two men and their wives (Cornelia Meyer Herzfeld and Eli-Maria I would like to thank Tara Martinez for her help in Komninou) has been fruitful to the anthropologist's locating sources for this chapter.

100 AUTOBIOGRAPHY, INn'vtACYA.ND ETHNOGRAPHY 419

NOTES Barley, Nigel (19X6) CeremollY: ,In .lnthmpoiogists· Jlisadventures ill the A/dean Blish. N..:w York: Henry Iioit. I Sec also Hcinritz and Rammstcdt, 1991 and Nlorin, Ikhar, Ruth (1993) Translaled mJlllen: Cros~ing Ihe [l}1\O on the usc of lite history methods in France: /JordeI' with Esperal1za:~ Story. Boston, tvlA: Beacon Markicwicz-Lagncau, 1976 on Poland; Rammstedt, 1995 Press. on Italy: and C::;uil1cstad, 1996 on Nonvay. Bertaux and Ikhar, Ruth (1996) The Vulnerahle Ohserver: Anthro­ Kohli, 19X4 review what they term more generally as pology that Breaks YOllr Heart. Boston, MA: Beacon 'the continental approach'. For contemporary British I'n,,5, approaches to social science uses of autobiography, sec Behar, Ruth and Gordon, Deborah A. (cds) (1995) Women Stanley, 1993. Writing Culture. Berkeley, CA: University ofCalitornia 2 Sec also Charity ot aI., 1995 and Edwards, 1992 on Press. the usc of photographs in ethnography. Bcidclman, T.O. (l99X) 'Making the time: becoming an 3 For a more recent collaborative work by a husband anthropologist', El/lIlOS, 6 (2): 273. and wife, see Stoller and Olkes, 191\7. Set: also Turner, Bell, D., Caplan, Pat and Karim, W.J. (cds) (1993) 1987. Gendered Fields: /hJmcn, AiI'll, alld Ethnography. 4 See also Gilmore, 1991 for a discussion of issues of London: Routledge. social class, politics, and tieldwork in Spain. Benson, Paul (cd.) (1l}93) Anthropology ami Literature. 5 In addition to the essays in Lewin and L..:ap, s..:c also Urbana, IL: University of TIIinois Press. Bolton, 1995; Herdt, 1997; Lunsing, 1999; Newton, 1993. Ikm:man, Gerald (1962) Behind ;\4any Masks. Ethl1o­ 6 Sec also Turn..:r (191\3) on 'Muchona the Hornet: graphy and Impression ,'vIanagement ill a Himalayan Interpreter of Religion'. Village. Monograph No.4. Ithaca, NY: Society tor Applicd Anthropology. Bertaux, Danid (cd.) (1981) Biography and Society: The REFERENCES I.ile Story Approach ill the Social Sciences. 13cverly Hills, CA: Sage. Abu-Lughod, Lila (1993) Writing IIhmen :\. Worlds: Bcrtaux, Daniel and Koh Ii. Martin (191\4) 'The life story Beduuin SlOries. Berkeky, CA: Cniversity of approach: a continental view', Allllual Review oj" Calitornia Press. Sociology, 10: 215-37. Altorki, Oraya and EI-Solh, Camillia fawzi (cds) Bcteille, Andre (1993) ·So<.!iology and anthropology: their ([19XX] 1992) Arah Women ill the Field: Studying relationship to one person's career', COlltrihlltions to I(JUr Own SociI:ty. Syracus.;, NY: Syracuse University Indian Sociology, 27 (2): 291--304. Press. Ikteillc, Andre and Madan, T.N. (cds) (1975) Encounter Al1lkrson, Barbara G. (1990) First Fieldwork: The and Er:periel1ce: Personal Accounts or Fieldwork. Misadventures ol an Antilmpologist. Prospect I !eights, Honolulu, til: Cniversity Press of Uawai'i. IL: Waveland. l3lackman, Margaret B. (1992) 'Introduction: the afterlife Angrosino, Michael V. (19X9) /Jocuments of" Interaction: of the lite history', Journal oj' Narrative and Lire Biography, AUlohiography and Lif"e flis[(JlY ill Social flistory, 2 (I): I 9. Science Pel:~pectives. Gainesville, fL: University of Blauncr, Bob (19X7) 'Problems of editing "tirst Florida Press. person" sociology', Qualitative Sociology, 10 (I): Arana, R. Vktoria (191\8) 'Examining the acquisition of 4664. cross-cultural knowledge: women anthropologists Bohannan, Paul (1997) 'It's been a good ticldtrip', as autobiographers', AiB: Autohiograpilicul 5;llIdies, Ethnos, 62 (1): 117 -36. 4 (I): 28-36. Bolton, Ralph (1995) 'Tricks, friends, and lovers: erotic An:hetti, Eduardo P. (cd.) (1994) Explorillg the Written: encounters in the tield', in Don Kulick and Margaret .ll1t/lropology alld the Jlultiplicity uf" HI·fting. Oslo: Wilson (cds), Tahoo: Sex, Identity, and Erotic Scandinavian University Press. Sul)jectivitv ill Amhropological Fieldll/ork. London: Ashkenazi, Michael and Markowitz, Fran (1999) Routledge. pp. 140-67. 'Introduction: sexuality and prevarication in the praxis 130urdieu, Pierre (19KO) Le Seils Pratique. Paris: Editions of anthropology', in Fran Markowitz and Michael de Minuit. Ashkenazi (cds), Sex. Sexuality and the Amhm[Julogist. Bowen, Elinore Smith [Laura Bohannan) (1954) Return to Urbana, lL: University of Illinois Press. pp,"1-21. Laughter. New York: Harper. Ashkenazi, Michael and Rotenberg, Robert (1999) B radburd, Daniel (199X) Being There: The .Vecessity or 'Cleansing cultures: public bathing and the naked Fieldwork. Washington, DC and London: Sllllthsonian anthropologist in Japan and Austria', in Fran Press. Markowitz and Michael Ashkcnui (cds), Sex, Sexuality 13randcs, Stanley ( 1l}1\2) 'Ethnographic autobiographies in and the ,Inthmpoiogist. Urbana, IL: University of American anthropology", in E. Adamson Hoe bel, Illinois Press. pp. 92-114. Richard Currier and Susan Kaiser (cds), Crisis in Atkinson, Paul (1992) Understanding Ethnographic .lmilrop%.ry: Viewfj

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