Trade and Communication Networks of the First Millennium AD in the northern part of Central Europe

Neue Studien zur Sachsenforschung 1 Trade and Communication Networks of the First Millennium AD in the northern part of Central Europe: Central Places, Beach Markets, Landing Places and Trading Centres Neue Studien zur Sachsenforschung Band 1

herausgegeben vom Niedersächsischen Landesmuseum Hannover

in Verbindung mit dem Internationalen Sachsensymposion

durch Babette Ludowici Trade and Communication Networks of the First Millennium AD in the northern part of Central Europe: Central Places, Beach Markets, Landing Places and Trading Centres

herausgegeben von

Babette Ludowici, Hauke Jöns, Sunhild Kleingärtner, Jonathan Scheschkewitz und Matthias Hardt Umschlaggestaltung: Karl-Heinz Perschall Satz und Layout: Karl-Heinz Perschall Grafische Arbeiten: Holger Dieterich, Karl-Heinz Perschall

Redaktion: Beverley Hirschel, Babette Ludowici

Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek: Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.d-nb.de abrufbar.

© 2010 Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover Alle Rechte vorbehalten In Kommission bei Konrad Theiss Verlag GmbH, Stuttgart

Abbildungsnachweise liegen in der Verantwortung der Autoren

Druck: BWH GmbH - Die Publishing Company, D-30457 Hannover

ISBN 978-3-8062-2412-2 Vorwort zur Reihe

Mit dem vorliegenden Band beginnt das Niedersächsische In der Nachfolge Genrichs wurde die „Sachsenforschung“ am Landesmuseum Hannover unter dem Titel „Neue Studien zur Landesmuseum Hannover von 1977 bis 2004 von Hans-Jürgen Sachsenforschung“ eine neue Reihe von Veröffentlichungen Häßler fortgeführt. Seine Untersuchungen zu frühgeschichtli - aus dem Bereich seiner Forschungstätigkeit. Dazu gehört die chen Bestattungsplätzen und Grabfunden aus Niedersachsen wissenschaftliche Erschließung der umfangreichen archäologi - haben der Forschung wesentliche Impulse verliehen. Mit der schen Sammlungsbestände zur Geschichte des ersten Jahrtau - von ihm am Landesmuseum Hannover begründeten und dort sends im Gebiet des heutigen Bundeslandes Niedersachsen, die bis zu seinem Ausscheiden aus dem Dienst lektorierten und am Haus unter der mittlerweile traditionellen Bezeichnung redigierten Reihe „Studien zur Sachsenforschung“ etablierte „Sachsenforschung“ betrieben wird. Sie bildet einen der wich - Häßler, der von 1996 bis 2002 auch Vorsitzender des „Inter - tigsten Schwerpunkte der am Landesmuseum Hannover ge - nationalen Sachsensymposions“ war, ein international aner - leisteten Forschungsarbeit. Vieles von dem, was wir heute über kanntes Fachorgan zur Frühgeschichtsforschung. die Lebenswirklichkeit und die kulturhistorische Entwicklung in den Landschaften Niedersachsens im ersten Jahrtausend wis - Dem Forschungsverständnis und dem Wirken Albert Genrichs sen, basiert auf hierbei gewonnenen Erkenntnissen. Die „Sach - und Hans-Jürgen Häßlers verpflichtet, deren zentrale Kon - senforschung“ am Landesmuseum Hannover zielt aber auch stante der rege fachliche Austausch mit zahlreichen Wissen - auf die wissenschaftliche Durchdringung der Ethnogenese und schaftlern und Forschungseinrichtungen im In- und Ausland Geschichte des frühmittelalterlichen Stammesverbandes der war, werden die „Neuen Studien zur Sachsenforschung“ vom Sachsen, die seit dem 6. und 7. Jahrhundert als Bewohner Landesmuseum Hannover nunmehr in direkter Verbindung mit weiter Gebiete zwischen Rhein, Elbe, den Mittelgebirgen und dem „Internationalen Sachsensymposion“ herausgegeben. In der Nordseeküste überliefert sind. Wie andere germanische diesem Sinne programmatisch veröffentlichen wir als ersten gentes, etwa die Franken, die Bajuwaren oder die Alaman - Band der Reihe die Ergebnisse des internationalen Workshops nen, haben die Sachsen die politischen und historischen Ab - zum Thema "Trade and Communication Networks of the First läufe in Europa entscheidend mitgeprägt. Bis heute stiftet ihr Millennium AD in the northern part of Central Europe: Central Name territoriale Identitäten. Places, Beach Markets, Landing Places and Trading Centres" am 4. und 5. September 2008 in Bad Bederkesa, den der Ar - Initiator und Doyen der genuin landesgeschichtlich orientierten beitsbereich „Sachsenforschung“ am Landesmuseum Hanno - „Sachsenforschung“ am Landesmuseum Hannover war Albert ver mit veranstaltet hat. Genrich (1912-1996), der hier von 1954 bis 1977 zunächst als Kustos und später als Leiter der vormaligen Abteilung Urge - schichte tätig war. Mit der „Sachsenforschung“ von Beginn an Jaap Brakke und bis heute aufs engste verknüpft ist das 1949 von Karl Wal - Direktor des Niedersächsischen Landesmuseums Hannover ler ins Leben gerufene „Internationale Sachsensymposion“ mit Claus von Carnap-Bornheim heutigem Sitz in Belgien, zu dessen Gründungsmitgliedern Al - Leitender Direktor der Stiftung Schleswig-Holsteinische Landesmuseen, bert Genrich gehörte. Die damals noch „Arbeitsgemeinschaft Vorsitzender des Internationalen Sachsensymposions für Sachsenforschung“ genannte Vereinigung fungiert seit vie - len Jahrzehnten als international maßgebliches wissenschaft - Babette Ludowici liches Forum für die Archäologie der frühen Geschichte Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover, Arbeitsbereich „Sachsenforschung“ Nordwesteuropas. Derzeit gehören ihr rund 130 Archäologen und Historiker aus Belgien, Dänemark, Deutschland, Finnland, Frankreich, Großbritannien, den Niederlanden, Norwegen, Schweden und den USA an. Albert Genrich war von 1968 bis 1986 Vorsitzender des Symposions, das einmal jährlich tagt.

5 Foreword

This publication presents the results of an international work - there are signs of considerable trade and craft activity . Such shop entitled ”Trade and Communication Networks of the First places gave the central settlements direct access to supra-re - Millennium AD in the northern part of Central Europe: Central gional transportation and communication routes. Places, Beach Markets, Landing Places and Trading Centres ”, Scholars generally agree that these Iron Age central places, which was held on September 4 th and 5 th , 2008, in Burg Bad like the trading emporia of the Viking Age, were under the Bederkesa, near Cuxhaven in Germany. Thirty-six participants control of the social elite. On the other hand, the question of from six countries discussed questions relating to structural who organised the exchange or trading of goods, whether the relationships and points of contact in the first millennium AD ruler himself or several more or less independent traders, is between settlements and other localities that were dependent the subject of much controversy. Nevertheless, there is no on agriculture and those that functioned as central places, which doubt that decisive social changes took place in the central can be identified as such by evidence of religious activity, trade places, which finally led to the transformation from the Iron and exchange as well as traces of craft production. Age tribal system to the Germanic kingdoms and states of the early and high Middle Ages. For several decades now, research in northern Germany and The discovery and preliminary investigation of most Iron southern Scandinavia has concentrated on coastal Viking Age Age central places began with a systematic survey using metal trading posts and their hinterland. At present, more than detectors, whereby large quantities of high-quality objects eighty sites are known in the area of the North and Baltic Seas made of bronze, silver or gold were recovered. A more detailed that were part of a supra-regional trade and communication examination reveals that the finds consist mainly of jewellery network in the early and high Middle Ages. In the written and costume elements of various origins, which when dated sources, they are usually described as trading posts, market often indicate settlement continuity over several centuries. The places or early towns. It has been established that these places characteristic find spectrum includes not only the remains of also played an important role in the life of the inhabitants of non-ferrous metal-working but also figurative images made of other settlements, in both the immediate vicinity and the fur - thin gold foil, commonly called ”gubber”. Gold objects, either as ther hinterland. The discovery of numerous landing places for single finds or in hoards, e.g. containing gold bracteates, are boats, seasonal markets and craft workshops shows that an in - also found in low-lying areas around the central places. The pur - frastructure had developed in the surrounding area for the pose of these gold objects was to honour the gods; the gold specific purpose of supplying the central place. The model ”gubber” can probably be interpreted as temple money. Con - used in modern town planning for centres or central settle - centrations of theophoric place names in the proximity of seve- ments and their peripheries can also be applied, at least par - ral central places in imperial Roman times also underline the tially, to settlement structures at the end of the first millennium religious function of the central places. AD. Research over the past few decades has found increasing In southern Scandinavia, in particular, research has also evidence of central places in the southwestern part of the been increasingly preoccupied since the early 1980s with the North Sea region as well. However, their structure is still largely economic and social conditions before the Viking Age, i.e. in unknown. In inland areas, too, growing numbers of sites with imperial Roman times and the Migration period. Focal points similar ranges of finds have been found in remarkably con - of this research are settlement areas and agglomerations in venient topographical locations from the point of view of which settlement continuity can be traced over several cen - transportation. A structural comparison of these sites and their turies and where the archaeological finds and features indicate functions has not yet been undertaken. that they were centres of political, economic and religious power. A centre should not be understood as a clearly cir - To sum up, it can be said that the research situation regard - cumscribed area but rather as consisting of several contem - ing central places, their various functions, their surrounding poraneous settlements with different functions , including areas and the relationships between them is very different from beaches or man-made landing places for boats in protected region to region. While well-substantiated models can already bays , where goods could be loaded and unloaded and where be presented for parts of southern Scandinavia, research has

6 only just begun in the southern Baltic and southwestern North The editors Sea areas. Against this background, the main objective of the workshop was not only to present and collate the latest sci - Babette Ludowici entific approaches and the most recent research projects on Niedersächsisches Landesmuseum Hannover the subject but also to discuss them thoroughly. Consequently, Hauke Jöns when preparing the workshop, the organisers did not send Niedersächsisches Institut für historische Küstenforschung , Wilhelmshaven out the usual call for papers but, instead, defined specific to- pics to be discussed. The focal points thus defined, which not Sunhild Kleingärtner only covered the chronologically and geographically related Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte der Universität Kiel cultures but also took into consideration the research done by other historical disciplines , provided the basic framework for Jonathan Scheschkewitz Landesamt für Denkmalpflege im Regierungspräsidium Stuttgart, Esslingen both the programme of the workshop and the contents of this publication. Experts on each subject were selected and asked Matthias Hardt to collate the latest research, make a constructive critical ap - Geisteswissenschaftliches Zentrum praisal, and produce a manuscript that included the most im - Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropas e.V. an der Universität Leipzig portant points to be considered at the workshop. At the same time, for each subject, a second expert was selected to review the manuscript and write a commentary to be presented in a short statement as the starting point for the round-table dis - cussion. In order to create the right atmosphere for an animated debate, it was decided to limit the number of participants in the workshop to those colleagues who had agreed to take an active part as either first or second expert. To encourage the participants to prepare themselves thoroughly for the event, copies of all the manuscripts and all the commentaries were placed at their disposal about four weeks before the work - shop. English was chosen as the official language. After the workshop, all the authors had an opportunity to revise and up-date their texts and comments to include issues raised dur - ing the discussions and take into account new points of view .

We would like to thank all the participants of the workshop for having accepted this unusual procedure without complaint and for having handed in their papers on time. We also wish to thank the Burg Bederkesa Museum for having placed such an impressive room at our disposal, which was a perfect lo - cation for our workshop. We also thank Beverley Hirschel (Cologne) for going over all the English texts and Holger Die- terich (Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte at the University of Kiel) who prepared the layout of the papers handed out for the workshop and took charge of the graphics for the illus - trations in this volume. And, last but not least, our special thanks go to the Fritz Thyssen Foundation (Cologne), which not only financed the cost of accommodation, meals and travel but also provided the necessary funds for the subsequent edi- torial preparation of the manuscripts for publication.

7 Contents

The conception of “central places” in time and space

Winfried Schenk “Central Places” as a point of discussion from German geography in (pre)historical research 11

Marion Brüggler Types, meaning and significance of “central places“ in the Germanic provinces of the Roman Empire 14

Jörg Drauschke The search for central places in the Merovingian kingdom 26

Jürgen Udolph The evidence of central places in place names 49

Questions concerning continuity through the centuries: casestudies

Hauke Jöns Case study 1: The Elbe-Weser region in northern Germany (the regions of Sievern and Stade in the first millennium AD) 69

Johan A.W. Nicolay Response to case study 1: Power formation and the rise of central places in the Elbe-Weser region and the coastal area 90 of the northern Netherlands – a comparison

Birgitta Hårdh Case study 2: Uppåkra – Lund. A central place and a town? Western Scania in the Viking Age 101

Claus von Carnap-Bornheim Comment on: Uppåkra – Lund. A central place and a town? Western Scania in the Viking Age (B. Hårdh) 112

Ulrich Müller Case study 3: Trading centres – Hanseatic towns on the southern Baltic Coast: Structural continuity or a new start? 115

Rolf Bärenfänger General comment on: Trading centres – Hanseatic towns on the southern Baltic Coast: 141 Structural continuity or a new start? (U. Müller)

Trade contacts in the reflection of the finds

Sebastian Brather Silver, weights and scales around the Baltic, 8 th to 11 th centuries 143

Christoph Kilger General comment on: Silver, weights and scales around the Baltic, 8 th to 11 th centuries (S. Brather) 165

Sunhild Kleingärtner Trade contacts as reflected in archaeological finds: Costume accessories 170

Iben Skibsted Klæsøe Comments on: Trade contacts as reflected in archaeological finds: Costume accessories (S. Kleingärtner) 189

8 Barbara Armbruster Remains of the Viking-Age goldsmith’s craft and workshop 191

Heiko Steuer Comments on: Remains of the Viking-Age goldsmith’s craft and workshop (B. Armbruster) 214

Central places and their hinterland: examples and casestudies

Dagfinn Skre Centrality and places. The central place Skiringssal in Vestfold, Norway 220

Michael Müller-Wille Comments on: Centrality and places. The central place Skiringssal in Vestfold, Norway (D. Skre) 232

Michiel H. Bartels and Michel Groothedde Central places and fortifications: The case study Deventer and Zutphen – a medieval Burgenordnung 238 in the eastern Netherlands?

Martin Segschneider Comment on: Central places and fortifications: The case study Deventer and Zutphen – 255 a medieval Burgenordnung in the eastern Netherlands? (M. Bartels and M. Groothedde)

Donat Wehner The hinterland of the early medieval trading places Wolin and Menzlin: A comparison 258

Mateusz Bogucki The Baltic emporia and their hinterland – comments on Donat Wehner’s study of Wolin and Menzlin 267

Lars Jørgensen Gudme and Tissø. Two magnates’ complexes in Denmark from the 3 rd to the 11 th century AD 273

Dagfinn Skre Comments on: Gudme and Tissø. Two magnates’ complexes in Denmark from the 3 rd to the 11 th century AD 287 (L. Jørgensen)

Means of transport and trade routes – routes to central places?

Jonathan Scheschkewitz Water transport – specialized landing-places in the coastal areas of northwestern Germany in the first millennium AD 289

Jens Ulriksen A comment on: Water transport – specialized landing-places in the coastal areas of northwestern Germany 309 in the first millennium AD (J. Scheschkewitz)

Oliver Grimm Traffic-related reflections on Norway´s prehistory and some remarks about Sweden 315

Jan Bill Towards an archaeology of transport. Some comments on: Traffic-related reflections on Norway´s prehistory and some 328 remarks about Sweden (O. Grimm)

9 Babette Ludowici Overland routes as markers for central places: The Hellweg between Rhine and Elbe 335

Volker Hilberg Overland routes, transport and power. Some comments on: Overland routes as markers for central places: 341 The Hellweg between Rhine and Elbe (B. Ludowici)

Structures of rule and religion

Matthias Hardt Structures of power and religion according to the written sources 345

Przemysław Urbańczyk What did early medieval authors know about structures of governance and religion in northern Central Europe? 356 (A comment on M. Hardt)

Andres S. Dobat ‘…and hold therein feasts of sacrifice’ – archaeological perspectives on the sacral functions and significance 362 of Late Iron Age Scandinavian central places

Alexandra Pesch Comments on: ‘…and hold therein feasts of sacrifice’ – archaeological perspectives on the sacral functions 374 and significance of Late Iron Age Scandinavian central places (A. Dobat)

Summary

Michael Müller-Wille Trade and communication networks of the first millennium AD in the northern part of Central Europe – 380 central places, beach markets, landing places and trading centres Summary and perspectives

10 Case study 3: Trading centres – Hanseatic towns on the southern Baltic Coast: Structural continuity or a new start ?

Ulrich Müller

The rapid development of the high-medieval chartered towns and the Přemyslid (Mikulčice, Stara Kouřim, Staré Mesto) and on the southern Baltic coast, their relationship with earlier set - Piast (Poznań, Wrocław, Kraków) dynastiempires. It denotes tlements and with the Hanseatic League have been recurrent an urban model which cannot be easily grasped according to issues in archaeological and historical research. At the same well-established West European criteria ( ENGEL 1995). It may time, urban archaeology has seen a surge of interest, especially be described as a settlement complex “consisting of several since the 1990s, when the political landscape underwent a rad - topographical and functional nuclei” (ibid 19) in which centres ical change ( GLÄSER 1997; JÖNS et al. 2005). Large-scale investi - of ecclesiastical and secular power and dependeant non- gations ( SCHNEIDER 2008) and dendrochronological analysis agrarian suburbs cannot be clearly distinguished ( KIRILOV (WESTPHAL 2002) have produced new insights into the history of 20067; ŽEMLIČKA 2000) and which may cover a larger area than a number of sites. many West European towns. On the southern Baltic coast, Although intensive urbanisation was a common phenom - places such as Usedom, Szczecin, Kołobrzeg and Gdańsk have enon all over 12 th - and 13 th -century Europe, there are some es - been characterised as Burgstädte (BIERMANN 2006a; BUKO sential differences between the newly occupied areas in the 2008). This approach is not without problems, as a clear dis - Slavonic east and the homeland of the settlers in the west. In tinction between a stronghold with a well-developed subur - the west, urban development had been a continuous process bium on one hand and a real Burgstadt on the other is not already starting in ancient or at least early medieval times always possible. Sites such as Starigard/Oldenburg or Alt- (HENNING 2007; STEUER 2007; WILSCHEWSKI 2007 ). The central Lübeck indeed share some attributes with the “typical” places of Viking Age Scandinavia, however, hardly developed Burgstädte of eastern Central Europe, nevertheless they show into urban centres. Here, royal authority played a decisive role a much more moderate degree of agglomeration. A problem in the foundation of towns ( CALLMER 2007; URBAŃCZYK 2008 ). which has not been solved so far is the question of whether a On the southern Baltic coast, fortified urban settlements, so- Burgstadt had special legal rights or whether it maintained called Burgstädte , emerged when the early medieval trading privileged areas in a developing s eigneuria l system ( MACHÁČEK places along the coast had lost significance in the 10 th century 2007). Without discussing the concept of Burgstadt any fur - (KLEINGÄRTNER 2009 ). The concept of Burgstadt originally refers ther at this point, it is evident that it is strongly connected with to the administrative centres of the Great Moravian Empire the centralisation of seigneurial structures. Despite this early

Burg Kiel Lütjenburg Heiligenhafen Barth Stralsund Rugendal/Garz Oldenburg Damgarten Köslin Ribnitz Grube Richtenberg Kolberg Marlow Plön Eutin Grimmen Körlin Kröpelin Sülze Greifswald Treptow Neustadt Rostock Triebsees Wolgast Belgard Neubukow Tessin Cammin Segeberg Gnoien Loitz Travemünde Gützkow Greifenberg Grevesmühlen Wismar Schwaan Laage Demmin Lübeck Altkalen Usedom Bützow Güstrow Anklam Wollin Plathe Oldesloe Neukalen Ueckermünde Regenwalde Polzin Warin Kummerow Neustettin Gadebusch Teterow Naugard Brüel Sternberg Malchin Altentreptow Neuwarp Labes Razteburg Friedland Krakow Stavenhagen Schwerin Burg Stargard Gollnow Dramburg Falkenburg Mölln Goldberg Pölitz Crivitz Neubrandenburg Strasburg Massow Wittenburg Plau Waren Pasewalk Nörenberg Lübz Penzlin Woldegk Hagenow Malchow Prillwitz Stettin Parchim Löcknitz Stargard Jakobshagen Lauenburg Neusadt-Glewe Röbel Neustrelitz Altdamm Kallies Boizenburg Prenzlau Penkuhn Wesenberg Grabow Gartz Greifenhagen Pyritz Stadtgründung Dömitz Bahn bis 1250 50km Fiddichow nach 1250

Figure 1. Towns of high medieval origin on the southern Baltic Bcoast.

115 urban development, the high-medieval towns appear as a new these privileges had developed from earlier legal structures or element within the settlement and landscape pattern – in whether they represented a new legal form in its own right. legal, administrative, economic and also cultural terms (Figure Towns were centres in an economic (market) and spiritual-so - 1). Their foundation has to be seen within the context of high- cial sense (church), often attached to a castle. When a mar - medieval internal colonisation, taking place under German ketplace is established in a certain region, the economy of that law and involving immigrants as well as natives. In eastern region starts to focus on the new centre. This results in a (re-)- Central Europe, high-medieval urban development was part structuring of the surrounding landscape, affecting different of a general transformation process, with colonisation and ur - areas. Thus, towns can be regarded as nodal points and contact banisation running more or less parallel to each other from areas, reliable instruments in the establishment and main te - the 12 th century on. High-medieval colonisation was not a uni - nance of authority – a fact which granted them a significant form process; there were chronological, geographical and or - role in the ambiguous political situation of the 12 th and early ganisational differences. The regions between the rivers Elbe 13 th centuries east of the river Elbe (Figure 2). and Oder have to be distinguished from those of the Piast ter - The high-medieval colonisation, urbanisation and the coali - ritory or the Baltic countries ( BLOMKQVIST 2005; BUKO 2008; tion of the Wendish towns ( ENGEL 1993) a short time after the RĘBKOWSKI 2001; RUCHHÖFT 2008 b). In eastern Holstein and also mid-13 th century created conditions in the “Baltic rim” which in some parts of western Mecklenburg colonisation was a brief were essential for the constitution of a complex with consid - and controlled process attracting settlers from beyond the bor - erable economic and political power – the Hanseatic League. der ( SCHNIEK 2003). In Mecklenburg, there were also larger It is not possible to give a precise date for the formation or groups of immigrants taking part, but here the colonisation establishment of the Hanseatic League; being the product of

Fürstentum

Köslin Grafschaft Stralsund Rügen Kolberg Stift Herrschaft Rostock Wolgast Cammin Herzogtum Lübeck Stettin-Demmin Stift Herrschaft Wollin Holstein Ratzeburg Mecklenburg Stift Schwerin Herzogtum Pommern-Demmin

Schwerin Herrschaft Pommern Herzogtum Grafschaft Herrschaft Schwerin Parchim Stettin Herzogtum Pommern-Stettin Werle Stargard Sachsen Grafschaft Stift Havelberg 50km Dannenberg Markgrafschaft Branden- burg

Figure 2. Political topography of the southern Baltic coast in the first half of the 13 th century. process relied primarily on the indigenous and largely Chris - a longer process taking place between the 13 th and 14 th cen - tianised population. In Mecklenburg, as in Vorpommern, turies ( HAMMEL -K IESOW 2004), it has never been “founded” in small-scale clearances of considerable chronological depth the strict sense of the word. Although Lübeck and the Wendish and several phases have been recorded ( DONAT et al. 1999; towns played an important role in the development of the BRACHMANN 2003; FORSTER and WILLICH 2007). Between the in - Hanseatic League, one should not underestimate the impact corporation of Wagria into the earldom of Holstein (1138/39) of the inland trading places and their networks, which could and the Ascanian expansion into Pomerania, the restructur - often look back on a pre-Hanseatic tradition. The alliance of ing of the Slavonic principalities into castellanies and territo - travelling merchants in guilds and co-operatives does not only rial lordships and their partial replacement by bailiwicks lies a have precursors in the North Sea and Baltic areas of the early period of roughly one hundred years which was determined by Middle Ages but had also been known before in western and a number of agents. In an agrarian landscape characterised by central Europe. unfortified settlements, strongholds and monasteries, towns As town formation and economic development are closely were islands of “urban culture”. The town was, in the true interconnected, many seaports such as Hamburg, Lübeck or sense of the word, a privileged place – regardless of whether Stralsund are often named “Hanseatic towns”. This, however,

116 does not pay attention to the fact that it was not the Hanseatic Beschleunigung League that took the initiative in the urbanisation process but that the formation of the League itself only took place due to the confederation of these towns. Thus, urban development is Ö sbau kon sau om de AIMSTER mii n not necessarily an expression of “Hanseatic culture” ( G ie La 2006; GLÄSER 2000). It cannot be denied that there was in - deed a common way of life inspired by northwest European VerdichtungVerdichtung S tadt urban culture ( MÜLLER 2004), but up to the present day no ar - haft Miss rrsc io n chaeological criteria have been developed in order to define He such a Hanseatic cultural model ( MÜLLER 2006; IMMONEN 2007). Therefore, the term “seaport” seems more appropriate than “Hanseatic town”, especially for the early phase of the 12 th and 13 th centuries. Nevertheless, these ports did participate in a communication network of towns ( HENN 1992 ), making B them “Hanseatic towns” in the direct sense of the word. The Figure 3. The town. Acceleration and concentration as characteristics members of that network were offered ample scope and of town formation. chances but also created them themselves. To sum up, one could say that the urbanisation of the Baltic area was tied to static location theories have only little empirical value as they a number of factors (Figure 3): centre on the attainment of balance rather than on dynamic – the internal colonisation process, involving new settlers processes. Moreover, under the influence of the so-called “spa - but also indigenous groups, tial turn” and “New Geography”, the spatial sciences that are – profound and comprehensive Christianisation, concerned with more recent phenomena presently assign only – the creation of larger administrative entities in the sense little relevance to the concept of “centrality” and “central of territorial lordships, places”. Although space as an absolute and physical factor – the integration into an overall trading network with far- still plays a prominent role, the relativity of the concept of reaching political and cultural influence. space is recognized also in geographical research. This can mean for example that social groups may act within very dif - ferent zones. It also places special emphasis on the “soft fac - 1. Central place theory and the town tors” of social action ( SCHOER 2006), which consequently also affect the concept of “centrality”. Thus a number of new ap - In historical archaeology, terms as “central place”, “early urban proaches have been developed in order to explain settlement site”, “urban centre” or “town” appear in a variety of contexts patterns and locations (e.g. network analysis, centre-periphery (cf. Müller-Wille in this volume; MÜLLER 2009b in press). In and diffusion models, models adopted from operations re - spite of this variety, the underlying concepts are more or less search; MEIJERS 2007). the same. They are largely based upon a number of criteria The archaeological registration and evaluation of settle - which are also employed in geographical research (Table 1; ment and concentration processes still relies heavily on the STEUER 2007). They only differ in terms of the emphasis that is concept of “central place” and “central functions”. This, how - placed on individual features. It is, however, a notable fact ever, involves two problems :. Apart from the empirical value of that the legal aspect (“town charter”) is hardly considered at the concept of “central places”, there is the question to what all, although the legal distinction between town and country degree central functions can be recognized and used as a pa - was of fundamental importance in medieval and post-me - rameter in historical periods. At present, this problems is tack - dieval times ( SCHWENTKER 2002). led from two opposing sides: The qualifying approach (e.g. The central place theory introduced by W. Christaller in DENECKE 2005; MITTERAUER 2002; WEHNER 2007) seeks to take 1938 (cf. Schenk in this volume; SONIS 2007) has remained into account the blurred and incomplete information we are popular especially with German-speaking archaeologists up left with. Quantifying approaches, normally employed in pre - to the present day. However, in employing this model, terms historic archaeology and showing parallels with quantitative- such as “centrality”, “central functions” or “settlement hierar - theoretical urban research in geography, resort to spatial chy” are frequently detached from the original (geographical) statistics in order to describe hierarchies of settlements. In this theory and used differently in different contexts. This also ex - sense, archaeology follows the same line of development as plains the above -mentioned diversity of terms referring to the geography, in which the idealistic central place theory has sites themselves. In modern geography, however, the central been supplemented by an empiric and more practical ap - place theory now only plays a minor role ( SCHENK 2004, 33 ff.). proach. Another deficit is that, at least in historical archaeol - This is due on one hand to its abstract view and assumption ogy, the issue of “central places” is firmly linked with that of of homogeneous conditions, and on the other to the fact that town formation, and that the criteria for the identification of

117 these two settlement types are often used interchangeably. over, they enable us to perform both quantitative as well as Depending on how much emphasis is placed on individual qualitative analysis and, using a network model, put special features, the concept of “town” becomes broader. This is fur - emphasis on interaction. Finally, they do not define (cf. B. La - thered by the fact that attaching the term “town” to a site tour) “agent” solely as a human being but also as “entities seems to alter its image and elevate it to a higher evolution - which make things”. Consequently, it is no longer distin - ary level – in this respect historical archaeology is still influ - guished between human beings and non-human beings as enced by the urban sociological studies of G. Simmels ( SCHOER agents, which makes it possible for archaeology to focus on 2006, 60 ff .). the role of “objects”. The central place theory is based on the assumption of a Archaeological and historical research on urban history completely homogeneous flat space. Even though the ideas - have proposed a number of criteria in order to delineate the work of W. Christaller and his successors hasve been adopted concept of town and to comprehend urban development in Anglo-American and Scandinavian research, a considerable (STEUER 2007; HEIT 2000, 62 ff.). Research in the German-speak - number of alternative models have been developed ( BORSAY ing area is still based on the urban sociological studies con - 2004). For example, HOHENBERG and LEES (1985) distinguished ducted by G. Simmel ( SCHOER 2006, 60 ff.). Due to their spatial between the “central place system” and the “network system” approach they also lend themselves to archaeological analy - as early as 1985. Without elaborating on differences and sim - sis. In the following, the concept of town is described by ilarities at this point ( MÜLLER 2009a in press), I would like to means of four groups of attributes and spheres of activitiy: refer to the definition by ROZMAN (1976) , who noted : “An urban – The functional sphere of activity regards centrality. network is a hierarchy of settlements differentiated according – The topographical sphere of activity refers to the geo -

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Table 1. A comparison between Central Place System and Network System. to population or commercial and administrative functions. graphical space, e.g. the density and structure of settle - Those settlements included in the urban network are called ment and development. central places and can be distinguished from ordinary villages – The formal sphere of activity is concerned with norma - by the presence of an administrative seat or a periodic market ” tive-legal aspects. (ROZMAN 1976, 33). The network model, last contrasted with – The socio-cultural sphere of activity is expressed by a cer - central place theory by SCHENK (2004), exhibits a high dynamic tain “urban” lifestyle. potential and thus is more suitable to describe complex his - torical processes. Moreover, with the concept of the urban landscape ( ESCHER and HIRSCHMANN 2005), an idea has been 1.1 Alt-Lübeck/Lübeck revived which makes it possible to conduct spatial analysis by comparing entire regions with each other and which focuses The city of Lübeck has made its way into literature as the “pro - on similarities from a synchronic as well as a diachronic point totype of a medieval planted town”. It is considered a “typical of view. Approaches based on actions and agents as have Hanseatic town” ( MIHM 2002) and belongs to the group of been applied in recent urban research hardly play a role in ar - free imperial cities ( JOHANEK 2000). Both Alt-Lübeck and Lübeck chaeological investigations. In my opinion, they could, how - have undergone thorough archaeological and historical re - ever, serve as a powerful analytical tool, as they connect the search ( FEHRING 1994; GLÄSER 2001 a; 2006; 2008; HAMMEL - micro-sociological with the macro-sociological level. More - KIESOW 2005; LEGANT -K ARAU 2005). The first and the second

118 foundation of Lübeck in 1143 (Adolf, Earl of Schauenburg) m wide Trave. The Lübeck Basin has produced numerous late and 1153/59 (Henry the Lion) as well as the establishment of Slavonic sites. Next to the ford across the river Wakenitz, which a see (1160), the granting of town charters (1181/88) and of was probably in use in Slavonic times, at the northern end of imperial immediacy (1226) are milestones in the development the elevation occupied by the historic city centre, there was a of Lübeck. circular late Slavonic stronghold with a suburb (Figure 5,1). A Its precursor, Alt-Lübeck, is situated almost 25 km away large number of late Slavonic, sometimes residual, finds have from the mouth of the river Trave on a sandy elevation. Dur - been discovered all over the town area. The construction of a ing the reign of the Nakonidians Gottschalk (1043-66) and sovereign castle by Adolf II, Earl of Holstein, in 1143/47, under his son Heinrich (1093-1127), Alt-Lübeck became the centre the protection of which a settlement of merchants seems to of the Obotritic territory (Figure 4). This process involved dif - have evolved, presents an important step in the urban history ferent phases of rampart strengthening, the emergence of a of Lübeck. The stronghold (Figure 5,2) consisted of a U-shaped complex suburbium , the construction of a church which also ditch system which opened up to the escarpment of the river served as a dynastic burial ground, and the establishment of Trave in the west and could be passed by a gate in the east. a mint. Within the enclosure there was a densely built-up area, The ramparts and palisades enclosed an area of c. 4,900 m 2, including the princely chapel and residence, the garrison’s in which a well dating from 1155/56 was found. The existence quarters and the dwellings of highly specialised artisans as of a landing place west of the stronghold is highly specula - well as ancillary buildings. Its western part housed a settle - tive – the contemporary settlement probably has to be looked ment of unknown purpose, while the suburbium in the south for in the northern part of the peninsula. So far, evidence of the was inhabited inter alia i.a. by craftsmen. On the right bank of early phase of urban history has come almost exclusively from three different areas in the historic city centre: the fortified

S area in the north, the elevation on which St Peter’s church was c h w ar tau erected in later times, and the area between the market - Siedlungs- place/St Mary’s, the river Trave as well as Holstenstraße and nachweisenachweise Mengstraße. This last mentioned area, which later was to be -

T come the “mercantile quarter”, was apparently used for gar - ra ve dening and partly subdivided by fences and drainage ditches (LEGANT -K ARAU 2005, 84). Despite this evidence and several dendrochronological dates, the picture of the early town re - mains somewhat vague, not permitting any assertions as to its Siedlungs- nachweisenachweise settlement and building structure and thus to the exact extent of civitas and forum . Whether the dates obtained so far are N sufficient to confirm the assumption “that urban development k e b e

d

e started on the western hill spur and expanded across the ridge

M 100m in the direction of the river Wakenitz” ( LEGANT -K ARAU 2005, 83) is open to debate, just as is the localisation of the civitas in the Figure 4. Alt-Lübeck (after GLÄSER 2006). area around St Peter’s or the forum in the southwest ( HAMMEL - KIESOW 2005, 142). the Trave, situated on a harbour inlet, there appears to have In the next phase, Henry the Lion, a nephew of Emperor been a settlement of long-distance traders who had their own Lothar and a member of the Guelph dynasty, pursued his own church – a building which has never been traced archaeolog - plans, using the new town as a “gateway” to take control over ically, though. The region north of the enclosed area has not the southwestern Baltic area. The creation of the so-called yet been properly investigated, yet. Alt-Lübeck was destroyed Löwenstadt by Henry the Lion in 1159 – which was in fact a by Cruto in 1138 due to internal conflicts amongof the Slavs. seizure of power rather than a town foundation – is a typical This interpretation is confirmed by the archaeological evidence, example of a sovereign foundation. Henry was not only sup - which does not give any indication of further settlement activi - ported by the clergy, whom he tied to his town by transferring ties. Now and then, Alt-Lübeck has been classified as a Burgstadt the see from Oldenburg to Lübeck, but probably also relied on (LECIEJEWICZ 2000b); it was, in any case, a seigneurial centre. The two other social groups: the ministeriales and the (long-dis - site exhibits a number of features characteristic of a supra-re - tance) merchants. The “new” Lübeck soon began to differen - gional centre and shared by places such as Szczecin, Kołobrzeg, tiate into diverse areas. Apart from the castle, which was Poznań or Kraków. It only never played a lasting role as a princely rebuilt in brick and equipped with turrets from the 1180s (Fig - seat but lost that function when the Obotrites had to give up ure 5,3), these comprise (Figure 6,1): their western territories. – the cathedral immunity with the living quarters of the The “head of the Hanseatic League”, Lübeck, is located ap - bishop and the chapter in the southwest (from 1160), proximately 28 km away from the Baltic Sea on the c . 30 to 40 – the waterfront along the Trave and the adjoining settle -

119 settlement components on which the town’s lord had a firm hold. The legal status of these very diverse settle ment areas, however,

e 1 W remains a debatable issue, just as is the question as to what

v a

k a 2

e r extent the town charters granted by Frederick I (1181/88) n T

i 3

t

z

1 3 helped to ease the situation (ibid 143 f.). Nevertheless, there

4

g g

e

e

w

w s

s can be no doubt that the expansion of Lübeck was a system -

l

Burg l

5 e e

d 1 d

4 n

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a a

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h

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n atic process: a result of the privilege of 1181/88 (expansion to .

r r

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F F 7 the south), of the designation of area by the abbot of the fri -

8

9 . ary of St John in 1182 (expansion to the east), and the recla -

1

0

1

1

1 1 3 1 3 mation of building land along the Trave in the southwest and

2 northwest since the 1180s (Figure 6,2). Archaeological evidence shows that the harbour on the Figure 5.1. Lübeck , Late Slavonic stronghold. Trave was reorganised. It was no longer the place of a beach market but was reduced to a location for loading and un - loading, which meant that trading activities were transferred Tor to the main marketplace and the warehouses in the city. The

e 1 W th v a early beach market of the 12 century had been situated out -

k a 2

e r

n th T

i side the town wall of the late 12 century, which enclosed 3

t

z 1 3 substantial parts of the civitas (Figure 6). The area comprised 4

Haus C BrunnenBrunnen

7

5 g

Haus B g a revetment constructed “around 1157” and repaired “around e

Haus A e

w

w s

14 s

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Deutsche Burg e

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ab 1143 n 1195” as well as several small domestic buildings and store -

a a

7

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g houses built in timber. The spur on which it was situated was e e Haus D

9 w w

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s s

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d 1 d n

n bordered by marshy alluvial terrain to the north and south

a a

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1 1

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1 F F which probably had been reclaimed by 1188, when the new town charters were granted. Figure 5. 2. Lübeck, Schauenburg castle around 1143/47. Further urban development in the 13 th century may be sub - sumed under the headings of “reclamation of building land” and “restructuring of the townscape” (Figure 6,3). These processes were closely connected with the Danish rule (1202- e Burgtor v 25), during which the Danish king and the Lübeck merchants a W r

a T k became allies with a common objective: the maintenance and

e

n 5

i

t expansion of power in the Baltic area via Lübeck. The town

4 z 1

Hafen 3 Palasgebäude

6 was transformed according to an “urban master plan” which

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e set the frame for structural details and demonstrates that there

w w 1 s

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a was a close interaction between communal and seigneurial

h h

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g g e e initiatives. These included large-scale buildings projects, e.g.

9 w w

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a ecclesiastical buildings such as the cathedral and St Mary’s

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1 F F church, the new town wall (around 1217/20) and the town hall (1226) – a representation of communal power and the Figure 5. 3. Lübeck, Guelph castle around 1180. seat of the municipal authority – as well as the modification of already existing parts, traced by means of archaeological ment area west of St Mary’s church (from the third quar - and architectural research ( HAMMEL -K IESOW 2005; LEGANT -K ARAU ter of the 12 th century on), 2005), and, finally, the reclamation works on the Trave and – an ecclesia forensis (mentioned 1163), which has not the upper Wakenitz ( GLÄSER 2008). The new town wall, which been located yet, and St Peter’s church (mentioned was constructed during the Danish period in 1217/20, was a 1170), demarcation line, both in a concrete and a symbolic sense. Its – the friary of St John, which was established in the east - erection was associated with a transfer of trade from the pub - ern part of the peninsula in 1170/75. lic beach market into the city centre (see above), where it was controlled by the merchants of Lübeck, which by then had be - In addition to these structures, which have been largely come stationary traders (Figure 7). The Saalgeschossbau “Alf - verified by archaeological investigations, HAMMEL -K IESOW (2005) straße 38”, a building which was probably started at the same proposes the existence of a settlement of ministeriales, which he time as the town wall, may be regarded as a visible sign of chooses to locate in the southeast. Thus, the civic community, that process. This multi-storeyed building covers an area of 22 the civitas , appears to have been surrounded by at least three x 12 m, providing an overall space of approximately 1000 m 2.

120 Kirchen und Abgrenzung um 1170 Stadtmauer 1200 Kirchen und Stadtmauer 1230/40 Abgrenzung um 1182 Steinhäuser Dienstleutesiedlung

Figure 6.1. Lübeck. Schematic representation of urban development : around Figure 6.3. Lübeck. Schematic representation of urban development: around 1170/80 (after GLÄSER 2004; HAMMEL -K IESOW 2005 ; L EGANT -K ARAU 2005 ). 1230/40 (after HAMMEL -K IESOW 2005).

It only took a few years to create a built-up area with a di - verse though clear structure which was compatible with a commerce-oriented way of life. This went hand in hand with the gradual construction and improvement of an efficient net - work of longitudinal streets linked by transverse streets, a char - acteristic feature of Lübeck, and the conversion of the town hall and the marketplace, which became the topographical and constitutional focus of the town. Lübeck should be regarded not so much as the result of in - dividual projects but as the product of different agents with common and divergent aims, dealing with complex situations. While in the 19 th and early 20 th century Lübeck was thought to have been founded as a deliberate act on previously unde - veloped land, there is no evidence whatsoever that clearly and reliably supports the idea that the town had been laid out in theory before ( GLÄSER 2004). If the foundation of a town is, however, no longer regarded as a unique act but as a process of joint action, a different picture emerges. Then, the founda - tion of a town may be considered as the reflection of an agree - ment between different interest groups. This also includes the

Stadtmauer sovereign’s initiative to establish a marketplace and a church. Holzhäuser The sovereign’s officials and the Freigeborene probably played Landzuwachs a considerable role in early urban history ( HAMMEL -K IESOW 2005). The socially heterogeneous group of the merchants was yet another factor. With all probability, families and merchants Figure 6.2. Lübeck. Schematic representation of urban development: around 1200 (after GLÄSER 2004; HAMMEL -K IESOW 2005 ; L EGANT -K ARAU 2005 ). of considerable influence and prosperity were also to be found in the northwestern and northern regions (ibid 38-42). Thus it

121 Aufschüttungs-Aufschüttttttungs-g e ni maßnahmeaßnnahhme rli fe e U ig al em Eh Stadtmauer

Holzhaus C

Holzhaus Untertrave 98

SaalgeschoßhausSaalgeschooßhaus

Holzhaus B Dielenhausaus

HolzhausHolzhaaus A mit FlügelFlüggel

e e

v v a

a Boohlenwegohhleenwegnweg

r r TToToror

T T

TorTor Alfstraßeaße StadtmauerStadtmmauer

StadtmauerStaadtmauer

UferbefestigungUfferbefestigung UferbefestigungUfUUfeffeffereerrrbrbbebbeeefefeffefeeseessstststigttitigigguigiguguunununngg Ausbesserung

Figure 7. Lübeck. Schematic plan of the waterfront, showing features from before 1217/20 (grey) and from around/after 1217/20 (black). seems plausible to assume that these groups did not only try the southern Baltic coast. But Lübeck also represents a special to profit from the foundation and rise of the town but that case in that its escape from sovereign authority, which was they actually also played a decisive role in the process itself. pursued consistequently and formally legitimised by gaining Even if the argumentation no longer centres on the final act of imperial immediacy, remains a singular phenomenon. the foundation or the “founding syndicate” proposed by F. Rörig, agents with an extensive knowledge, organised in widespread networks, have to be reckoned with. In this sense, planned ac - 1.2 Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo/Kołobrzeg tions by which individuals (sovereign, bishop) or a group (“mer - chants”) taking legal or political decisions determined the On the southern Baltic coast, situated in the valley of the river development in parts of or in the entire town area also fit into Parsęta, there are two settlement complexes which are com - the scene. parable to Alt-Lübeck and Lübeck: Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo (Kol - Within almost less than three generations, Lübeck evolved berg Old Town) and Kołobrzeg (Figure 8). As in the case of from a market settlement under sovereign protection into a Lübeck, the question as to the relation between the late fully-fledged town with a council and a civic community which Slavonic Burgstadt and the high-medieval town arises. The de - was going to bear the title “head of the Hanseatic League” in velopment of the high-medieval town has been presented literature and which was primarily characterised by the com - comprehensively and compared to other sites by RĘBKOWSKI mercial activities of its merchants. As a seaport, Lübeck did (2001; LECIEJEWICZ and RĘBKOWSKI 2004; RĘBKOWSKI 2008 ). The indeed play a leading role during the high-medieval colonisa - settlement complex of Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo was excavated in tion process, a circumstance which is illustrated by the very the 1950s and has been discussed in several publications fact that Lübeck law was adopted by a number of towns on (LECIEJEWICZ 2000a; LECIEJEWICZ 2006).

122 was the starting point for the formation of an independent state in Pomerania at the beginning of the 12 th century (RĘBKOWSKI 2007). The decline of Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo prob - ably has to be seen within the context of the “founding” of

5 Kamień, which, as an episcopal see and missionary base, also

5 took over essential functions from both Wolin ( WEHNER 2007)

5 5 and Szczecin. The importance of the Parsęta region is underlined by yet 5 another settlement complex associated with a stronghold. This Gründungsstadt site is situated c . 15 km south of Kołobrzeg at Bardy-Świelu - bie at a convenient river crossing. Here, a large earthwork of 5 the Feldberg type was replaced by a small ring-fort at the end

th th 5 of the 9 /beginning of the 10 century which has been inter -

5

1 preted as a stronghold of the lesser nobility. The settlement 0

complex probably housed a market and comprises a burial 1

0 ground with approximately 100 mounds many of which are

1 5 Frühmittelalterliches furnished with grave goods of Scandinavian character. ŁOSIN -

5

Zentrum 1 5 5 SKI (1975) has postulated a suburbium of foreign traders next

2 1

0 0 1 2

5 0 25 to the ring-fort, while RĘBKOWSKI (2001) and LECIEJEWICZ (2000a) emphasise the outstanding role of Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo.

5 10 Even though the significance of the two places cannot be as -

15 10 5 10 sessed with certainty yet, at least Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo seems

1

5

0

2 to have been a high-status central place. If this holds true, the

5

1 5 0 1 foundation of Kołobrzeg would appear as the natural contin - uation of a proto-urban phase. According to documentary ev - Figure 8. Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo and Kołobrzeg. idence, Kołobrzeg received its town charters, which were Location of the settlement sites (after RĘBKOWSKI 2001). based on Lübeck law, on 23 rd May 1255 from the duke of Pomerania and the bishop of Kamień, who remained lord of With all probability, Kołobrzeg-Budzistowo has to be re - the town until 1531. So far, Kołobrzeg seems to have been garded as the precursor of Kołobrzeg. The fort with its subur - founded on previously undeveloped land, with the earliest bium is located on the bank of the Parsęta on a low moraine hill which was partly surrounded by lowland, 4 km south of the present coastline. Salt springs at the mouth of the Parsęta are mentioned in documentary sources from later periods. Settle - ment formation started with an unfortified agglomeration dated to the 8 th /9 th centuries. In the late 9 th or early 10 th cen - tury, this was converted into a stronghold which in the third quarter of the 10 th century was strengthened again, covering approximately 1 ha. Dendrochronological dates pointing to the time around 979/86 have been connected with the con - St. Marien struction of forts and the consolidation of central power under th Mieszko I. From the second half of the 11 century on, the Heiligengeisthospital stronghold was obviously enlarged again, possibly a conse - quence of growing local power due to the crisis of the Piast dy - nasty. The enclosed area and the suburbium have produced evidence of specialised craft activities and long-distance trade. They were characterised by buildings with walls of wattle or corner-jointed logs. In the northern base-court, St Mary’s church was erected by Otto of Bamberg (1125). St John’s church, which has been preserved up to the present day, and St Peter’s church are of a slightly later date. The few excava - tion results which have been published so far suggest a Burgstadtkomplex which for a short period also served as a base for missionary work and, according to Gallus Anonymus, Figure 9. Kołobrzeg. The high medieval town (after RĘBKOWSKI 2001).

123 dendrochronological dates pointing to the 1250s/60s. Szczecin originated from an unfortified settlement which RĘBKOWSKI (2001) presumes that the town was founded in a obviously has to be dated to the late 8 th century ( DULINICZ 2006 , single, deliberate act which also involved a survey of the area 322). Probably around the middle of the 9 th century a strong - and the laying out of the buildings-plots. Although the layout hold covering an area of approximately 1.2 ha was erected on of the town, which covers an area of approximately 18 ha, the “castle hill”. Close to the former bed of the river Oder a set - seems to follow a uniform design, it was probably not before tlement of craftsmen and traders with specialised areas of pro - the late 13 th or early 14 th century that the waterfront became duction emerged. This may have been due to fundamental incorporated or that reclamation took place (Figure 9). The structural changes and has occasionally been interpreted as an earliest town defences are thought to follow a line which lies indicator for the existence of a major trading centre. However, c. 70-80 m away from the present course of the Parsęta it seems more plausible to assume that the development of (RĘBKOWSKI 2002). Among the earliest features to be mentioned urban features was primarily based on the castle and thus on specifically are drainage ditches at right angles to the street the seigneurial element, as this was strengthened further dur - (Ul. Armii Krajowej 6-7), dating from 1269/70, which are in - ing the second half of the 10 th century, probably an indication terpreted as plot boundaries. There is evidence of buildings that the place was directly supported by Mieszko I. As early as with earthfast posts and wattle walls dating from the the 11 th /12 th centuries a rampart encircled both the strong - 1250s/60s (Ul. Ratuszowa 7-12). With the exception of two hold on the castle hill and the suburbium on the river (Figure log buildings ( RĘBKOWSKI 2001, 515), the majority of the other 10,1-2). That the site was also an important religious centre timber buildings have been identified as timber-framed con - housing a Slavonic temple is evidenced by documentary structions. Masonry buildings of the Dielenhaus -type began sources and by the fact that it was chosen as the base for the to dominate at the beginning of the 14 th century (ibid 517). Christianisation of Pomerania by Otto of Bamberg ( RĘBKOWSKI As in the case of Alt-Lübeck/Lübeck, the high-medieval 2007). Its further development can be traced archaeologically town of Kołobrzeg was founded not far from a Slavonic set - but is difficult to assess in terms of its historical meaning. tlement complex associated with a stronghold that served as ŁOSINSKI (2000, 160) has defined late 11 th - and 12 th -century the economic, administrative and religious centre of a wider Szczecin as an „urban republic” in which political decisions region. Access to the sea via a navigable river and the ex - were made by the merchants and an oligarchic elite. From the ploitation of natural resources are recurrent features. In this mid-12 th century and with the establishment of a castellany case there are, however, noeither signs of either a topo - (SPORS 1991), the Pomeranian duke gained influence. How - graphical nor an administrative continuity; though, with the ever, the town fulfilled a double role both as a trading centre bishop of Kamień acting as the town’s lord, there was at least and as the residence of the duke. The 12 th and 13 th centuries a continuity of spiritual authority. were a period of decline, which was a result of the Danish in - vasions. When the town was transferred to the German mer - chants in 1237 and granted the Magdeburg town charter in 1.3 Szczecin 1243 a foundation process was initiated which may also be described as locatio (CNOTLIWY 1997, 273). The “German set - Like Gdańsk, Szczecin has served as a typical example for tlement” is thought to have been situated in the northwest demonstrating the development of an initially unfortified set - (Figure 10,3). However, several settlement sites have been tlement into a tribal stronghold and into a Burgstadt , and for traced outside the rampart which have been associated with discussing the concept of Lokationsstadt (“planted town”) the town foundation of the German colonists, although their (CNOTLIWY and ŁOSINSKI 1995). Although in the case of Szczecin interpretation has remained somewhat problematic ( WILGOCKI research has reached a comparatively high level, the evidence 1998; RĘBKOWSKI 2001, 25 f. ; 84 ff.). The legal and functional will have to be reviewed and reassessed in terms of its exem - relationship between the mercantile settlement and the plary character. Considering that the river Oder gave access Burgstadt presents yet another problem. Regardless of the to a vast hinterland, the emergence of places like Usedom, lengthy debate on the character of the “German town”, the Wolin, Szczecin and Kamień seems less of a surprise. Szczecin 13 th century was clearly the scene of a restructuring process became the leading centre in Pomerania in the 11 th /12 th cen - which affected the whole town area. Part of that process in - turies. The concentration of secular power continued when cluded the laying out of rather large building plots and the in - the seat of the duke was transferred from Kamień to Szczecin troduction of timber-framed buildings ( RĘBKOWSKI 2001, 136 fig. and Szczecin was granted the Madgdeburg town charter by 31; 141 fig. 36), e.g. at the Fish Market or Pańienska Street. Duke Barnim I in 1237/43. The granting of the charter has been The development of Szczecin is significant in several ways. interpreted by some as a turning point in the development of the It is, for example, based on a local Slavonic tradition which settlement, pointing to the fact that by this act the Ascanian duke acquired a new quality in the 11 th and 12 th centuries, when a and the German merchants had founded their own town. But it Burgstadtkomplex with important central functions emerged. may also be seen as part of a process in which Szczecin gradu - On the one hand the high-medieval chartered town was a con - ally took over the roles of Usedom and Wolin. tinuation of these already existing structures but on the other

124 0 0 2 2

5 5 122 2

15 15

10 10 5 5 2 2 5 5

0 0 2 2

15 15

10 10

1

5 5 2 r 3 r e e d 4 d O O 200m

Figure 10.1. Szczecin. Schematic representation of urban development : Second half of the 10 th /beginning of the 11 th century. Figure 10.2. Szczecin. Schematic representation of urban development: First half of the 12 th century (after CNOTLIWY 1997 and RĘBKOWSKI 2001). it also led to a change of general conditions. Finally, Szczecin was modelled on the law of Rostock by Wizlaw I of Rügen in may be seen as the example of a town for which the granting 1234. Ten years earlier, German merchants had already obtained of the town charter merely represents the (preliminary) end comprehensive privileges for their settlement on the coast. In point of a long “foundation process”. 1240, the charter was granted a second time and the town’s rights were confirmed. At the same time, additional privileges concerning the environs were admitted and the town was called 1.4 Stralsund “Stralesund” ( BULACH 2004; SCHÄFER et al. 2008; SŁOŃ 2007 ). New ideas with regard to its developmental history have been intro - Stralsund, situated on the eponymous Strelasund (“Strela duced by SŁOŃ (2007) from a historical perspective; KULESSA (2005) Sound”), was granted a version of the Lübeck town charter which and MÖLLER (2004) discussed the archaeological structures in par - ticular (Figure 11,1-2); H. Schäfer, K. Igel and G. Schindler have recently ( SCHÄFER et al. 2008 ) reviewed all models proposed so far and suggested an alternative theory based on new archaeolo- 3 gical and dendrochronological evidence (Figure 11,3). In Stralsund, modern topography differs even more from the original situation than in Lübeck. In contrast to Lübeck or Kołobrzeg, little is known about a possible precursor of the Burg town. Late Slavonic lake island settlements and settlement Oderviertel complexes such as Lieps, Olsborg or Vipperow have led MÖLLER (2004, 29) to assume that the site of Pütte, situated on an island 6 km west of Stralsund, was the centre of a terra . Deutsche Siedlung There is, however, no clear evidence to support this conclu - 1 sion, as characteristic features which should have been ex - 2 pected at such a place, e.g. a stronghold on the island or at 3 er d O 200m least close to the lake, are missing. A settlement on a penin - sula of the Old Town has also remained a mere hypothesis . Its existence was deduced from a mention of “Stralow” in the Figure 10.3. Szczecin. Schematic representation of urban development: Char - privilege of 1234 but has not yet been confirmed by archaeo - tered town of the 13 th century (after CNOTLIWY 1997; RĘBKOWSKI 2001). logical data, yet (KULESSA 2005; SCHÄFER et al. 2008 , 214).

125 1 2

1254

1238±10 1230 d 1273±10 Markt 1239±10 1242 d 1236±10 1245 d 1239±10 1251 d 1252 d Soll 1261 d Soll 12651265±1010 1258±6 1235 d um 1223 Soll 1238±10 1260 d 1256 1266 d 1251 1248±10 1246 d 1255±10 1265 d 1252±1 slawisches Fährdorf? 1253 d 1267d 1266±10 1244 d 1259±10 1241±10 1251±10

1261 d 1251±10 Befestigung mittelalterliches Ufer mittelalterliches Ufer moderne Stadt moderne Stadt

N N

200m 200m

Figure 11. Stralsund. Reconstruction of residential area and dendrochrono - 3 logical dates (after Möller 2004). 1 Around 1235. 2 Around 1250/60 (after

Möller 2004. 3 Hypothetical settlement and harbour, first half of the 13 th cen -

4 4 tury (after SCHÄFER et al. 2008).

1242 d 1

1245 d 1 a rapid expansion of the town area to the south and southeast 0 0

. 9 from the mid-13 th century on. This was accompanied by the es - tablishment of ecclesiastical and secular institutions such as 10

5 monasteries (St John’s), churches (St Nicholas’, St Jacob’s), the

3 3

88 town hall (1277) and the marketplace (1277). At the end of 10

the 13 th century the town wall was finished, following exactly 9 9 . . the line of firm ground, except for two areas. One of these, at

. 6 the present “New Market”, may be identified as a second set - tlement nucleus. According to documentary but probably also 7 Eiszeitliche Rinne Hafenmarkt archaeological evidence, there was a princely palace from the mittelalterliches Ufer 1240s/50s onwards, next to which the Dominican friary of St moderne Stadt Catharine was erected in 1251. Whether this complex has to N be regarded as an effort to establish a second, virtually paral - 200m lel urban settlement or as an expression of sovereign power, remains open to debate just as the question whether it might be identified with the settlement of Schadegard, which is men - However, a number of late Slavonic finds have come from the tioned in written sources ( MÖLLER 2004; RUCHHÖFT 200 8a). The Old Town, indicating that this area was used in some way dur - special legal status of this area is made visible by its late in - ing that period. corporation as nova civitas which had its own town hall and According to MÖLLER (2004), urban development went jurisdiction. through the following stages: On the peninsula at “Alter A totally different model has been presented by H. Schäfer, Markt/Schillstraße”, a small settlement with a beach market K. Igel and G. Schindler. They ( SCHÄFER et al. 2008 , 219-221) and a chapel or church (St Nicholas ’) is thought to have existed point to the problematic dating evidence, which in most cases by 1225. This “small thriving town, modelled on western Ger - consists of tree-ring dates missing the terminal growth ring. man examples, with a church and a market” (ibid 31) had a Based on the evidence from the plot Mühlenstraße 13/14 harbour in the northeast, which – apart from topographical ar - (around 1235d; 1240d), they postulate an early street market guments – is evidenced by dendrochronological data provided in the northwestern part of the town. This market is assumed by a road system and a landing place, pointing to the period to have stretched along the present Mühlen- and Mönch - between 1217 ± 1 and around/after 1258. The second grant - straße. Corresponding landing and harbour facilities would ing of the town charter initiated a building boom which led to have to be sought for along a glacial navigable gully situated

126 to the north. That area might have even been the location of still missing ( MANGELSDORF 2000; SCHÄFER 2000; ENZENBERGER a beach market (ibid. 229f.). The actual marketplace, “Alter 2000; IGEL and KIEL 2004). Apart from the archaeological evi - Markt”, is the product of a restructuring process taking place dence, the analysis of documentary sources ( KATTINGER 2000) after the clashes of 1249. and especially the reconstruction of the social topography ( IGEL According to present research, urban development in Stral - 2002) have yielded significant information. sund followed roughly the same lines as in Lübeck. Large The abbey of Eldena was established as part of the Cister - building-plots were subdivided and corner plots enhanced cian colonisation and missionary policy ( BULACH 2004). After with prestigious buildings, including a Saalgeschossbau from the monastery of Dargun had been destroyed in 1172, a site the second half of the 13 th century. It is worth noting that Hilda dicitur , at the Greifswald Bay, was chosen in the 1190s within the confines of the town wall an extremely densely to become Eldena Abbey, which was eventually founded by built-up area developed between c. 1270 and 1370. Accord - the prince of Rügen in 1199. This choice was not only moti - Following to MÖLLER (2004) and KULESSA (2005) this compact vated by the salt springs, which were situated north of the building pattern, too, might be the reflection of an urban mas - later town, but also by the political situation at the end of the ter plan which also encompassed the laying out of streets in 12 th century, which was determined by a clash of interests be - the New Town, probably in the 13 th century, creating a street tween the Danes (Rügen), Saxons, Pomeranians and Ascani - pattern which was strictly oriented towards the harbour and ans. When the abbey was authorised to distribute land to did not pay any attention to topography. As early as the mid-13 th century, the harbour was restruc - Gr tured behind which the New Town, first mentioned in 1256, ei fsw ald emerged. The three culs-de-sac leading away from the har - er Bodden bour, which according to documentary evidence have to be dated to the third quarter of the 13 th century, indicate that de - velopment in the area around the “New Market” was carried out with a certain measure of planning. The restructuring of KlosterEldena the harbour is also significant because of the harbour suburb. Greifswald The town wall, which was completed in the second half of the 13 th century, lay on firm ground to the west, while the area in front of it was developed at the same time by means of large- scale reclamation. Thus, the New Town and the “New Mar - Besitz Kloster Eldena bis 1209 ket” area were deliberately connected with the waterfront. Besitz Kloster Eldena um 1248 However, according to newer historical analyses by SŁOŃ (2007) the situation differently presents itself differently . One will have to wait for further archaeological and historical studies. Figure 12. Greifswald and its environs. Properties of Eldena Abbey in the first half of the 13 th century (after MANGELSDORF 2000). The establishment and legal recognition of Stralsund as a town may be attributed both to economic (herring fishery) and political reasons (conflicts with Pomerania and Denmark). settlers and began to enlarge its property it touched on the Thus, the princes of Rügen tried to protect the settlement and interests of Pomerania and Rügen. Both sides (Wizlaw I of its environs from Pomeranian attacks. As far as the origins of Rügen; Wartislaw III of Pomerania) granted market rights in the town are concerned, the present state of research leaves 1241. Although convincing evidence of the early market set - room for interpretation, as both a foundation on previously tlement is still not availablemissing, there is reason to locate undeveloped land and a continuation of Slavonic settlement it on a marl island surrounded by the lowlands of the river structures seem possible. Ryck – at the place where the advowson of the town’s churches was going to be confirmed to the abbey of Eldena in 1249 ( MANGELSDORF 2000, 26). Based on the churches, it is 1.5 Greifswald commonly assumed ( MANGELSDORF 2000; KATTINGER 2000) that the areas around St Mary’s and St Nicholas’ church (first men - Urban development took a different path at the town of Greif - tioned 1262) formed the original nuclei, whereas St Jacob’s swald, which received the Lübeck town charter in 1250 and belonged to the New Town (Figure 13). This was first men - may be regarded as a deliberate foundation on previously un - tioned in 1265 and was separated from the Old Town by a developed land ( SCHÄFER 2004, 443). The development of the ditch. As early as 1264 Wartislaw III issued a decree that there town is to be seen within the context of internal colonisation was to be just one market, bailiff and a common code of law and the establishment of the abbey of Eldena (Figure 12). Ar - and that the complete town was to be enclosed by a wall. chaeological research at Greifswald may be considered to have With regard to the two-nuclei model, it has to be borne in reached an excellent level, though a synthesis of the data is mind that the area under discussion only covered c. 36 ha and

127 Neulandgewinnung nach 1264 Stadtgraben bis 1302 Marktbau 1266 Marktbauten um 1300 Marktbauten um 1350 Ryk

Marien

Jakobi Nikolai

Figure 13. Greifswald. Town map based on 18 th -century maps (after RĘBKOWSKI 2001; IGEL and KIEL 2004 ). that the proposed settlement nuclei were situated much closer mental history and social topography of the town. For exam - to each other than at places like Lübeck or Stralsund. The ear - ple, the area east of the town brook was originally inhabited liest dates, from before 1250, have come from Steinbecker - by craftsmen ( ENZENBERGER 2000) but underwent a restructur - straße, the eastern market quarter as well as the bank of the ing process at the beginning of the 14 th century, while the Ryck, opposite the southwestern part of the town. Timbers re - eastern side of the marketplace was preferred by high-ranking trieved from secondary contexts, dating from between 1200 members of the town council ( IGEL 2002). A representative and 1240, are indications of an early settlement. SCHÄFER cross-section of the range of buildings common around 1400 (2000, 443) has postulated, apart from rural farmsteads along was to be found along three roads leading to the Ryck (ibid the route to Stralsund, a settlement of merchants close to St 245 fig. 7). According to present research, Greifswald was built Nicholas’ church. There are neither traces of a harbour nor is on previously undeveloped ground and, as a “monastic town” there any convincing evidence of an extensive residential area (IGEL and KIEL 2004; BULACH 2004, 50), was closely connected in the north of the town. Investigations near the Ryck have with Eldena Abbey in its early days. Similarly to Kołobrzeg, not only produced evidence for reclamation works in the sec - convenient traffic conditions and economic factors played a ond half of the 13 th century but presumably also traced a road role, suggesting that the absence ofmissing evidence for a leading from the town to the saline. Considering the example Slavonic precursor might as well be attributedue to the pres - of Lübeck but also local evidence, SCHÄFER (2001) assumes that ent state of research. However, as in Stralsund, the emerging large-scale plots were gradually subdivided and thus reduced ecclesiastical and political agents took a significant role in the in size. As in Lübeck, the earliest buildings were frequently formation of the town. characterised by earthfast constructions (mid-to-third quarter of the 13 th century), though the buildings at the rear of the plots do not necessarily have to be interpreted as dwelling 1.6 Summary houses. These constructions were superseded by timber- framed and masonry buildings, which appear to have been The examples give an impression of how dynamic the struc - introduced around the 1270s. Based on archaeological tural change taking place between the 11 th and 13 th centuries sources but also on the town’s book of records, it has been must have been. This is also reflected in the synopsis (Figure possible to do further analysis with regard to the develop - 14), which shows a multitude of – sometimes rivalling –

128 agents rather than a planned penetration of space. Genuine 2. Agents of the town new foundations “starting from scratch” are rare exceptions but their smalllow number, as pointed out above, might have Trying to understand the essence of “town”, one is naturally to be attributed to the present state of research. In most cases, confronted with questions concerning the structure, percep - the towns originated from an already existing settlement. The tion and effects of space as well as the use of space in con - restructuring of early open settlements dating to the 8 th /9 th nection with social organisation and cultural practices. A town centuries, however, remains a problem inof Slavonic archae - is a (spatially) clearly defined entity, but also a network of dif - ology. The debate on the character of purely agrarian settle - ferent spheres of interaction reaching far beyond its bound - ments which were to be succeeded by central places such as aries. Gdańsk, Szczecin or Wolin shows this clearly. A topographical and/or functional continuity seems to be the regular case. It in - dicates a close structural and personal interaction between 2.1 Specific ways of building – concerted action Slavonic and non-Slavonic agents as well as the spatial im - pact of geographical factors (raw materials, protected loca - A town may also be perceived in terms of social space, and its tion, convenient traffic conditions). In spite of their continued structure as the – physical and symbolic – manifestation of existence, however, some Slavonic centres such as Stari - the spatial distribution of different types of usage and groups gard/Oldenburg or Usedom ceased to play a prominent role in of inhabitants. The picture it presents is the result of complex the High and Late Middle Ages. processes involving individual and social factors. The con - It also becomes obvious that a regional approach breaks up struction of buildings is one such example of “spacing” ( LÖW the small-scale and thus generalizing picture into a number 2001, 158 ff.), since public as well as private building may be of highly dynamic agents. In the Oder region, Wolin was regarded as the materialisation of communal and individual clearly the economic centre up into the late 10 th /early 11 th cen - actions governed by overriding structures and local solutions. turies. Even though it became a diocesan town in 1140, it Both the material and the symbolic institutionalisation of began to loose some of its importance to Szczecin and Kamień urban space become clearly visible in ecclesiastical and secu - from the 12 th century on. During that process, Kamień seems lar large-scale building projects and in infrastructure meas - to have emerged as a missionary centre accommodating the ures. From a wider perspective, though, it is the change of duke’s residence and the episcopal see and established itself building types and plot layout which determined the spatial as a new political and spiritual centre. After all, Szczecin be - structure of a town. This has become quite obvious for the came the regional centre from the 11 th /12 th centuries on, com - Baltic towns, among which Lübeck has provided the best ar - bining central functions in economy and trade as well as chaeological, architectural and historical evidence. Develop - administration and cult. Usedom presents a special case in ment in the other Baltic towns of the Hanseatic League , that it reached its climax as a Burgstadt in the 11 th /12 th cen - however, went through similar stages, with buildings orien - turies but lost its position thereafter. tated at right angles to the street, a characteristic feature of the “Hanseatic” town, coming to dominate in the late 13 th and 14 th centuries.

Neugründung Aufwertung Umstrukturierung Bedeutungsverlust Funktional Topogra sch

slawisch Siedlung/Markt

Zentralplatz

Rechtsstadt

Hoch- mittelalter

Figure 14. Synopsis regarding continuity and discontinuity of urban development in the Baltic area.

129 In Lübeck, the subdivision of plots started at a fairly early MEL -K IESOW (2005) in particular has tried to reconstruct the de - stage (around 1175) and can also be traced very accurately in velopment of plot layout. Two examples will be presented in the documentary evidence of the late 13 th century ( HAMMEL - greater detail: Block 94, in the northwest, is one of the districts KIESOW 2005). These findings are testified by excavated evidence which were reclaimed in the mid - to late 13 th century. A map from the former “mercantile quarter” between harbour/beach depicting the walls (Figure 15) still shows the long, narrow market and St Mary’s church/central marketplace ( LEGANT -K ARAU shape of the parcels on the lower Trave. The plots within the 2005). Early urban development was characterised by a more waterfront area were the most attractive properties. Large and dispersed pattern in which buildings were surrounded by agri - regular parcels which were possibly created in one go are still cultural lands (ibid 79 ff.) and properties appear to have been visible at Engelsgrube, whilst the “rear” culs-de-sac Alsheide rather large, covering areas between 1800 m 2 and 2000 m 2 in and Engelswisch (Block 10) seem to have been of lesser im - the 12 th century. Archaeological investigations have produced portance. At the end of the 13 th century, block 10, situated in evidence that the original properties already started to be sub - the northeast of the historic city centre (Wakenitzmauer – divided during the Guelph period, either by partitioning off Langer Lohberg), was developed. Here, the first settlement corner plots or by first dividing the central zone. Between 1159 phase (before 1284) was likewise characterised by large prop - and c . 1179 plot structure showed a variety of patterns: erties (Figure 16 – bold lines). In the following period the re - Large-scale properties with single buildings in rural-agrar - maining space was occupied by oblong parcels, referred to as ian tradition, typical for the time between 1159 and 1175 and nova civitas in the town’s books (Figure 16 – thin lines to the named Hofstellen (farmsteads) by LEGANT -K ARAU (2005, 91). right). Employing different criteria, HAMMEL -K IESOW (2005) in - These plots of an almost square shape were successively sub - terprets them as “pre-defined elements of urban planning”. divided from the second third of the 12 th century on, thus cre - In the ensuing phase the large properties were also divided ating oblong parcels which have remained a prominent feature into long, narrow parcels, a process which has also been of the townscape up to the present day. These parcels were traced archaeologically in other areas. then occupied by building complexes which have been char - These changes in plot layout were accompanied by changes acterised as Stadthöfe (town homesteadyards) ( ibid ). in the construction of buildings. If one tries to outline the devel - Corner plots with domestic buildings and additional out - opment of building design between the 12 th and the 14 th century buildings. Their structure is reminiscent of the manorial com - (GLÄSER 2001 a), it becomes obvious that the transition from tim - plexes of the clergy or nobility in the countryside. ber to masonry buildings, a widespread phenomenon to be ob - (Corner) Plots occupied by prestigious buildings, elabo - served at many different places, was also a process of social rately constructed in timber from the third quarter of the 12 th differentiation within the town. The early phase of urban devel - century on and as masonry buildings in the first half of the opment, the 12 th century, was dominated by earthfast timber 13 th century. These comprise wooden tower houses and Stein - buildings, which from the third quarter of the 12 th century were werke as well as Saalgeschossbauten . In some cases, these superseded by timber-framed buildings. These occurred in a va - buildings were erected on corner plots. riety of forms. A large number of sill beam constructions were This diversity does not only stand in opposition to the no - equipped with an undercroft, and quite a few may have to be tion that Lübeck was founded according to a pre-defined regarded as examples of a multi-storeyed building type for scheme providing standardised plots, but also demonstrates which the term “timber Kemenate ” has been introduced. Brick the social and economic heterogeneity of the early settlers. At was initially restricted to seigneurial building but eventually the same time, the plot layout illustrates the demographic replaced timber in private building, too – either gradually or change, the rapid growth of the town, already described by due to regulations by civic authorities. Building in brick ap - Helmold of Bosau. As regards form, material and scale of the pears to have taken on different forms in the Baltic area, as buildings, the archaeological evidence from the “mercantile Steinwerke , Saalgeschossbauten and Dielenhäuser . The evo - quarter” indeed suggests the presence of an elite which dis - lution of the first two building types has remained a problem - played their wealth and status by means of prestigious ma - atic issue ( BANGERTER -P AETZ 2007). They were, at any rate, sonry buildings ( Steinwerk , Saalgeschossbau ), dating from the buildings of some pretension which combined social, e.g. rep - first half of the 13 th century. This might also have been the be - resentational, functions with aspects of Hanseatic commercial ginning of a succession of high-status families, leading up to life. The third type, the Dielenhaus , is a type of building which the families , mentioned in 14 th -century documentary sources, has traditionally been considered as the “Lübeck burgher which regularly provided the town’s councillors (Figure 6,2). house” or as an architectural prototype of the Baltic area in the Apart from “the merchants”, which undoubtedly contributed days of the Hanseatic League ( GLÄSER 2000). One of its main more than any other group to urban development, Freige - features is its “sustainability”. Unlike timber constructions, borene and ministeriales were also involved in the formation Steinwerke or Saalgeschossbauten , it involved the erection of of the town ( HAMMEL -K IESOW 2005, 153 f. ). fire walls on plot boundaries. Thus, communal walls were cre - Drawing on archaeological evidence as well as data de - ated which had a lasting impact on urban structure. The rived from still-standing buildings and written sources, HAM - houses, set at right angles to the street and multi-storeyed,

130 had (partial) undercrofts and were often enlarged by means of tics were frequently used for the storage of merchandise. In annexes ( Kemläden ). Whereas the Diele , the central first-floor Lübeck, the Dielenhaus appeared within a relatively short pe - hall, could serve different purposes, the first floor and the at - riod of time, between the mid-13 th and the first half of the 14 th

Figure 15. Lübeck. Plan of block 94. Walls and built-up area (grey) in advance of reconstruction works starting 1975 (after FINKE 2006, 45).

12

Figure 16. Lübeck. Plan of block 10. 1: Reconstruction of plot layout before 1284 (bold lines), including later additions and subdivisions (thin lines). 2: Plot boundaries around 1990 (after HAMMEL -K IESOW 2005). B

131 century. Its spread across the whole town was also due to the 2.2 Agents of the environs fires of 1209/17, 1251 and 1276. As early as 1251, the town council issued a decree that building in timber was to be given An additional image associated with the European town is up, a regulation which also made its entrance into the codifi - based on the distinction between centre and periphery. These cation of the Lübeck law after 1276. This, however, should terms are never used in a neutral way but always connote cen - not distract one from the primary motives which had gener - tral and marginal, important and unimportant. A town is part ated such a general regulation. Apart from its immense stor - of and communicates with the surrounding landscape. While age capacityies, the Dielenhaus was also a reflection of the relationship between the town and its environs has long growing communal self-awareness and a changing housing been discussed in historical research ( HEIT 2000, 57-65), ar - market. Its structural and functional uniformity made it suit - chaeological analysis has contributed surprisingly little to this able for a large group of potential buyers, including not only subject. Recent studies by JEUTE (2007) on rural crafts and by long-distance merchants but also humbler groups like grocers WEHNER (2007) on Wolin have so far only touched upon this and craftsmen. This circumstance is demonstrated by new reg - issue. Especially the Baltic ports, and those on the southern ulations governing the sale of property ( HAMMEL -K IESOW 2005, Baltic coast in particular, have been perceived by archaeolo - 162 f.) which indicate that the entire town area was regarded gists primarily as centres of supra-regional exchange as a commodity. Still, an additional reason for the general ac - (“Hanseatic town”), while the local and regional networks ceptance of the Dielenhaus has been put forward by R. Ham - have been almost totally neglected. Therefore, some aspects mel-Kiesow (ibid 169), who proposes that the former variety need to be treated with greater detail. of building types characteristic of the late 12 th and early 13 th Supply of fuel and building materials: The construction of centuries was also a reflection of social diversity, pointing to buildings in a town, whether in timber or in masonry, had far- an urban society which was still dynamic to a certain degree. reaching effects on its environs. The town was compelled ei - The reduction of domestic building to a few, uniform types ther to obtain rights to forest or clay resources or to ensure (Dielenhaus ) may thus also be regarded as an indication that supply by means of long-term contracts. As early as the end of the process of social and constitutional differentiation had the 12 th century, the inhabitants of Lübeck, for example, suc - come to a (preliminary) end. ceeded in acquiring foresting rights on an area of almost 1500 While the situation in the mid - and late 12 th century ap - km 2 which could be accessed by water (Figure 17,1). Those pears to have been rather complex and difficult to grasp, a areas that were exempted were the ones which were claimed clearer picture emerges for the time between 1200 and 1300. by the bishop of Lübeck and the Cistercian monks of Reinfeld. In the period under discussion, a civic community evolved It is worth noticing that Lübeck managed to mainsustain its which gained its independence from the hitherto leading so - privileges throughout the following centuries. This is illustrated cial groups. This process is illustrated both by documentary on the one hand by estates which were held by citizens of and archaeological evidence. The Lübeck law, first recorded Lübeck up into the 16 th century and on the other by contracts in 1225, specified the legislation and jurisdiction of the town between forest owners and the inhabitants of Lübeck from the council. It was aimed at reconciling the interests of the town’s period between 1366 and 1466 (Figure 17,2). The fact that political elite and the citizens, trying to preserve peace and standards were also felled at some distance from the desig - prevent any harm. Its purpose was to reach a consensus be - nated area might be attributed to the construction of the tween as many agents as possible, all with their own expec - Stecknitz-Delvenau Canal but also to declining timber re - tations as to the behaviour of others. Rules regulating the sources ( WROBEL et al. 1993, 208-210). The transition from alignment of buildings (porches, annexes, courtyards) and thus timber to masonry buildings led to an increase of costs which creating private and public space, or articles preventing ex - affected both private and public builders. Especially at an early tensive damage by prescribostulating communal fire walls and stage, brick was probably one of the more expensive building subsidising masonry buildings ( HOLST 2002) are reflected in materials. We know from written sources that the town pop - the archaeological and architectural evidence. The develop - ulation was provided with bricks at a reduced price and that ment of urban law and the increasing uniformity of plot shapes the new building materials were subsidised by the town coun - and sizes as well as of building types ( Dielenhäuser ) were the cils. While the supply of building materials has been studied outward expressions of a civic community whose physical thoroughly for some towns by means of documentary sources townscape was also a manifestation of its social topography. (SANDER -B ERKE 1995), there is hardly any archaeological evi - Urban space was the product of a creative process, according to dence, for example of lime kilns or brickworks ( HENNRICH 2002). LÖW (2001, 272) „abhängig von den in einer Handlungssitua - The same discrepancy can be observed for studies on the sup - tion vorgefundenen ... Faktoren, dem Habitus der Handelnden, ply of wood and charcoal and of timber for shipbuilding. von den strukturell organisierten Ein- und Ausschlüssen“ . As far as the supply of food is concerned, the picture re - mains equally vague. A large number of the newly founded towns to the east of the river Elbe were endowed with farm - land, which guaranteed the the supply of food on a local level

132 Lübecksche Hölzungsrechte 1188

Stadt Lübeck

Städtische Feldmark

Lübecksches Eigentum bis 16. Jh.

Figure 17.1. Lübeck. Foresting rights and properties from the 12 th to the 16 th century (after WROBEL et al. 1993).

– an important factor , particularly at an early stage of urban compared to Slavonic centres ( ALSLEBEN 2007). There are, how - development. This was the case in numerous small towns ever, no investigations covering the rural area, so that it is not which did not participate or at least only to a small degree in possible to make any assumptions as to possible differences long-distance trade. Archaeobotanical analyses have shown between urban and rural diet. Nevertheless, the restructuring the basic (plant) food resources to be more or less uniform process that took place in the rural area did not only resulted and have drawn special attention to the striking differences in the agricultural land being enlarged but also included com -

133 Lübecksches Terretorium mit Vogtei Mölln (seit 1359) Stadt Lübeck Pfandbesitz der Vogteien Ratzeburg (1370–76), Trittau und Oldesloe 1375 (86?) Kauf von Kürbäumen T Verträge über freien Holzhieb

T T T T TT T T T T T

T TT T T T T T

Figure 17.2. Lübeck. Foresting rights and properties from the 12 th to the 16 th century (after WROBEL et al. 1993).

mercial activities ( JEUTE 2007). One of these activities was the on its environs also becomes visible through ecclesiastical in - erection of water mills, which may be regarded as an innova - stitutions. Towns have always been centres not only in eco - tion but also as an intervention with far-reaching effects and nomic but also in religious terms. This applies especially to the which represents a typical element of high-medieval coloni - Christian world with its hierarchical structure of archbishoprics, sation east of the Elbe. bishoprics and parish churches as well as numerous monas - Apart from these economic relations, the impact of a town teries. From the mid-9 th to the early 11 th century some mis -

134 3. New town – old town

The emergence of towns in the Baltic area already aroused the attention of contemporary observers, who employed a number of terms in order to describe this phenomenon. These high- medieval towns of largely West European character were Selent Lütjenburg Oldenburg something genuinely new. Having much in common, both from a synchronic and a diachronic perspective, and forming Preetz Neukirchen discrete spatial entities, the coastal ports constituted an urban Plön landscape. If town formation and the penetration of space by Eutin Bordesholm Alten-Krempe urban forms of settlement (“urbanisation”) are regarded as a Bosau Süsel process, the high-medieval urban development on the south - Sarau Schlamersdorf ern Baltic coast may be seen as part of this comprehensive Gnissau transformation process which started much earlier and de - Warder Pronstorf Ratekau pended on many different factors. Towns emerge especially Segeberg Rensefeld under favourable political and economic conditions, which Lübeck erschlossenes Gebiet vice versa have to be stimulated by the town itself. Their de - Leezen Pfarrkirche 1194/um 1200 velopment is based on a certain natural and economic envi - Oldesloe historische Quelle ronment. As trade and commerce were orientated towards the Kirchspielgrenze soweit bekannt sea, it does not come as a surprise that identical or similar lo - Bistumsgrenze cations were chosen for the new towns and their precursors. In some cases, the economic situation was also comparable. Figure 18. Lübeck. Parochial organisation in the diocese of Lübeck As regards the administrative-territorial factors, however, there around 1200. B was often a discontinuity, which first becomes evident in the case of the late Slavonic enclosures and the Slavonic seigneur - sionary centres were established, but conversion to Christian - ial and territorial strongholds of the early 12 th century. Just a ity only became universal when it was combined with coloni - few Slavonic places, such as Alt-Lübeck, Usedom, Szczecin or sation and urbanisation. The close relationship between Kolberg Old Town, may be associated with later high-medieval sovereign policy and urban development may be observed at towns in topographical and territorial terms. If the distribu - places like Lübeck, Oldenburg, Ratzeburg, Schwerin or Kamień tion of the castles and castle territories recorded in documen - and Usedom, where sees were established between the late tary evidence is compared to that of the towns founded in 11th and the mid-12 th century. Parallel with the consolidation high-medieval times, this hiatus becomes even more pro - of these centres, a network of parishes was created and many nounced (Figure 19). villages were provided with churches, ensuring that the new In this context two intertwined interest groups become vis - faith to becaome firmly rooted all over the country ( BIERMANN ible: The territorial lords pursued a “spatial planning policy” el - 2006b; HÖHNE and KRATZKE 2006). But the parish churches do ements of which can actually be found in the “central place” not only stand for the growing consolidation of Christianity, concept, whereas the long-distance traders, whose focus lay they also reflect new social and cultural structures. As the cen - with the sea, operated within networks (Figure 20). Town for - tre of a parish, they symbolise the claim madelaid by the mation is part of the high-medieval colonisation process and Church and the towns to their environs (Figure 18). Within the is also an expression of the structural change taking place in towns, there is yet another factor to consider. Even though the the Baltic area from the 12 th century on which has been re - establishment of a see did not necessarily mean that the town ferred to as “economisation”, “capitalisation” or even “Euro - came under episcopal authority, as it often did in those re - peanisation” and which can be observed in many different gions where the settlers had come from, it did, however, in - fields. The agents had now moved to a higher level offering volve the creation of a privileged area which could not be new and better opportunities. The high-medieval chartered infringed by sovereign or , especially , communal expansion of towns are part of this structural change, while at the same power. This process can be clearly delineated in the case of time stimulating it. Thus, it seems pointless to look for “mile - Lübeck. There, it was reflected in the “architectural race” be - stones” in urban development. It is the concentration and the tween the bishop’s cathedral and the mercantile church (St acceleration immanent in this process which I would like to Mary’s), which may be considered as symbols of the struggle view as the crucial difference compared to the situation of the for power and autonomy by two rivalling groups ( FINKE 2006). 10 th or 11 th century (Figure 3). Both “concentration” and “ac - celeration” have to be seen within the spheres of activity and groups of attributes mentioned in the first chapter. As regards the legal-normative sphere of activity, this means that the

135 Putgarten Ersterwähnung Burgen 1070 und Burgbezirke Stadtgründung Schaprode 1193 bis 1250 nach 1250 Barth II 1170 Garz 1165 Zudar 1166 Marlow 1179 Triebsees 1136 Rostock 1160 Behren-Lübchin 1174 Dargun Gützkow Neuburg Ilow I 1173 1128 1171 1160 Altkalen Demmin Usedom Werle 1174 1128 1128 1127 Vorwerk Mecklenburg 789 965 Bölkow Flessenow 1114 (?) 1147 Schwerin 1018 Pasewalk 1168 Malchow Nieden 1147 1121 Plau, Kohlinsel 1160

10 km

Figure 19. Towns and castles in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in the 12 th /13 th centuries. B long-distance merchants of the coastal ports became inde - Finally I would like to present a model based on conside- pendent of established authorities and secured their social rations of the early urbanisation between the 8 th - and 10 th cen - leadership by means of legal and institutional measures while turies (SKRE 2007). The „Ostsee-Hanse “ provides a network at the same time a civic community evolved – a process which woven by trade, personal communications, conjointed mmon in the case of Lübeck was further accelerated by acquiring im - cultural practicies and a close relationsship between towns perial immediacy. It is this combination of a large number of and business. Compared with the „Stadtlandschaften ” in factors, reinforcing each other and initiating a process, which Western Europe, Italy or South-Western Germany, the towns BLOMKVIST (2001) has named the “Lübeck style”. are stable centeres ion the periphery of the Baltic Rim. They are The emerging net of maritime towns cannot be described as the main routes for long-distance trade. Further research adequately by the central place theory, which only works well in should focus on medium and small towns as nodal points for a homogeneous space, as by network models (Figure 21). coastal but also long-distance trade. The „Hinterland ” could be described as „central place markets ”, and local markets joined the inter-regional and supra -regional trade. Apart from look - ing for structural similarities between these towns, historical archaeology should investigate whether and how in which way regional differences also played a role in the area between Landesherr / König the rivers Elbe and Vistula. Apart from the structural similari - ties, it remains up to archaeological research to investigate whether and in which way the regions between the rivers Elbe and Vistula had their own specific characteristics.

Alt-/Neusiedler Fernhändler Ministerialen Klerus „Stadtbürger“ (Translated by U. Oltmanns ; drawings by H. Dieterich, Christian- Albrechts-Universität Kiel, Institut für Ur- und Frühgeschichte )

Ratsgemeinde (Bürgergemeinde)

Figure 20. The high-medieval urbanisation of the Baltic area combining territorial and economic interests.

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