ENGLISH SUMMARIES LEE Eun-Jung
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The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Schriften Des Historischen Kollegs
The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Schriften des Historischen Kollegs Herausgegeben von Andreas Wirsching Kolloquien 91 The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Herausgegeben von Holger Afflerbach An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org Schriften des Historischen Kollegs herausgegeben von Andreas Wirsching in Verbindung mit Georg Brun, Peter Funke, Karl-Heinz Hoffmann, Martin Jehne, Susanne Lepsius, Helmut Neuhaus, Frank Rexroth, Martin Schulze Wessel, Willibald Steinmetz und Gerrit Walther Das Historische Kolleg fördert im Bereich der historisch orientierten Wissenschaften Gelehrte, die sich durch herausragende Leistungen in Forschung und Lehre ausgewiesen haben. Es vergibt zu diesem Zweck jährlich bis zu drei Forschungsstipendien und zwei Förderstipendien sowie alle drei Jahre den „Preis des Historischen Kollegs“. Die Forschungsstipendien, deren Verleihung zugleich eine Auszeichnung für die bisherigen Leis- tungen darstellt, sollen den berufenen Wissenschaftlern während eines Kollegjahres die Möglich- keit bieten, frei von anderen Verpflichtungen eine größere Arbeit abzuschließen. Professor Dr. Hol- ger Afflerbach (Leeds/UK) war – zusammen mit Professor Dr. Paul Nolte (Berlin), Dr. Martina Steber (London/UK) und Juniorprofessor Simon Wendt (Frankfurt am Main) – Stipendiat des Historischen Kollegs im Kollegjahr 2012/2013. Den Obliegenheiten der Stipendiaten gemäß hat Holger Afflerbach aus seinem Arbeitsbereich ein Kolloquium zum Thema „Der Sinn des Krieges. Politische Ziele und militärische Instrumente der kriegführenden Parteien von 1914–1918“ vom 21. -
The Ashgate Research Companion to Imperial Germany ASHGATE RESEARCH COMPANION
ASHGATE RESEARCH COMPANION THE ASHGatE RESEarCH COMPANION TO IMPERIAL GERMANY ASHGATE RESEARCH COMPANION The Ashgate Research Companions are designed to offer scholars and graduate students a comprehensive and authoritative state-of-the-art review of current research in a particular area. The companions’ editors bring together a team of respected and experienced experts to write chapters on the key issues in their speciality, providing a comprehensive reference to the field. The Ashgate Research Companion to Imperial Germany Edited by MattHEW JEFFERIES University of Manchester, UK © Matthew Jefferies 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Matthew Jefferies has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the editor of this work. Published by Ashgate Publishing Limited Ashgate Publishing Company Wey Court East 110 Cherry Street Union Road Suite 3-1 Farnham Burlington, VT 05401-3818 Surrey, GU9 7PT USA England www.ashgate.com British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Ashgate research companion to Imperial Germany / edited by Matthew Jefferies. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4094-3551-8 (hardcover) – ISBN 978-1-4094-3552-5 -
Matthew Stibbe on Enzyklopädie Erster Weltkrieg
Gerhard Hirschfeld, Gerd Krumeich, Irina Renz. Enzyklopädie Erster Weltkrieg. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag, 2004. 1002 S. EUR 58.00, cloth, ISBN 978-3-506-73913-1. Reviewed by Matthew Stibbe Published on H-German (January, 2005) With 26 survey essays and over 650 individu‐ many by the late Wolfgang Mommsen, on France al entries, this is a substantial work of reference by Jean-Jacques Becker, on Belgium by Laurence and a valuable resource for all those interested in van Ypersele, on Britain by Jay Winter, on Aus‐ First World War studies. In terms of format it has tria-Hungary by Manfried Rauchensteiner, on something in common with the Enzyklopädie des Russia by Dittmar Dahlmann, on Italy by Mario Is‐ Nationalsozialismus, which appeared in 1997, al‐ nenghi, and on the United States by Ronald Schaf‐ though the subject matter is obviously different fer. Mommsen's essay traces the gradual break‐ and the scope is necessarily broader, especially as down of Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg's several of the essays are written from a compara‐ Burgfrieden strategy and the ensuing slide to‐ tive or transnational perspective.[1] The volume wards military rule which led, ultimately, to the also includes twenty-three maps and over one disastrous decision in favor of unrestricted sub‐ hundred photographs and illustrations from the marine warfare in January 1917. Bethmann's suc‐ period, many of which appear for the frst time. cessors after July 1917, Georg Michaelis and Georg The full range of contributions cannot be ade‐ von Hertling, were little more than puppets of the quately dealt with in a short review, making it German supreme command under Hindenburg necessary to select just a few items for more de‐ and Ludendorff whose "silent dictatorship" over tailed discussion below. -
Thl3 CONSERVA- and the PRUSSLGN Francease, 1917-1918
WE SHALL NOT LEAVE WXTHOUT A FIGHT': THl3 CONSERVA- AND THE PRUSSLGN FRANCEaSE, 1917-1918 A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Guelph In partial Witof requirements for the degree of Master of Arts December, 1998 O Adam Sumun, 1998 National Library Bibliothèque.nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 355 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawatON K1AW OrtawaON K1AW Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Li"brary of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distriiuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othenirise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. 'WE SHALL NOT LEAVE WITHOUT A FIGHT': THE CONSERVATIVES AND THE PRUSSIAN FRANCHISE, 19 17- 19 18 Adam Sumun Advisor: University of Guelph Professor Eric G. Reiche This thesis is an examination of the Prussian Conservatives' opposition to the equai suffrage during the years 19 17- 19 18. This study was designed to demonstrate that the Conservatives, despite the increasing need for reform created by the war and the sacrifices of the Germans. -
The Birth of the Parliamentary Democracy in Japan: an Historical Approach
The Birth of the Parliamentary Democracy in Japan: An Historical Approach Csaba Gergely Tamás * I. Introduction II. State and Sovereignty in the Meiji Era 1. The Birth of Modern Japan: The First Written Constitution of 1889 2. Sovereignty in the Meiji Era 3. Separation of Powers under the Meiji Constitution III. The Role of Teikoku Gikai under the Meiji Constitution (明治憲法 Meiji Kenp ō), 1. Composition of the Teikoku Gikai ( 帝國議会) 2. Competences of the Teikoku Gikai IV. The Temporary Democracy in the 1920s 1. The Nearly 14 Years of the Cabinet System 2. Universal Manhood Suffrage: General Election Law of 1925 V. Constitutionalism in the Occupation Period and Afterwards 1. The Constitutional Process: SCAP Draft and Its Parliamentary Approval 2. Shōch ō ( 象徴) Emperor: A Mere Symbol? 3. Popular Sovereignty and the Separation of State Powers VI. Kokkai ( 国会) as the Highest Organ of State Power VII. Conclusions: Modern vs. Democratic Japan References I. INTRODUCTION Japanese constitutional legal history does not constitute a part of the obligatory legal curriculum in Hungary. There are limited numbers of researchers and references avail- able throughout the country. However, I am convinced that neither legal history nor comparative constitutional law could be properly interpreted without Japan and its unique legal system and culture. Regarding Hungarian-Japanese legal linkages, at this stage I have not found any evidence of a particular interconnection between the Japanese and Hungarian legal system, apart from the civil law tradition and the universal constitutional principles; I have not yet encountered the Hungarian “Lorenz von Stein” or “Hermann Roesler”. * This study was generously sponsored by the Japan Foundation Short-Term Fellowship Program, July-August, 2011. -
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Skrifter Utgivna Av Statsvetenskapliga Föreningen I Uppsala 196
ACTA UNIVERSITATIS UPSALIENSIS Skrifter utgivna av Statsvetenskapliga föreningen i Uppsala 196 Svante Nycander The History of Western Liberalism Front cover portraits: Thomas Jefferson, Baruch de Spinoza, Adam Smith, Alexis de Tocqueville, Oliver Wendell Holmes, Joseph Schumpeter, Woodrow Wilson, Niccoló Machiavelli, Karl Staaff, John Stuart Mill, François-Marie Arouet dit Voltaire, Mary Wollstonecraft, John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Immanuel Kant, Ludwig Joseph Brentano, John Dewey, Wilhelm von Humboldt, Charles-Louis de Secondat Montesquieu, Ayn Rand © Svante Nycander 2016 English translation: Peter Mayers Published in Swedish as Liberalismens idéhistoria. Frihet och modernitet © Svante Nycander and SNS Förlag 2009 Second edition 2013 © Svante Nycander and Studentlitteratur ISSN 0346-7538 ISBN 978-91-554-9569-5 Printed in Sweden by TMG Tabergs AB, 2016 Contents Preface ....................................................................................................... 11 1. Concepts of Freedom before the French Revolution .............. 13 Rights and Liberties under Feudalism and Absolutism ......................... 14 New Ways of Thinking in the Renaissance ........................................... 16 Calvinism and Civil Society .................................................................. 18 Reason as a Gift from God .................................................................... 21 The First Philosopher to Be Both Liberal and Democratic ................... 23 Political Models during the Enlightenment .......................................... -
Albert Mosses Beitrag Zum Aufbau Des Japanischen Rechtssystems
Albert Mosses Beitrag zum Aufbau des japanischen Rechtssystems Junko Ando I. Einleitung II. Albert Mosse und Japan III. Das Selbstverwaltungssystem IV. Die Verfassung 1. Die Ministerverantwortlichkeit 2. Budgetrecht 3. Notstandsrecht 4. Die Revision der Ungleichen Verträge V. Mosses Leben nach dem Japanaufenthalt I. EINLEITUNG Die von den Amerikanern erzwungene Öffnung des Landes im Jahre 1854 leitete in Japan einen Prozeß der politischen Umwälzung ein, die 1868 zur Meiji-Restauration führte. Die vorrangige Aufgabe der neuen kaiserlichen Regierung bestand darin, zum einen innenpolitisch den neuen Einheitsstaat zu konsolidieren und zum anderen außen- politisch die volle Souveränität zurückzuerlangen, die das Tokugawa-Shogunat zuvor durch den Abschluß der Ungleichen Verträge mit den westlichen Staaten eingebüßt hatte. Diese innen- und außenpolitischen Zielsetzungen waren insofern miteinander verknüpft, als für die Revision der Ungleichen Verträge Japan erst einmal als moderner Verfassungsstaat vom Westen anerkannt werden mußte. Die von den damaligen Spitzenpolitikern 1872/73 unternommene einjährige Erkun- dungsreise in die Vereinigten Staaten und nach Europa, die sogenannte Iwakura - Mission, führte jedoch den Japanern die Rückständigkeit ihres Landes schonungslos vor Augen. Aufgrund dieser Erfahrung zog die Regierung den Schluß, angesichts der noch kaum entwickelten politischen Kultur in der Bevölkerung von einer voreiligen Adapta- tion der westlichen Staatvorstellung abzusehen. Das Land sollte zunächst unter einer autoritären Führung modernisiert werden, und erst dann schien der Übergang zu einem Verfassungsstaat sinnvoll. Durch die innenpolitische Entwicklung sah sich die japanische Regierung jedoch bereits im Jahre 1881 gezwungen, die von der Opposition geforderte Einrichtung eines Parlaments für das Jahr 1890 zu versprechen. Inspiriert durch die preußische Verfas- sung von 1850 entschied sich die Regierung daraufhin für den deutschen Konstitutiona- lismus als Modell für die künftige japanische Verfassung. -
1 Novembre 1917
1 novembre 1917 Un nouveau chancellier en Allemagne: von Hertling Le monde politique en Allemagne est considérablement excité par deux facteurs importants: la reddition des Russes et l’échec récent à sortir l’Italie de la guerre, malgré le succès militaire de Caporetto. Les diplomates croient que l’attaque de l’Italie est une erreur et que l’exploitation des territoires conquis à la Pologne et la Russie empêche les meilleures relations susceptibles d’aider l’Allemagne contre ses adversaires. Le Parlement regagne donc de son influence et remplace le chancellier Georg Michaelis qui avait été mis en place au début de l’année par le Haut Commandement militaire. Hertling est un civil de 75 ans élu par compromis. Georg von Hertling ne s’oppose pas aux militaires, mais il représente la volonté des parlementaires pour que les relations internationales retombent aux mains des ministres civils et diplomates. Il aura finalement peu d’influence dans le va-et-vient des affaires courantes de l’Allemagne, divisée par des factions souvent muselées, mais énergiques. — Les relations civiles-militaires en Allemagne vont au gré des batailles tant militaires que politiques. Sources : Goerlitz, History of the German General Staff, p. 191; Fischer, War Aims. p. 439-40; http://dictionnaire.sensagent.leparisien.fr/Georg%20von%20Hertling/fr-fr/ Pour en savoir plus : https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georg_von_Hertling Friends of the Canadian War Museum – Les Amis du Musée canadien de la guerre https://www.friends-amis.org/ © 2020 FCWM - AMCG 2 November 1917 The Balfour Declaration of 2 November 1917 On 2 November 1917, Arthur Balfour, former Conservative Prime Minister of Great Britain and Foreign Secretary in Lloyd George’s Second Coalition Cabinet, sent a letter to Lord Rothschild, important London financier and patriarch of the British Jewish community, outlining the Government’s policy in regard to Palestine. -
Brockdorff-Rantzau As the Weimar Republic's First Foreign Minister
University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Student Work 1-1-1967 Count and democrat ; Brockdorff-Rantzau as the Weimar Republic's first foreign minister Marilyn Senn Moll University of Nebraska at Omaha Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork Recommended Citation Moll, Marilyn Senn, "Count and democrat ; Brockdorff-Rantzau as the Weimar Republic's first foreign minister" (1967). Student Work. 407. https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork/407 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Work by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. iI ^ "COUNT AND DEMOCRAT" BROCKDORFF-RANTZAU AS THE WEIMAR REPUBLIC'S FIRST FOREIGN MINISTER A Thesis Presented to the Department of History and the Faculty of the Graduate College University of Omaha In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Marilyn Senn Moll January 1967 UMI Number: EP73045 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI EP73045 Published by ProQuest LLC (2015). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. -
Modern German History
THE OXFORD HANDBOOK OF MODERN GERMAN HISTORY Edited by HELMUT W ALSER SMITH OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS PART III GERMANY: THE NATION STATE sALfiC sE:A NORTH sf.A RUSSIA Kingdom of Prussia Annexed by Prussia in 1866 Joined the North German Confederation, 1 Joined the German Empire, 1871 Annexed by Germany, 1871 0 100 200 FRANCE Mi! es AUSTRIAN EMPIRE Map 2 Creation of the German Empire Source: James Retallack (ed.), Short Oxford History of Germany: Imperial Germany 1871-1918 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 313. CHAPTER 13 NATION STATE, CONFLICT RESOLUTION, AND CULTURE WAR, 1850-1878 SIEGFRIED WEICHLEIN RITUALs combine past and present. At least this is the intention of their protagonists. During the nineteenth century, this was particularly true for monarchs whose rule had always been symbolically charged. The French king of the restoration, Charles X, had himself crowned like a medieval monarch in the Cathedral of Reims on 31 May 1825. This event was followed by a ceremony of healing the sick in the tradition of the 'rais thaumaturges,' with Charles X speaking the traditional formula used to eure those · suffering from scrofula: 'Le rai te tauche, Dieu te guerisse' ('the king touches you, may the Lord heal you'). 1 Charles X possessed, however, as much faith in modern science as in divine assistance, as three ofhis personal physicians were present at the ceremony to look after the siele. On 18 October 1861, King Wilhelm I of Prussia, who had a monarchic family history of a mere 160 years, similarly employed symbols to empha size his royal status. -
Planting Parliaments in Eurasia, 1850–1950; Concepts, Practices, And
5 The 22 Frimaire of Yuan Shikai Privy councils in the constitutional architectures of Japan and China, 1887–1917 Egas Moniz Bandeira1 It was indeed a grand political idea whereof even England could be jealous of us, this Council of State, which was heard over all big questions, conserved from the great political traditions of the Empire. … This admirable creation of the Brazilian spirit, which completed the other, no less admirable one taken from Benjamin Constant, the Moderating Power, united, thus, around the Emperor the political heads of the one and the other side, all of their consum- mated experience, whenever it was necessary to hold consultations about an important public interest.2 Joaquim Nabuco (1849–1910) This can be dealt with by a completely new invention of my own devising. When you inquire into the basic principles of our Constitution, you will see that sov- ereignty resides firmly in the imperial house, and that in a crisis His Majesty’s judgment is to be the basis for the final decision. … There must be conscientious imperial advisers who can clearly ascertain the state of the nation and the senti- ments of the people, and in the end secure what is in their best interests. I am convinced that only a Privy Council can provide the place where such advisers may be found.3 Itō Hirobumi 伊藤博文 (1841–1909) Introduction Advisory bodies to monarchs are among the most traditional forms of collective decision-making, but as institutions of modern states, they are among the least conspicuous ones. As monarchs had their powers limited by constitutional gov- ernments or even became symbolical figures in parliamentary political systems, their advisory bodies lost their legislative attributions to parliaments and their executive attributions to the cabinet. -
11 War and Revolution
11 War and revolution Jeffrey Verhey It is a war of such power and tension as the world has never seen. All our physical and intellectual powers have fused together in this war, are heightened to their limits. Natural powers have become weapons of defence and destruction. The war is not just being fought in the field. The press, trade, the complete economic and intellectual life is fighting; everything has become attack and defence. In the nations involved, all aspects of life are at war. War has become the total meaning and the only purpose … We are no longer the same people we were at the beginning of the war, and we can no longer return to those we were, we must move forward. The outbreak of the war hit us like an earthquake, shook our very foundations and, as if by a flood, we are being carried away to new shores. We have no connection any more with who we were, with how we lived.1 Johannes Müller, a Protestant pastor, wrote these lines in late 1914 in his capacity as editor of Die Grünen Blätter (The Green Leaves)—a religious magazine that sought to counsel churchgoers in their daily lives. Before the war, Müller had often commented, sometimes quite whimsically, on the dangers to civilization posed by modernity. In 1914, like many of his contemporaries, Müller embraced the war as a fascinating experience, as a great, historic epoch: life for all Germans would never be the same. Müller did not state—as most contemporaries did not—how people had changed, or what the future would bring.