Matthew Stibbe on Enzyklopädie Erster Weltkrieg

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Matthew Stibbe on Enzyklopädie Erster Weltkrieg Gerhard Hirschfeld, Gerd Krumeich, Irina Renz. Enzyklopädie Erster Weltkrieg. Paderborn: Ferdinand Schöningh Verlag, 2004. 1002 S. EUR 58.00, cloth, ISBN 978-3-506-73913-1. Reviewed by Matthew Stibbe Published on H-German (January, 2005) With 26 survey essays and over 650 individu‐ many by the late Wolfgang Mommsen, on France al entries, this is a substantial work of reference by Jean-Jacques Becker, on Belgium by Laurence and a valuable resource for all those interested in van Ypersele, on Britain by Jay Winter, on Aus‐ First World War studies. In terms of format it has tria-Hungary by Manfried Rauchensteiner, on something in common with the Enzyklopädie des Russia by Dittmar Dahlmann, on Italy by Mario Is‐ Nationalsozialismus, which appeared in 1997, al‐ nenghi, and on the United States by Ronald Schaf‐ though the subject matter is obviously different fer. Mommsen's essay traces the gradual break‐ and the scope is necessarily broader, especially as down of Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg's several of the essays are written from a compara‐ Burgfrieden strategy and the ensuing slide to‐ tive or transnational perspective.[1] The volume wards military rule which led, ultimately, to the also includes twenty-three maps and over one disastrous decision in favor of unrestricted sub‐ hundred photographs and illustrations from the marine warfare in January 1917. Bethmann's suc‐ period, many of which appear for the frst time. cessors after July 1917, Georg Michaelis and Georg The full range of contributions cannot be ade‐ von Hertling, were little more than puppets of the quately dealt with in a short review, making it German supreme command under Hindenburg necessary to select just a few items for more de‐ and Ludendorff whose "silent dictatorship" over tailed discussion below. all questions relating to strategy and war aims The survey essays are divided--not entirely (Martin Kitchen) continued until the fnal weeks satisfactorily--into four overlapping sections: of the war. Becker, on the other hand, demon‐ states at war, societies at war, the course of the strates that in France the army lost its battle with war, and the historiography of the war. The the civilian establishment for control over the "states at war" section mainly deals with ques‐ war effort, in spite of the personal popularity of tions of domestic politics and decision-making at military leaders like Joffre. By 1917 at the latest, the national level, and includes essays on Ger‐ the Senate and Chamber of Deputies had reassert‐ ed themselves as the supreme representatives of H-Net Reviews the French nation at war and parliamentary triotic and religious fervor that had been mobi‐ democracy had been strengthened vis-à-vis its lized between 1914 and 1918 ("man konnte nun critics on the left and right. Nonetheless, the atti‐ nicht mehr glauben, wovon man vordem tude of ordinary French men and women towards überzeugt gewesen war"), allowing new ideolo‐ their rulers also changed in various ways, most gies to develop, which glorified the violence and notably in relation to what Becker describes as modernity of war but not its spiritual and idealis‐ the "withdrawal into the private sphere" and the tic side (p. 197). Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau "retreat from patriotism" after the disappointing records the intrusion of the war into the lives of peace settlement of 1919 (p. 42). Jay Winter, in his children and young people, including those who piece on Britain, moves beyond the question of fought (as conscripts or volunteers) and those civil-military relations and wartime politics to dis‐ who were affected indirectly, through absent fa‐ cuss social and economic issues, especially the de‐ thers, uncles, and elder brothers. Even those with‐ mographic impact of the war and its influence on out relatives at the front felt the brutality of the the personal and cultural realms. Contrary to the war, especially those who lived under foreign oc‐ belief of some historians--and in spite of the huge cupation, as did the children of Belgium and number of war widows and orphans--he shows northern France, or under economic blockade, as that the war strengthened the institution of the did the children of Germany. Finally, Ute Daniel family and led to an increase in the popularity of considers the wide diversity of women's experi‐ marriage, especially among the young (pp. 53-54). ences of war, both at home and at the front, and Likewise, Ronald Schaffer provides some interest‐ the ambivalent impact of the war on women's ing insights into the relationship between war emancipation. For instance, while the expansion and campaigns in America against alcoholism and of female employment and the practice of paying prostitution, two apparent threats to "respectable" separation allowances to soldiers' wives gave family life. White middle-class women in particu‐ women new powers over the household budget, lar found new public roles as the guardians of such measures were accompanied by the rise of moral values on the home front, helping to boost more negative images of women as irresponsible the case for female suffrage at state and federal and frivolous consumers or as unpatriotic rioters levels. African Americans, on the other hand, re‐ and strikers. The rationalization of industrial pro‐ mained marginalized from politics and society af‐ duction likewise tended to reinforce traditional ter 1918, in spite of their important contribution gender stereotypes, with women placed at the to the national war effort (p. 110). bottom of the skills and pay hierarchy; many were The "societies at war" section is devoted more fired from wartime jobs to make way for return‐ directly to comparative history. The essays by ing soldiers after 1918 (pp. 132-133). Dick Geary on workers and Benjamin Ziemann on In the third grouping of essays, on the course soldiers stand out in particular as excellent exam‐ of the war, Jost Dülffer gives a brief account of in‐ ples of this genre. Jürgen von Ungern-Sternberg ternational relations before 1914, and the late discusses the role of intellectuals on both sides, Wilhelm Deist provides an expert analysis of the and Michael Jeismann does the same for propa‐ military strategy of the Central Powers. Alan ganda (including flm) and censorship. Annette Kramer, in his detailed and perceptive essay, con‐ Becker draws mainly on France in her essay on siders the vexed question of war crimes and the the religious experience of war, but also includes problem of definition in relation to international references to (Lutheran) Germany. Her conclusion law. As he makes clear, in spite of their adherence is stark and depressing: after the disappointing to the Geneva and The Hague conventions, the Al‐ peace settlement of 1919 Europeans forgot the pa‐ lied and German armies continued to interpret 2 H-Net Reviews their obligations in a radically different way, par‐ well as to the role of soldiers as participants in ticularly when it came to respecting the rights of acts of brutality against enemy populations.[5] non-combatants. The German air attacks on The fnal section contains two essays on the British coastal cities, which deliberately targeted historiography of the First World War. Gerd civilians, are a case in point. The Geneva conven‐ Krumeich and Gerhard Hirschfeld survey devel‐ tions regarding the treatment of wounded and opments in western historical writing from the captured soldiers presented fewer problems, but 1920s to the present day, paying particular atten‐ legal experts were divided in their reading of The tion to the recent move towards the study of "war Hague agreements, especially Hague IV concern‐ cultures" and "mentalities" as exemplified by ing the laws and customs of war on land. The is‐ George Mosse's Fallen Soldiers (1990) and the con‐ sue featured heavily in propaganda too, as both troversial work of French historians Stéphane Au‐ sides sought to highlight the alleged atrocities of doin-Rouzeau and Annette Becker, 14-18. Retrou‐ the other while presenting their own actions as a ver la guerre (2000).[6] Meanwhile, Fritz Klein, legitimate form of retaliation or as a necessary one of the few remaining members of his genera‐ means of self-defense ("Not kennt kein Gebot"). In tion of GDR historians, gives a concise overview of this sense, the war had become total from a very the achievements of East German research in the early stage. area of First World War studies. In so doing, he Meanwhile, both Kramer and Laurence van shows that it was possible, even within the con‐ Ypersele provide detailed evidence of the particu‐ fines of a communist dictatorship, to challenge lar suffering of Belgian and French civilians un‐ conceived wisdom and make a lasting contribu‐ der German occupation. This is an important area tion to historical knowledge. The work of the of research, which has attracted a great deal of in‐ Marxist labor historian Jürgen Kuczynski is par‐ terest in recent years.[2] Roughly 5,500 Belgians ticularly well known, but Klein too has achieved and 900 French men and women were killed by international recognition for his publications, pre- German troops in the frst weeks of the war, and and post-1989, in this field.[7] tens of thousands were deported to work in the The essays are followed by a dictionary of key German war economy between November 1916 terms and issues, including references to the most and November 1918. The Russians deported even important battles, weapons, treaties, politicians, larger numbers of non-combatants from the war military leaders, and cultural/intellectual fgures zones on the eastern front, including many Rus‐ of the day. As with any encyclopedia, individual sian subjects whose ethnic background made readers will inevitably identify subjects that are them suspect to the military authorities.
Recommended publications
  • The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Schriften Des Historischen Kollegs
    The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Schriften des Historischen Kollegs Herausgegeben von Andreas Wirsching Kolloquien 91 The Purpose of the First World War War Aims and Military Strategies Herausgegeben von Holger Afflerbach An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libra- ries working with Knowledge Unlatched. KU is a collaborative initiative designed to make high quality books Open Access. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org Schriften des Historischen Kollegs herausgegeben von Andreas Wirsching in Verbindung mit Georg Brun, Peter Funke, Karl-Heinz Hoffmann, Martin Jehne, Susanne Lepsius, Helmut Neuhaus, Frank Rexroth, Martin Schulze Wessel, Willibald Steinmetz und Gerrit Walther Das Historische Kolleg fördert im Bereich der historisch orientierten Wissenschaften Gelehrte, die sich durch herausragende Leistungen in Forschung und Lehre ausgewiesen haben. Es vergibt zu diesem Zweck jährlich bis zu drei Forschungsstipendien und zwei Förderstipendien sowie alle drei Jahre den „Preis des Historischen Kollegs“. Die Forschungsstipendien, deren Verleihung zugleich eine Auszeichnung für die bisherigen Leis- tungen darstellt, sollen den berufenen Wissenschaftlern während eines Kollegjahres die Möglich- keit bieten, frei von anderen Verpflichtungen eine größere Arbeit abzuschließen. Professor Dr. Hol- ger Afflerbach (Leeds/UK) war – zusammen mit Professor Dr. Paul Nolte (Berlin), Dr. Martina Steber (London/UK) und Juniorprofessor Simon Wendt (Frankfurt am Main) – Stipendiat des Historischen Kollegs im Kollegjahr 2012/2013. Den Obliegenheiten der Stipendiaten gemäß hat Holger Afflerbach aus seinem Arbeitsbereich ein Kolloquium zum Thema „Der Sinn des Krieges. Politische Ziele und militärische Instrumente der kriegführenden Parteien von 1914–1918“ vom 21.
    [Show full text]
  • The Ashgate Research Companion to Imperial Germany ASHGATE RESEARCH COMPANION
    ASHGATE RESEARCH COMPANION THE ASHGatE RESEarCH COMPANION TO IMPERIAL GERMANY ASHGATE RESEARCH COMPANION The Ashgate Research Companions are designed to offer scholars and graduate students a comprehensive and authoritative state-of-the-art review of current research in a particular area. The companions’ editors bring together a team of respected and experienced experts to write chapters on the key issues in their speciality, providing a comprehensive reference to the field. The Ashgate Research Companion to Imperial Germany Edited by MattHEW JEFFERIES University of Manchester, UK © Matthew Jefferies 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. Matthew Jefferies has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the editor of this work. Published by Ashgate Publishing Limited Ashgate Publishing Company Wey Court East 110 Cherry Street Union Road Suite 3-1 Farnham Burlington, VT 05401-3818 Surrey, GU9 7PT USA England www.ashgate.com British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The Ashgate research companion to Imperial Germany / edited by Matthew Jefferies. pages cm Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4094-3551-8 (hardcover) – ISBN 978-1-4094-3552-5
    [Show full text]
  • Thl3 CONSERVA- and the PRUSSLGN Francease, 1917-1918
    WE SHALL NOT LEAVE WXTHOUT A FIGHT': THl3 CONSERVA- AND THE PRUSSLGN FRANCEaSE, 1917-1918 A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Guelph In partial Witof requirements for the degree of Master of Arts December, 1998 O Adam Sumun, 1998 National Library Bibliothèque.nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 355 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawatON K1AW OrtawaON K1AW Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Li"brary of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distriiuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othenirise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. 'WE SHALL NOT LEAVE WITHOUT A FIGHT': THE CONSERVATIVES AND THE PRUSSIAN FRANCHISE, 19 17- 19 18 Adam Sumun Advisor: University of Guelph Professor Eric G. Reiche This thesis is an examination of the Prussian Conservatives' opposition to the equai suffrage during the years 19 17- 19 18. This study was designed to demonstrate that the Conservatives, despite the increasing need for reform created by the war and the sacrifices of the Germans.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Novembre 1917
    1 novembre 1917 Un nouveau chancellier en Allemagne: von Hertling Le monde politique en Allemagne est considérablement excité par deux facteurs importants: la reddition des Russes et l’échec récent à sortir l’Italie de la guerre, malgré le succès militaire de Caporetto. Les diplomates croient que l’attaque de l’Italie est une erreur et que l’exploitation des territoires conquis à la Pologne et la Russie empêche les meilleures relations susceptibles d’aider l’Allemagne contre ses adversaires. Le Parlement regagne donc de son influence et remplace le chancellier Georg Michaelis qui avait été mis en place au début de l’année par le Haut Commandement militaire. Hertling est un civil de 75 ans élu par compromis. Georg von Hertling ne s’oppose pas aux militaires, mais il représente la volonté des parlementaires pour que les relations internationales retombent aux mains des ministres civils et diplomates. Il aura finalement peu d’influence dans le va-et-vient des affaires courantes de l’Allemagne, divisée par des factions souvent muselées, mais énergiques. — Les relations civiles-militaires en Allemagne vont au gré des batailles tant militaires que politiques. Sources : Goerlitz, History of the German General Staff, p. 191; Fischer, War Aims. p. 439-40; http://dictionnaire.sensagent.leparisien.fr/Georg%20von%20Hertling/fr-fr/ Pour en savoir plus : https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georg_von_Hertling Friends of the Canadian War Museum – Les Amis du Musée canadien de la guerre https://www.friends-amis.org/ © 2020 FCWM - AMCG 2 November 1917 The Balfour Declaration of 2 November 1917 On 2 November 1917, Arthur Balfour, former Conservative Prime Minister of Great Britain and Foreign Secretary in Lloyd George’s Second Coalition Cabinet, sent a letter to Lord Rothschild, important London financier and patriarch of the British Jewish community, outlining the Government’s policy in regard to Palestine.
    [Show full text]
  • Brockdorff-Rantzau As the Weimar Republic's First Foreign Minister
    University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Student Work 1-1-1967 Count and democrat ; Brockdorff-Rantzau as the Weimar Republic's first foreign minister Marilyn Senn Moll University of Nebraska at Omaha Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork Recommended Citation Moll, Marilyn Senn, "Count and democrat ; Brockdorff-Rantzau as the Weimar Republic's first foreign minister" (1967). Student Work. 407. https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/studentwork/407 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Student Work by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. iI ^ "COUNT AND DEMOCRAT" BROCKDORFF-RANTZAU AS THE WEIMAR REPUBLIC'S FIRST FOREIGN MINISTER A Thesis Presented to the Department of History and the Faculty of the Graduate College University of Omaha In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts by Marilyn Senn Moll January 1967 UMI Number: EP73045 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI EP73045 Published by ProQuest LLC (2015). Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O.
    [Show full text]
  • 11 War and Revolution
    11 War and revolution Jeffrey Verhey It is a war of such power and tension as the world has never seen. All our physical and intellectual powers have fused together in this war, are heightened to their limits. Natural powers have become weapons of defence and destruction. The war is not just being fought in the field. The press, trade, the complete economic and intellectual life is fighting; everything has become attack and defence. In the nations involved, all aspects of life are at war. War has become the total meaning and the only purpose … We are no longer the same people we were at the beginning of the war, and we can no longer return to those we were, we must move forward. The outbreak of the war hit us like an earthquake, shook our very foundations and, as if by a flood, we are being carried away to new shores. We have no connection any more with who we were, with how we lived.1 Johannes Müller, a Protestant pastor, wrote these lines in late 1914 in his capacity as editor of Die Grünen Blätter (The Green Leaves)—a religious magazine that sought to counsel churchgoers in their daily lives. Before the war, Müller had often commented, sometimes quite whimsically, on the dangers to civilization posed by modernity. In 1914, like many of his contemporaries, Müller embraced the war as a fascinating experience, as a great, historic epoch: life for all Germans would never be the same. Müller did not state—as most contemporaries did not—how people had changed, or what the future would bring.
    [Show full text]
  • Das Japanische Preussen- Bild in Historischer Perspektive
    Das japanische Preußen-Bild in historischer Perspektive DAS JAPANISCHE PREUSSEN- BILD IN HISTORISCHER PERSPEKTIVE NAKAI Akio 1. EINLEITUNG In den ersten Jahren der nationalsozialistischen Herrschaft in Deutsch- land vertrat unser Klassenlehrer in der Volksschule noch die Ansicht, Japan sei das Großbritannien Asiens. Beide Staaten bestünden aus Inseln, nicht weit vom Festland entfernt. Außerdem habe sich Japan im 19. Jahrhundert, zwar etwas später als England, aber doch als erstes unter den asiatischen Ländern, zu einem modernen Industriestaat entwickelt. Ähnlich hatte sich schon 1764 Immanuel Kant in seinen Betrachtun- gen über die „Nationalcharaktere, insofern sie auf dem unterschiedlichen Gefühl des Erhabenen und Schönen beruhen“, bezüglich Japans geäu- ßert: Die Japonese(n) können gleichsam als die Engländer des Welttheils angesehen werden, aber kaum in einer anderen Eigenschaft, als ihrer Standhaftigkeit, die bis zur äußersten Halsstarrigkeit ausartet, ihrer Tapferkeit und Verachtung des Todes (KANT 1968: 252). Oftmals aber wurden die Japaner auch mit den Preußen verglichen, da sie angeblich genauso standhaft und tapfer seien. Noch in den 1960er Jahren hörte ich in Deutschland die Beurteilung der Japaner als „Preußen Ostasi- ens“, und die „Waffenbrüderschaft“ im Zweiten Weltkrieg verklärte so manches Mal den Blick für den gemeinsamen Weg in die Katastrophe. Ähnlich positiv war die Haltung Japans gegenüber dem Verbündeten während der gemeinsamen Kriegführung von Hochachtung geprägt, die aber auch propagandistisch mißbraucht wurde. Die Streitkräfte der Ach- senmächte waren schon zwei Jahre nach dem Beginn des Pazifischen Krieges in eine aussichtslose Lage geraten, und für Japan war das Mutter- land selbst der Gefahr amerikanischer Luftangriffe ausgesetzt, nachdem die Amerikaner die Marianen-Inseln im Juni 1944 erobert hatten.
    [Show full text]
  • ENGLISH SUMMARIES LEE Eun-Jung
    English Summaries ENGLISH SUMMARIES NAKAI Akio THE JAPANESE IMAGE OF PRUSSIA IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE In 1861, Japan and Prussia concluded a Treaty of Friendship and Com- merce and commenced their diplomatic relations. When Germany was unified in 1871 with the Prussian King as Emperor of the new German state, the Meiji-Restoration had taken place in Japan. Following the model of Prussian reform, the Meiji Government carried forward the rapid modernization of Japan under the slogan “Fukoku kyôhei” (enrich the nation and strengthen the military). Since Japan’s leadership admired Prussia it followed its example in many fields. Thus the monarchy, bu- reaucracy and military came to bear a close resemblance to the Prussian system. However, owing to German participation in the Triple Interven- tion after the Sino-Japanese War in 1895 and the rise of “Yellow Peril” hysteria in Germany, relations cooled down and during World War I, Japan declared war on Germany. Soon after the war, Japan developed cordial relations with the Weimar Republic. When the Nazis seized pow- er, Japan considered that the Prussian tradition would be better valued by this regime. At the same time, militarism was on the rise in Japan. A military alliance was formed with Germany and both countries were driven to ruin in 1945. LEE Eun-Jung “A CONFUCIAN IDEAL STATE” THE RECEPTION OF CONFUCIANISM IN GERMANY’S EARLY ENLIGHTENMENT During the early Enlightenment the reception of Confucianism in Germa- ny was very positive. Philosophers like Leibniz, Wolff and Justi saw in the Chinese state, which was based on the principles of Confucian philoso- phy, the realization of an ideal state.
    [Show full text]
  • Namensverzeichnis Von Straßen, Plätzen Und Anlagen in Darmstadt Mit Erläuterungen Zur Benennung
    Namensverzeichnis von Straßen, Plätzen und Anlagen in Darmstadt mit Erläuterungen zur Benennung Suchen: <STRG> <F> Name Erläuterung Lage im Zeitpunkt der Stadtgebiet Benennung Achatweg Benannt nach dem Edelstein Innenstadt 27. Februar 2002 Adelungstraße Bernhard Adelung (1876-1943), gelernter Schriftsetzer, 1923-1933 Hessi- Innenstadt Benennung 1945 scher Staatspräsident Adenauerplatz Dr. Konrad Adenauer (1876-1967), Deutscher Bundeskanzler von 1949- Stadtteil Eberstadt 10. Januar 1973 1963 Adolf-Spieß-Straße Adolf Spieß, geb. 1810 (Lauterbach), gest. 1858 (Darmstadt)), "hessi- Innenstadt *) scher Turnvater", Begründer des Schulturns, geboren in Lauterbach, Stu- dium der Theologie. International namhafter Förderer der Leibesübungen, wurde 1848 beauftragt, den Turnunterricht an allen hessischen Schulen einzuführen Ahastraße Benannt nach dem früher gegenüber vorhandenen Durchblick (Aha!) in Innenstadt *) der Umfriedung des Prinz-Emils-Gartens Akazienweg Baumart Innenstadt 21. August 1959 Alarich-Weiss-Straße Alarich Weiss (1925-1995), Professor für Physikalische Chemie an der Innenstadt 19. Juni 2013 Technischen Hochschule Darmstadt (heute: Technische Universität), Pio- nier der magnetischen Resonanz Albert-Schweitzer-Anlage Dr. Albert Schweitzer (1875-1965), Arzt und Forscher Innenstadt 3. April 1968 Albinmüllerweg Albin Müller (1871-1941), Architekt, entwarf u. a. das Löwentor am Ein- Innenstadt 24. Juni 1987 gang zur Rosenhöhe Albrechtstraße Benennung erfolgte aus einer Vorschlagsliste der Arheilger Bezirksverwal- Stadtteil Arheilgen
    [Show full text]
  • The Postwar Transformation of German Protestantism
    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Carolina Digital Repository FAITH AND DEMOCRACY: POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS AT THE GERMAN PROTESTANT KIRCHENTAG, 1949-1969 Benjamin Carl Pearson A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History. Chapel Hill 2007 Approved by: Dr. Konrad H. Jarausch Dr. Christopher Browning Dr. Chad Bryant Dr. Lloyd Kramer Dr. Terence McIntosh ©2007 Benjamin Carl Pearson ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ABSTRACT BENJAMIN CARL PEARSON: Faith and Democracy: Political Transformations at the German Protestant Kirchentag, 1949-1969 (Under the direction of Konrad H. Jarausch) In the decades following World War II, German Protestants worked to transform their religious tradition. While this tradition had been previously characterized by rigidly hierarchical institutional structures, strong nationalist leanings, and authoritarian political tendencies, the experiences of dictatorship and defeat caused many Protestants to question their earlier beliefs. Motivated by the desire to overcome the burden of the Nazi past and by the opportunity to play a major role in postwar rebuilding efforts, several groups within the churches worked to reform Protestant social and political attitudes. As a result of their efforts, the churches came to play an important role in the ultimate success and stability of West German democracy. This study examines this transformation at the meetings of the German Protestant Kirchentag, one of the largest and most diverse postwar gatherings of Protestant laity. After situating the Kirchentag within the theological and political debates of the immediate postwar years, it focuses on changing understandings of the role of the church in society, the pluralization of Protestant political attitudes, and the shift from national to international self-understandings within the churches.
    [Show full text]
  • In the Service of Kaiser and King: State Sovereignty, Nation-Building
    In the Service of Kaiser and King: State Sovereignty, Nation-Building, and the German Army, 1866-1918 By Gavin Wiens A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto © Copyright by Gavin Wiens, 2019 In the Service of Kaiser and King: State Sovereignty, Nation-Building, and the German Army, 1866-1918 Gavin Wiens Doctor of Philosophy Department of History University of Toronto 2019 Abstract From its creation during the Wars of Unification (1864-71) until its defeat at the end of the First World War, the German army remained a federal institution. To be sure, the imperial constitution recognized the Kaiser as commander-in-chief of Germany’s land forces. Under the Kaiser’s direction, the Prussian war ministry prepared the military budget and the Prussian General Staff drafted operational plans for future wars. A patchwork of military agreements nevertheless limited the authority of the Kaiser and Prussia’s military leaders over nearly one- quarter of the German army. According to these agreements, separate war ministries, cadet schools, and general staffs oversaw the arming, clothing, feeding, housing, and training of Bavarians, Saxons, and Württembergers, while the monarchs of Germany’s three smaller kingdoms determined personnel appointments, the deployment of units, and even the design of insignia and uniforms. The army’s contingent-based structure ensured that Prussians and non-Prussians served alongside, but only rarely with, one another after 1871. Based on research in archives and libraries in Germany, Austria, England, and the United States, this dissertation explores the means by which the smaller armies of Bavaria, ii Saxony, and Württemberg were integrated into Prussia’s much larger military structure after 1871 and seeks to understand why the German army, burdened by numerous loyalties and overlapping spheres of control, did not simply fall apart during the First World War.
    [Show full text]
  • Adolf Hitler from Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia
    Create account Log in Article Talk Read View source View history Adolf Hitler From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia "Hitler" redirects here. For other uses, see Hitler (disambiguation). Navigation Adolf Hitler (German: [ˈadɔlf ˈhɪtlɐ] ( listen); 20 April 1889 – 30 April 1945) was an Austrian-born Main page Adolf Hitler German politician and the leader of the Nazi Party (German: Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Contents Arbeiterpartei (NSDAP); National Socialist German Workers Party). He was chancellor of Featured content Germany from 1933 to 1945 and dictator of Nazi Germany (as Führer und Reichskanzler) from Current events 1934 to 1945. Hitler was at the centre of Nazi Germany, World War II in Europe, and the Random article Holocaust. Donate to Wikipedia Hitler was a decorated veteran of World War I. He joined the German Workers' Party (precursor of the NSDAP) in 1919, and became leader of the NSDAP in 1921. In 1923, he attempted a coup Interaction d'état in Munich, known as the Beer Hall Putsch. The failed coup resulted in Hitler's imprisonment, Help during which time he wrote his memoir, Mein Kampf (My Struggle). After his release in 1924, Hitler About Wikipedia gained popular support by attacking the Treaty of Versailles and promoting Pan-Germanism, Community portal antisemitism, and anti-communism with charismatic oratory and Nazi propaganda. After his Recent changes appointment as chancellor in 1933, he transformed the Weimar Republic into the Third Reich, a Contact Wikipedia single-party dictatorship based on the totalitarian and autocratic ideology of Nazism. Hitler's aim was to establish a New Order of absolute Nazi German hegemony in continental Toolbox Europe.
    [Show full text]