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Thl3 CONSERVA- and the PRUSSLGN Francease, 1917-1918

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Thl3 CONSERVA- and the PRUSSLGN Francease, 1917-1918 WE SHALL NOT LEAVE WXTHOUT A FIGHT': THl3 CONSERVA- AND THE PRUSSLGN FRANCEaSE, 1917-1918 A Thesis Presented to The Faculty of Graduate Studies of The University of Guelph In partial Witof requirements for the degree of Master of Arts December, 1998 O Adam Sumun, 1998 National Library Bibliothèque.nationale du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographie Services services bibliographiques 355 Wellington Street 395, rue Wellington OttawatON K1AW OrtawaON K1AW Canada Canada The author has granted a non- L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Li"brary of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or sell reproduire, prêter, distriiuer ou copies of this thesis in microfom, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/nlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or othenirise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son permission. autorisation. 'WE SHALL NOT LEAVE WITHOUT A FIGHT': THE CONSERVATIVES AND THE PRUSSIAN FRANCHISE, 19 17- 19 18 Adam Sumun Advisor: University of Guelph Professor Eric G. Reiche This thesis is an examination of the Prussian Conservatives' opposition to the equai suffrage during the years 19 17- 19 18. This study was designed to demonstrate that the Conservatives, despite the increasing need for reform created by the war and the sacrifices of the Germans. clung to the three-class franchise which they believed to be the most efficient way in preserving their privileged position in Prussia, and Pmssia's dominant position in the Empire. The findings of this study indicate that the Conservatives used dl possible methods and tactics to delay reforms, when possible; and if not, to favour any compromise that did not include equai suffrage. Not only did they denounce the actions of the Social-Democrat Party (SPD)on the question; they also openly opposed the government. The arguments brought forward by the Conservatives demonstrate how out of touch they were with the political and social situation of twentieth century Europe. TABLE OF CONTENTS Table of Contents Glossary (xAFrER ONE INTRODUCTION: "The Signïficance of the Russian Franchise Question" CHAPTER TWO: 'The Kaiser Speaks. The Franchise from the Easter Message to the Jdy Decree." CHAPTER THREE: "Changesin the ChanceUonhip, but the Course Remains the same. From July to December 19 17." CHAPTER FOUR: "From Hope to Defeat. The last Year of the War. " C)iAPTER FTVE: Conclusion Bibliography Abgeordnetenhaus: Pnissian Lower House. Alldeutscher Verband: Pan-German League Bund der Lundwir~e(BdL): Agrarian League founded in 1893 to defend agridniral interests of The League was controiied early on by the Conservatives, but was more radical that the Conservative Party dwing the war. Burgfreden: Political tmce apdupon by al1 political parties at the outbreak of the war. DCG: Deputy Cornmanding General, military comrnanders of Germany's districts. DKP ( Deutschkonservarive Parter?: Gelman Conservative Party- Herrenhaus: Prussian Upper House. Junker: Landed nobility of East Prussia. Kriegpresseamt: War Office Press established in 1915 to regdate the press. Landrag: Prussian legislative Houses that included the Herrenhaus and Abgeordnetenhaus. Minelstand: German comparable term for middle-clâss. OHL (Oberste Heeresleitung): German Amy High Command. Oberzensurstelfe:Supreme Censorship Office established in 19 14 to control the press. Reichstag: Federai House of deputies. SPD (SozialdernokratischePartei Deutschlands): German Social Democratic Party. USPD ( Unabhkgige Sotialdernokrarie Partei Derfiscfan&):Gennan Independent Socialist Party that split from the SPD in April of 1917. Vorwarts: SPD's main newspaper. Wahlkreise: EIectoral districts. Wahlmiinner.In Pnissia state elections were indirect; eligible voters in each class elected the Wahlmanner who in hum elected deputies of the Abgeordnerenhaus. mRONE INTRODUCTION: "TEE S1GNIFI:CANCE OF THE PRUSSIAN FRANCHISE QU]ESTION" In the years preceding the First World War no political refonn was more debated and controversial in Pmssia than the the-class franchise. Based on one's annual income, the franchise used to elect deputies of the Lower House (Abgeordnetenhuus) conferred mure voting power on the weakhiest members of society. Introduced in 1850 in response to the Revolution of 1848, the suffrage did not correspond, on the eve of the First World War, to the econornic, social and political situations of a predorninantly industrialized state like Prussia.' Reforming the hanchise was not only dernanded by the parties of the ~eft~,but the Pmssian govemment also recognized continuation of the status quo was not acceptable and proposed different refonn proposals in the two decades preceding the war.' The governrnent's proposals were not satisfactory to the SPD which was, with the Progressive Pw,the only puty advocating an equal, direct and universal franchise; however, even minor reforms were considered too radical by the Conservative Party which used its strength in the Abgeordnetenhaw (with the help of other political parties) to successfully oppose any significant changes. Thus. on the eve of the war the fmnchise divided the political actors in Prussia between those who opposed reforming the fianchise and those who wanted changes, but could not agree on their extent. The outbreak of the war in August of 1914 significantly influenced the debates on the Prussian franchise. The govemment and the political parties agreed to put their differences aside and show a united front on the war effort. By 1915 the SPD, believing that refom would be the I The eastern provinces of Pnissia were predominantiy rurai (with the exception of Silesia) but the most populous States in Western Prussia (Westphaiia, Rhineland and the surroundings of Berlin in Brandenburg) were indusûialized and with large cities. 'The Social Dernocrat Party (SPD),the Progressive Party and to a certain extent the left fraction of the National Liberal Party (NL), See pp. 7- 10. reward for its support of the war effort, demanded changes to the franchise but the Pnissian govemment was at first only willing to ailow general discussions on the suffrage. The Revolution in Russia and the overthrow of the Tsarkt monarchy worried the Pnissian govemment and, fearing radicalization of the workers, the Minister-President (and Reich ChancelIor) Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg convinced the King to announce in his Easter Message of 1917 that the suffrage would be refomed. The Conservative Party did not acknowledge the need for these reforms and was confident that it had enough support in the Abgeordnetenhaus to oppose changes that would include an equai franchise. The war made the party less willing to compromise and they interpreted good news from the front as having the effect of increasing the prestige of the rnonarchy, the myand the ruling elite, and thus rendenng reforms unnecessary, just as the victorious war of 1866 against Austria had solved a sirnilar political crisis. When the rnilitary situation worsened, the Conservatives, under the impression that their privileged position in Prussia was threatened, opposed changes to the the-class suffrage more vehemently. Thus. the Conservatives' view of the rnilitary situation left no room for compromises or substantial reforms. The unwiilingness of the government to take radical measures in reforming the franchise. such as the dissolution of the Abgeordnetenhaus, had the consequence that the Conservatives remained intransigent until the very 1st week of October 1918. In doing so the Conservatives not only weakened the monarchy but were also partially responsible for the abdication of Wilhelm II in November. The study of the Pmssian threeclass franchise has been the object of a few studies by historians. Reinhard Patemann, who in his book looked specifically at the franchise during the war, provides the most thorough analysis by giving a good and balanced account of the involvement of the government, political parties, army and interest g0u~s.5Fritz Klein's 4 Patemann, Reinhard, Der Kampf um die Preussische Wahlrefonn im Ersten Weltkrieg, Düssetdorf, 1964. collection of essays includes an article by Helmuth Wekr on the suffrage in 1917-1918.' In a short and concise manner the author surrimarizes the question of the fianchise. Helrnuth Weber's Manrist view rnakes him cntical of the political actors in the debate; not surprisingly. his most vehement attacks are airned at the SPD, accusing the party as more interested in cooperating with the govemment than figfiting for an equai franchise in Pmssia. Thomas Kuhne recently wrote two books on the Pmssian franchise. The fmt one covers the years 1867-19 14 with nothing on the war; while the second work, though covering the period 1914-1918, is more a statistical analysis of the voting process with information on the percentage of voters in each class, the voting share each party received and the name of elected deputies6 Those are essentiaily the only works that focus primarily on the three-class suffrage. Recent studies on imperid Germany and Pmssia largely ignore the suffrage question and tend CO leave out the important years of the war. Volker Berghahn's recent study of the Wilhelmine era is a clear example of an omission of the years 1914-1918.~Even the inclusion of the war years in gened studies of hperial Germany does not necessady mean more attention is paid to the franchise. Wolfgang Mommsen touches the question of the franchise in less than one paragraph in his book on Imperial ~erman~?Thomas Nipperdey gives a good summary of the question of politicai refom during the war, including the democratization of the Reich institutions and reform to the Russian fran~hise.~However, the space allotted to the three-class suffrage is short when compared to the length of the two volumes.
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