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Los Estados Confederados De America: Caracter Nacional Y Politica Exterior Haciamexico, 1861

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Los Estados Confederados De America: Caracter Nacional Y Politica Exterior Haciamexico, 1861 SECOENClfi Secuencia (2000), 48, septiembre-diciembre, 137-150 Revistadehistorjaycienciassociales ISSN: 0186-0348, ISSN electrónico: 2395-8464 DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.18234/secuencia.v0i48.710 Los estados confederados de America: caracter nacional y politica exterior haciaMexico, 1861 Gerardo Gurza Lavalle INSTITUTO MORA Al inicio de la guerra de secesion en Estados Unidos, los estados confederados trataron de legitimar su lucha independentista mediante la consagraci6n de ciertos principios, valores y creencias que debfan constituir la base ideo16gica de la nueva naci6n. Esa ideologfa nacional ejerci6 una influencia considerable en la actuaci6n de la efimera republica surefia en la escena internacional y, particularmente, en sus relaciones con Mexico. urante la guerra civil de Esta­ mundial es ya un presupuesto de acep­ dos Unidos, los estados sure­ taci6n generalizada. D nos trataron de conservar los Sin embargo, entre los numerosos principios ideol6gicos que les propor­ factores internos que cuentan con el cionaban una identidad y una justifi­ potencial para Influir tanto en el dlse­ caci6n para aspirar a la independencia. no de una determinada politica exte­ El analisis del ambtto intemo se ha rior, como en el curso de las relaciones convertido, desde hace ya algunas de­ de una naci6n con otra, no todos han cadas, en una preocupaci6n hasta cier­ merecido la misma atenci6n por parte to punto habitual de los estudiosos de de los historiadores. La comprensible las relaciones internacronales. Al mar­ tendencia a establecer jerarquias ha gen de las distintas preferencias de en­ conducido a los especialistas de este foque, la certeza de que los problemas campo a desdefiar aquellos elementos del entorno dornestico desempefian que no se prestan facilmente al trazo siempre un papel importante en la ac­ de relaciones de causalidad directa y tuaci 6n de los paises en la escena que, por lo mismo, no parecen de­ 137 Secuencia, nueva epoca nurn. 48, sept.-dic. 2000 sernpefiar un papel central. Una de las asi como la necesidad de definir y reafir­ victimas principales de ese desden ha si­ mar lo que para efectos practicos puede do la Ideologia, pues su presencia en los denominarse como caracter nacional, estudios de historia diplomatica ha que­ han interventdo de rnanera constante dado por lo cornun subordinada con en el comportamiento intemacional de respecto a otros factores. Estados Unidos.2 En el caso de la historiografia esta­ Esto no equivale a decir que deba­ dunidense, si bien las tesis del realis­ mos confiar al examen de la ideologia mo no gozan ya de la vigencia que la tarea de producir una version comple­ alguna vez tuvieron, se ha conservado tamente nueva de la historia diplomatica cierta resistencia a considerar a la tdeo­ de Estados Unidos. Las relaciones in­ logia como una de las principales fuer­ temacionales, como cualquier otro pro­ zas en la determinacion de la politica ceso historico, escapan a la tirania de un exterior. Esto se manifiesta cuando se factor determinante unico. Sin embar­ toma en cuenta que aun las corrientes go, reconsiderar el papel de la ldeologia historiograflcas mas inclinadas al anali­ y poner un enfasis mayor en ella bien sis del ambito intemo, como la nueva puede abrir nuevas perspectivas y con­ izquierda, otorgaron a la ideologia un tribuir a incrementar nuestra compren­ papel de segundo orden, reconocien­ sion de ciertos problemas. dola urucamente como un cornple­ En las siguientes paginas elaborare­ mento de los intereses economicos, al mos un analisis del vinculo entre ideo­ suponerse que estos constitufan el logia, polltica exterior y diplomacia en resorte fundamental de la diplomacia un episodio especifico: las relaciones de Washington.1 del Sur con Mexico al inicio de la gue­ A pesar de lo anterior, el ejemplo rra civil estadunidense. estadunidense es quiza uno de los mas Desde varios anos antes de tornar el notables e interesantes en cuanto a la camino de la secesi6n en 1861, los es­ repercusion que ciertos elementos tdeo­ tados meridlonales de la Union habian Iogicos pueden tener en el desemperio iniciado la dificil tarea de confeccionar intemacional de las naciones. Practica­ una ldeologia nacional propia. Sabre mente desde el momenta en que Esta­ todo a partir de 1850, una elite de es­ dos Unidos alcanz6 su independencia, critores, intelectuales, periodistas y po­ dio inicio la construccion de una Iden­ liticos, hicieron lo posible para llamar tidad nacional basada en el mito del la atencion del publico sabre aquellos excepcionalismo y en la convtccion de rasgos de la sociedad surena que mas la que la flamante republica estaba llamada distinguian de su contraparte septen­ a realizar .una misi6n liberadora y civili- trional. Este esfuerzo por definir con la zadora en el mundo. Esta fe en una su­ mayor precision posible un conjunto perioridad institucional, moral y social de caracteristicas propias estaba dirigi­ (con toda una serie de valores cultura­ do a cumplir dos funciones esenciales: les y elementos ideol6gicos Implicitos), por una parte, convencer a la pobla­ 1 Ninkovich, "Ideology", 1982, pp. 187­189. 2 Hunt, Ideology, 1987, pp. 3­17. 138 GERARDO GURZA LAVALLE SECOENClfi Revistadehistorjaycienciassociales ci6n surefia de su unicidad cultural y ldeologia surefia. Sin embargo, puede fundamentar asf un sentimiento nacio­ sostenerse que el ideario de los esta­ nalista en ciernes: y por la otra, pro­ dos meridionales fue edificado, en me­ porcionar a la comunidad internacio­ dida considerable, sobre estos tres pi­ nal un cumulo de evidencia sociologl­ lares. ca de su individualidady, por ende, de Debe hacerse menci6n, asimismo, su viabilidad como futura naci6n.3 De de un elemento que, si bien no podfa esta manera, al resaltarse una serie de equipararse en importancia con los tres principios basados en la experiencia anteriores, tenia una indudable presen­ hist6rica, social y cultural de la region, cia en el pensamiento de la regi6n: el gradualmente fue cobrando forma un expansionismo. Los estados surefios nucleo ideol6gico definido, cuyos com­ habian tenido razones pollticas y eco­ ponentes de mayor relieve pueden re­ n6micas de mucho peso para buscar la sumirse asf: anexi6n de territorios en Mexicoy en el a) La convicci6nde que la esclavitud Caribe. La motivaci6n politica mis evi­ de la raza negra era algo positivo, mo­ dente obedecia al temor de convertirse ralmente intachable y tan benefice para en una minoria en el gobiemo federal, el propietario como para el esclavo. especialmente a raiz de la admisi6n de b) Una fe absoluta en la doctrina de California como estado libre en 1850, los derechos estatales, la cual prescribfa hecho que marc6 la desaparici6n del un maximo de autonomia para los go­ equilibria Norte­Sur en el Senado.5 En biernos locales y una esfera de acci6n el aspecto econ6mico, el deseo de con­ estrictamente acotada para la autoridad tar con una mayor reserva de tierras pro­ federal, reconociendo s6lo las atribu­ picias para el cultivo del algod6n tam­ ciones que el texto constitucional oror­ bien.daba lugac a una intensa ambici6n gaba a esta de manera clara y explicita. por adquirir nuevos territorios. 6 Pero c) La certeza de ser, y de continuar mis alla de los indiscutibles fundamen­ siendo, una sociedad agraria apegada a la vida rural y a sus caracteristicas: 5 Hasta 1850, tanto el Norte como el Sur tu­ opuesta a la urbanizaci6n, la industria­ vieron el mismo mimero de senadores. En cam­ lizaci6n y sus inquietantes consecuen­ bio, en la camara de representantes el equilibrio se habia rota desde rnuchos aiios antes debido cias sociales tal como estas empezaban al acelerado incremento demograflco en los a manifestarse en el Norte.4 estados libres. Por ello, el Ingreso de California Sabra decir que existian otros ele­ a la Uni6n fue percibido por el Sur coma una mentos y que esta simplificaci6n de amenaza a sus intereses y dio lugar a tentativas ninguna manera pretende dar cuenta de recuperar el equilibria de poder regional mediante la ane.xi6nde nuevos territorios. cabal de algo tan complejo como la 6 Las motivaciones econ6micas del expan­ sionismo han generado un interesanre debate historiograflco, en cuyo analisis no es posible 3 En estos aspectos, el ejemplo sureiio es si­ detenerse en esta breve expostcion. Baste aquf milar al de muchos otros nacionalismos decl­ con decir que es indiscutible que drculos influ­ mon6nicos. Vease Smith, Tbeories, 1983, p. 215. yentes de politicos, plantadores y perlodistas 4 Para esta esquematizaci6n nos basamos en percibian la anexi6n de territorios como una Thomas, Confederacy, 1972, pp. 1­22. necesidad para la viabilidad a largo plazo de! Los ESTADOS CONFEDERADOS DE AMERICA 139 SECOENClf! Revimadehistoriaycienciassociales tos pracncos que alimentaban el fervor famoso periodista britanico que visit6 expansionista, el Sur habfa desarrolla­ la Confederaci6n al comienzo de la gue- do su propia version del Destino Mani­ rra civil, registro en su diario de viaje fiesto, con un programa de redenci6n las observaciones de un ciudadano su­ de los pueblos atrasados de Mexico y el reno acerca del caracter de su pueblo: Caribe que contemplaba la introduc­ ci6n del trabajo esclavo y el estableci­ Nosotros somos un pueblo de agricul­ miento del dominio de la raza blanca. tores [ ... ] No tenemos ciudades ni de­ El expansionismo, como un proyecto seamos tenerlas [ ... ] No tenemos marina grandioso, prefiado de posibilidades y comercial ni marina de guerra y tam­ poco las queremos. Estamos mejor sin promesas de todo tipo, sedujo la imagi­
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