In the United States District Court for the District of Colorado

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

In the United States District Court for the District of Colorado Case 1:16-cv-02986-WYD-NYW Document 11-1 Filed 12/09/16 USDC Colorado Page 1 of 19 IN THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLORADO Civil Action No. 1:16-cv-02986-WYD-NYW POLLY BACA and ROBERT NEMANICH Plaintiffs v. JOHN W. HICKENLOOPER JR., in his official capacity as Governor of Colorado, CYNTHIA H. COFFMAN, in her official capacity as Attorney General of Colorado, and WAYNE W. WILLIAMS, in his official capacity as Colorado Secretary of State. Defendant. INTERVENOR COLORADO REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE'S MEMORANDUM IN OPPOSITION TO PLAINTIFFS' MOTION FOR TEMPORARY RESTRAINING ORDER AND PRELIMINARY INJUNCTION Plaintiffs, who have been elector candidates since April 16 and who have been electors since November 8, filed this lawsuit in December, seeking to change the ground rules under which the Electoral College operates only days before the College meets. Those ground rules— enacted by Colorado and most other States in the exercise of their “plenary” power (McPherson v. Blacker, 146 U.S. 1, 25 (1892)) to “direct” the “manner” of appointing electors (U.S. Const. art. II, § 1)—require electors to vote for the winner of the State’s popular vote. Plaintiffs’ last- minute effort to upend these laws threatens to disrupt the orderly transition of power that our nation embraces, notwithstanding President Obama’s instruction to his team to “work as hard as Case 1:16-cv-02986-WYD-NYW Document 11-1 Filed 12/09/16 USDC Colorado Page 2 of 19 [they] can to make sure that this is a successful transition.”1 On both procedural and substantive grounds, Plaintiffs’ eleventh-hour request for extraordinary relief should be denied. A. Laches Bars Plaintiffs’ Claims Laches bars a claim if (1) the plaintiff engages in “inexcusable delay” and (2) “prejudice” results. In re Centric Corp., 901 F.2d 1514, 1519 (10th Cir. 1990). In the fast-paced context of elections for public office, even a delay of “days” may be too long. Martin v. Dicklich, 823 N.W. 2d 336, 341 (Minn. 2012). Today’s case is a textbook example of inexcusable delay in bringing an election-related challenge. Plaintiffs became candidates for elector eight months ago, “on April 16, 2016,” Compl. ¶ 11. Plaintiffs knew then that Colorado required electors to vote for the winner of the State’s popular vote. Colo. Rev. Stat. § 1-4-304(5). Four months ago, in July, Donald Trump became the Republican nominee and Hillary Clinton became the Democratic nominee for President. Plaintiffs knew then that one of those candidates would win Colorado’s electoral votes, and that one would be elected President. And a month ago, on November 8, Secretary Clinton won the Colorado popular vote, while Mr. Trump won a majority of the country’s electoral votes. Plaintiffs knew then that Colorado law precluded them from conspiring to thwart the will of Colorado voters (by not voting for the state winner) and indeed the nation as a whole (by instigating a plot to elect neither Clinton nor Trump). Plaintiffs missed opportunity after opportunity to file this lawsuit. Did they sue after joining their party’s electoral slates? No. Did they sue after learning who the presidential 1 https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-politics/wp/2016/11/10/obama-to-welcome-trump- to-white-house-for-first-meeting-since-election/?utm_term=.72299e60ca98 2 Case 1:16-cv-02986-WYD-NYW Document 11-1 Filed 12/09/16 USDC Colorado Page 3 of 19 nominees were? No. Did they sue immediately after the presidential election? No. Plaintiffs waited until the last possible moment to run to court. They have no excuse for this delay. Plaintiffs’ delay has gravely prejudiced millions of Coloradans. In the months leading up to November 8, Colorado voters endured a lengthy, expensive, hard-fought Presidential election. The voters reflected and debated about the candidates’ qualifications, records, and plans. And on November 8, they cast their ballots—on the understanding that state law required the electors to respect their will. They surely expected their collective choice would be honored when the Electoral College meets this December. Yet days before that meeting, Plaintiffs brought suit to upend the laws on which voters relied in casting their ballots. And the prejudice does not stop at the Colorado state line. Rather, by disrupting the presidential transition, Plaintiffs’ delay threatens our nation as a whole. The Presidential Transition Act of 1963 declares that “[t]he national interest requires” orderly presidential transitions and that “[a]ny disruption” in a transition “could produce results detrimental to the safety and well-being of the United States and its people.” Pub. Law 88-277, § 2. The Act thus provides for the transition to begin immediately after the general election in November. Id. § 3(c). For weeks, therefore, the President-Elect and his Transition have been reviewing potential appointees, preparing draft legislation, and coordinating efforts with President Obama, Congress, and dozens of federal agencies—all in reliance on state laws guaranteeing that electors will vote on December 19 in accordance with their States’ popular votes. Plaintiffs seek to upset those deep reliance interests weeks after the election. Laches bars Plaintiffs from doing so. 3 Case 1:16-cv-02986-WYD-NYW Document 11-1 Filed 12/09/16 USDC Colorado Page 4 of 19 B. Purcell v. Gonzalez Bars Plaintiffs’ Request For An Election-Related Injunction. In Purcell v. Gonzalez, 549 U.S. 1, 4 (2006), the Supreme Court held that courts should generally refrain from issuing election-related injunctions “just weeks before an election.” Election-eve orders risk “serious disruption of [the] election process” (Williams v. Rhodes, 393 U.S. 23, 35 (1969)), and “conflicting orders” can cause “confusion” (Purcell, 549 U.S. at 4–5). In addition, the “imminence of the election” creates an unacceptable risk of inaccurate decisionmaking, since the court may have “inadequate time” to resolve disputes. Id. at 5. Courts must thus “carefully guard against judicial alteration of the status quo” shortly before an election and in recent election cycles “the Supreme Court has stepped in to prevent such alterations several times.” Veasey v. Perry, 769 F.3d 890, 894 (5th Cir. 2014). These principles apply to the impending meeting of the Electoral College. Last-minute orders and last-minute appeals would throw the Electoral College into chaos by leaving electors uncertain about their obligations under state law. In addition, it would be irresponsible for a court to resolve the momentous question of constitutional law posed by this case (and, potentially, to strike down an Act of Congress and multiple state statutes) with the benefit of (at most) only a few days to study the relevant text, precedents, and history. These problems— which result from Plaintiffs’ own tardiness—preclude judicial intervention now. C. Plaintiffs Lack Standing To Bring Their Claims. Article III allows a federal court to hear a case only if the plaintiff establishes standing. Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, 504 U.S. 555, 560 (1992). Plaintiffs cannot do so here, because they do not even allege (let alone prove) that they intend to violate the statute they challenge. 4 Case 1:16-cv-02986-WYD-NYW Document 11-1 Filed 12/09/16 USDC Colorado Page 5 of 19 One essential element of standing is injury-in-fact—a “concrete and particularized” and “actual or imminent” harm. Id. To establish injury-in-fact “in the context of a pre-enforcement challenge” to a statute, a plaintiff must establish (among other things) “an intention to engage in a course of conduct . proscribed by the [challenged] statute.” Colo. Outfitters Ass’n v. Hickenlooper, 823 F.3d 537, 545 (10th Cir. 2016) (quoting SBA List v. Driehaus, 134 S. Ct. 2334, 2342 (2014)). Indeed, the plaintiff must have “concrete plans” to engage in the proscribed conduct. Lujan, 504 U.S. at 564. This principle reflects the commonsense notion that a statute cannot concretely and imminently injure someone who does not plan to violate it. Courts routinely enforce these principles. For example, in Brady Campaign v. Brownback, 110 F. Supp. 3d 1086, 1097–98 (D. Kan. 2015), the court denied standing because the plaintiff lacked “concrete plans to engage in conduct proscribed by the Act.” The plaintiff asserted only the “possibility” of engaging in the conduct, a “conjectural” suggestion that “f[ell] well short” of satisfying Article III. Id. at 1098. Similarly, in San Diego Gun Rights Committee v. Reno, 98 F.3d 1121, 1127 (9th Cir. 1996), a plaintiff’s allegation that it “wish[ed] and intend[ed] to engage in [prohibited] activities” did not suffice, since the plaintiffs had failed to “articulate[e] concrete plans.” So too in Jones v. Schneiderman, 101 F. Supp. 3d 283, 295 (S.D.N.Y. 2015), where a plaintiff who “potentially” sought to violate a statute also lacked standing, as that “indeterminate commitment” “d[id] not rise to the level of a concrete plan.” Here, Plaintiffs lack even a bare intention (never mind a concrete plan) to violate Colorado’s Presidential Elector Statute. Colorado requires Plaintiffs to vote for Hillary Clinton and Tim Kaine—the candidates who won Colorado’s popular vote. Notably, however, Plaintiffs never say that they will not vote as required. They allege that they “may vote” for someone other 5 Case 1:16-cv-02986-WYD-NYW Document 11-1 Filed 12/09/16 USDC Colorado Page 6 of 19 than Clinton and Kaine. Compl. ¶ 18 (emphasis added). They declare that “it may be that [they] need to vote for someone other than” Clinton and Kaine. Baca Aff. ¶ 13; Nemanich Aff. ¶ 13 (emphasis added). In fact, they admit that they “may vote for” Clinton and Kaine after all.
Recommended publications
  • The Electoral College: What Is It Good For?
    University of Tennessee, Knoxville TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange Supervised Undergraduate Student Research Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects and Creative Work Spring 5-1998 The Electoral College: What Is It Good For? Jason D. Spain University of Tennessee - Knoxville Follow this and additional works at: https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj Recommended Citation Spain, Jason D., "The Electoral College: What Is It Good For?" (1998). Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects. https://trace.tennessee.edu/utk_chanhonoproj/282 This is brought to you for free and open access by the Supervised Undergraduate Student Research and Creative Work at TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Chancellor’s Honors Program Projects by an authorized administrator of TRACE: Tennessee Research and Creative Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AppendixD- UNIVERSITY HONORS PROGRAM SENIOR PROJECT - APPROVAL N a me: ------Ja.J:..£Q---a--~rg~-n--------------------------­ ColI e g e: _k:.L.~il£.Ll..__________ Dep a r tm e n t: _&i21~__ 1cL!l7"';'a.LJf_4E.:,:.J_ Fa cuI ty Men tor : ___''2.1f.f!LJ-y-_L~L2~:::H: .. 2. _________________________ _ p R OJ E C TTl TLE : __:t::6..r __ £.h:~f_qj__ £~e..:f5!l":' __ i::c:.~e.J.-t_iL __ Lt______ _ ____ ~~~~_J~£_? ____________________ _ I have reviewed this completed senior honors thesis with this student and certify that it is a project commensurate with honors level undergraduate research in this field. :', A1/\ '" 'v\OY\ Y :J N0fV\ e5 Signed: __-Jlv§Lb~-:Q",_}k~~S- __ ----, Faculty Mentor Date: __~ll7_1~.1J~'l~------ Comments (Optional): I" \,\, S ; ") ~ OGd COV'<3" 0..1 \A \d\-\ \ov\ $ · 27 The Electoral College: What Is It Good For? Jason D.
    [Show full text]
  • Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress
    Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Updated October 6, 2017 Congressional Research Service https://crsreports.congress.gov R43824 Electoral College Reform: Contemporary Issues for Congress Summary The electoral college method of electing the President and Vice President was established in Article II, Section 1 of the Constitution and revised by the Twelfth Amendment. It provides for election of the President and Vice President by electors, commonly referred to as the electoral college. A majority of 270 of the 538 electoral votes is necessary to win. For further information on the modern-day operation of the college system, see CRS Report RL32611, The Electoral College: How It Works in Contemporary Presidential Elections, by Thomas H. Neale. The electoral college has been the subject of criticism and proposals for reform since before 1800. Constitutional and structural criticisms have centered on several of its features: (1) although today all electors are chosen by the voters in the presidential election, it is claimed to be not fully democratic, since it provides indirect election of the President; (2) it can lead to the election of candidates who win the electoral college but fewer popular votes than their opponents, or to contingent election in Congress if no candidate wins an electoral college majority; (3) it results in electoral vote under- and over-representation for some states between censuses; and (4) “faithless” electors can vote for candidates other than those they were elected to support. Legislative and political criticisms include (1) the general ticket system, currently used in all states except Maine and Nebraska, which is alleged to disenfranchise voters who prefer the losing candidates in the states; (2) various asserted “biases” that are alleged to favor different states and groups; and (3) the electoral college “lock,” which has been claimed to provide an electoral college advantage to both major parties at different times.
    [Show full text]
  • Brief of Amicus Curiae Professor Robert W. Bennett in Support of State Parties ______
    Nos. 19-465, 19-518 IN THE Supreme Court of the United States ___________ PETER BRET CHIAFALO, LEVI JENNET GUERRA, AND ESTHER VIRGINIA JOHN, Petitioners, v. STATE OF WASHINGTON, Respondent. ___________ COLORADO DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Petitioner, v. MICHEAL BACA, POLLY BACA, AND ROBERT NEMANICH, Respondents. ___________ On Writs of Certiorari to the Supreme Court of Washington and the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit ___________ BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE PROFESSOR ROBERT W. BENNETT IN SUPPORT OF STATE PARTIES ___________ JEFFREY T. GREEN J. SAMUEL TENENBAUM* SARAH O’ROURKE SCHRUP BLUHM LEGAL CLINIC NORTHWESTERN SUPREME NORTHWESTERN PRITZKER COURT PRACTICUM SCHOOL OF LAW 375 East Chicago Ave. 375 East Chicago Ave. Chicago, IL 60611 Chicago, IL 60611 (312) 503-0063 (312) 503-4808 s-tenenbaum@ law.northwestern.edu Counsel for Amicus Curiae April 8, 2020 * Counsel of Record TABLE OF CONTENTS Page TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................. ii INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE ...................... 1 INTRODUCTION ................................................. 2 I. ELECTOR DISCRETION CONTRA- VENES VOTER EXPECTATIONS ............. 5 A. The presidential ballot form in most states encourages and affirms voters’ expectations that casting a ballot direct- ly selects candidates for president and vice president of the United States .......... 5 B. The Tenth Circuit decision will invite additional constitutional litigation ......... 9 II. THE TENTH CIRCUIT DECISION IN- VITES CHAOS ............................................. 10 A. Faithless voting among electors would lead to democratic instability and unrest ....................................................... 10 B. Faithless electors who alter the outcome of an election would damage confidence in the electoral process and the incoming administration ......................................... 12 C. A system that embraces faithless elec- tors is one that courts lobbying and cor- ruption .....................................................
    [Show full text]
  • A History of Maryland's Electoral College Meetings 1789-2016
    A History of Maryland’s Electoral College Meetings 1789-2016 A History of Maryland’s Electoral College Meetings 1789-2016 Published by: Maryland State Board of Elections Linda H. Lamone, Administrator Project Coordinator: Jared DeMarinis, Director Division of Candidacy and Campaign Finance Published: October 2016 Table of Contents Preface 5 The Electoral College – Introduction 7 Meeting of February 4, 1789 19 Meeting of December 5, 1792 22 Meeting of December 7, 1796 24 Meeting of December 3, 1800 27 Meeting of December 5, 1804 30 Meeting of December 7, 1808 31 Meeting of December 2, 1812 33 Meeting of December 4, 1816 35 Meeting of December 6, 1820 36 Meeting of December 1, 1824 39 Meeting of December 3, 1828 41 Meeting of December 5, 1832 43 Meeting of December 7, 1836 46 Meeting of December 2, 1840 49 Meeting of December 4, 1844 52 Meeting of December 6, 1848 53 Meeting of December 1, 1852 55 Meeting of December 3, 1856 57 Meeting of December 5, 1860 60 Meeting of December 7, 1864 62 Meeting of December 2, 1868 65 Meeting of December 4, 1872 66 Meeting of December 6, 1876 68 Meeting of December 1, 1880 70 Meeting of December 3, 1884 71 Page | 2 Meeting of January 14, 1889 74 Meeting of January 9, 1893 75 Meeting of January 11, 1897 77 Meeting of January 14, 1901 79 Meeting of January 9, 1905 80 Meeting of January 11, 1909 83 Meeting of January 13, 1913 85 Meeting of January 8, 1917 87 Meeting of January 10, 1921 88 Meeting of January 12, 1925 90 Meeting of January 2, 1929 91 Meeting of January 4, 1933 93 Meeting of December 14, 1936
    [Show full text]
  • What's Wrong with Bush V. Gore and Why We Need to Amend the Constitution to Ensure It Never Happens Again Jamin B
    Maryland Law Review Volume 61 | Issue 3 Article 7 What's Wrong with Bush v. Gore and Why We Need to Amend the Constitution to Ensure it Never Happens Again Jamin B. Rasking Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr Part of the Politics Commons Recommended Citation Jamin B. Rasking, What's Wrong with Bush v. Gore and Why We Need to Amend the Constitution to Ensure it Never Happens Again, 61 Md. L. Rev. 652 (2002) Available at: http://digitalcommons.law.umaryland.edu/mlr/vol61/iss3/7 This Conference is brought to you for free and open access by the Academic Journals at DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Maryland Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UM Carey Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. WHAT'S WRONG WITH BUSH V. GORE AND WHY WE NEED TO AMEND THE CONSTITUTION TO ENSURE IT NEVER HAPPENS AGAIN JAMIN B. RASKIN* I. Disenfranchisement as Remedy, Vote-Counting as H arm ................................................... 652 A. A Political Question Raised By a Candidate Without Standing ............................................ 653 B. And If It Had Been Gore v. Bush? ................... 660 C. Bush v. Gore: Hypocrisy and Reaction; Moral Expressivism and Legal Realism .................... 668 1. Moral Realism and Moral Expressivism ......... 670 2. Moral Realism and Legal Realism at Odds ...... 673 3. Hypocrites or Reactionaries ..................... 676 II. The People's Missing Right to Vote ..................... 679 A. The Missing Right to Vote in House and Senate Elections: Disenfranchisement in the District ....... 682 B. Territorial Subjects: The People of Puerto Rico, American Samoa, Virgin Islands, Guam ............
    [Show full text]
  • COLORADO DEPARTMENT of STATE, Petitioner, V
    No. 19-518 In the Supreme Court of the United States COLORADO DEPARTMENT OF STATE, Petitioner, v. MICHEAL BACA, POLLY BACA, AND ROBERT NEMANICH, Respondents. On Writ of Certiorari to the United States Court of Appeals for the Tenth Circuit BRIEF OF AMICUS CURIAE COLORADO REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE IN SUPPORT OF PETITIONER JULIAN R. ELLIS, JR. Counsel of Record CHRISTOPHER O. MURRAY BROWNSTEIN HYATT FARBER SCHRECK, LLP 410 17th Street, Suite 2200 Denver, CO 80202 (303) 223-1100 [email protected] Attorneys for Amicus Curiae i QUESTIONS PRESENTED 1. Whether a presidential elector who is prevent- ed by their appointing State from casting an Elec- toral College ballot that violates state law lacks standing to sue their appointing State because they hold no constitutionally protected right to exercise discretion. 2. Does Article II or the Twelfth Amendment for- bid a State from requiring its presidential electors to follow the State’s popular vote when casting their Electoral College ballots. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page QUESTIONS PRESENTED ..................................... i TABLE OF CONTENTS .......................................... ii TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ................................... iii INTEREST OF AMICUS CURIAE ......................... 1 SUMMARY OF THE ARGUMENT ......................... 2 ARGUMENT .............................................................. 5 I. Political Parties’ Involvement in Selecting Nominees for Presidential Elector Is Constitutionally Sanctioned and Ubiquitous. ..... 5 A. States have plenary power over the appointment of presidential electors. ............ 5 B. Ray v. Blair expressly approved of pledges to political parties by candidates for presidential elector. ................................ 14 II. State Political Parties Must Be Allowed to Enforce Pledges to the Party by Candidates for Presidential Elector. ..................................... 17 CONCLUSION ......................................................... 22 iii TABLE OF AUTHORITIES Page(s) Cases Cal.
    [Show full text]
  • Faithless Electors: Keeping the Ties That Bind
    Fordham Law Review Volume 88 Issue 5 Article 14 2020 Faithless Electors: Keeping the Ties That Bind Scott Eckl Fordham University School of Law Follow this and additional works at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr Part of the Election Law Commons Recommended Citation Scott Eckl, Faithless Electors: Keeping the Ties That Bind, 88 Fordham L. Rev. 1923 (). Available at: https://ir.lawnet.fordham.edu/flr/vol88/iss5/14 This Note is brought to you for free and open access by FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. It has been accepted for inclusion in Fordham Law Review by an authorized editor of FLASH: The Fordham Law Archive of Scholarship and History. For more information, please contact [email protected]. NOTES FAITHLESS ELECTORS: KEEPING THE TIES THAT BIND Scott Eckl* Every four years, the United States chooses a president and vice president. Millions of Americans exercise the right to vote, believing that they are voting for the candidates of their choice. In actuality, 538 relatively unknown party insiders known as electors officially choose the president a month later in fifty-one obscure meetings. Most of the time, these electors mirror the popular votes. However, whether these electors are required to do so and whether the states can enforce laws requiring them to do so are open questions. The Tenth Circuit recently declared statutes that bind electors unconstitutional. A few months before that decision, the Washington State Supreme Court ruled that these laws and their enforceability are constitutional. This Note identifies the arguments for each position, analyzes the strengths and weaknesses of each position, and identifies any issues not considered either by legal scholars or by the courts.
    [Show full text]
  • 41-1-125-Rosin-Pdfa.Pdf (862.0Kb)
    A History of Elector Discretion MICHAEL L. ROSIN* In its opinion in Chiafalo v. Washington, the Supreme Court disposes of the actual history of elector discretion as too inconsequential to merit its serious analysis. A history of elector discretion not only includes a history of the electors who exercised discretion when casting electoral votes, it also in- cludes a history of commentary on the role of electors as the Constitution was created and, more importantly, as Congress was attempting to amend it. The Court almost completely ignores this history. When Congress crafted the Twelfth Amendment in 1803 it recognized that “the right of choice [of pres- ident] […] devolve[s] upon” the House of Representatives from the Electoral College. Section 4 of the Twentieth Amendment twice repeats this text. As the House Committee reporting the Twentieth Amendment reported it to the full House in 1932 it acknowledged that electors are free to exercise discretion. Earlier versions of this Article served as the primary input to amicus briefs filed in the author’s name in Chiafalo. This Article reviews the relevant epi- sodes of congressional history as well as election history to demonstrate that Congress has never understood the Constitution to allow electors to be bound with legal consequences. * Michael L. Rosin is an independent scholar. M.A., University of Pittsburgh, 1976; M.Sc. (Econ.), London School of Economics, 1975; A.B., University of Chicago, 1973. Ear- lier versions of this Article served as the primary input to amicus briefs filed in Chiafalo v. Washington and Colo. Dep’t of State v.
    [Show full text]
  • Proposals to Reform Our Presidential Electoral System: a Survey Of
    LC 14*2/!L:9'1-/5~ port No. 84-150A 780 1107 PROPOSALS TO REFORM OUR PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORAL SYSTEM: A SURVEY OF THE HISTORICAL BACKGROUND AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE ELECTORAL COLLEGE, AND A COMPILATION OF PROPOSALS TO REFORM IT, WITH PRO AND CON ANALYSES GOVERNMENT DOCUMENTS COUECTtON Thomas M. Durbin Legislative Attorney American Law Division August 1, 1980 Updated August 1, 1984 The Congressional Research Senice works exclusivelv for the Congress, conducting research. analvzing legdaticn. and providing information at the request of committees, hlern- bers, and their staffs. The Service makes such research available, without parti- san bias, in many forms including studies, reports, compila- tions, digests, and background briefings. Upon request, CRS assists committees in analyzing legslative proposals and issues, and in assessing the possible effects of these proposals and their alternatives. The Service's senior specialists and subject analysts are also available for personal consultations in their respective fields of expertise. CRS -iii ABSTRACT Tnie report discusses the present nethod of electin6 the President by the dlectoral Gollege. This report discusses the various state laws relating to the nomination and election of Presidential electors. The various proposals to reform the 2resent system of electing the President are discussed. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This report is essentially concerned with the proposals to reform the present Electoral College system. The first part of the report pertains to the introduction, background, and history of the Elector a1 College . The problem of the faithless elector is discussed. Also discussed are the pro- cedures for filling any vacancy if a presidential or vice presidential candi- date or a president-elect or a vice president-elect were to die.
    [Show full text]
  • The Illegitimate President: Minority Vote Dilution and the Electoral College
    The Illegitimate President: Minority Vote Dilution and the Electoral College Matthew M. Hoffmant CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION ........................... .......... 936 11.RACIAL PoLmcs AND THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM ............. A. The Constitutional Framework ....................... B. The Winner-Take-All System ........................ C. Race, PresidentialPolitics, and the Winner-Take-All Rule .... 1. Strom Thurmond and the "Dixiecrat" Campaign of 1948 . 2. The Free Elector Movement of 1960 ................ 3. The Wallace Campaign of 1968 and the Rise of the Republican South ........................... 957 4. Racial Politics and Present-Day Campaigns .......... 959 III. APPLICATION OF THE VOTING RIGHTS ACT TO THE ELECTORAL SYSTEM ............................. 962 A. ConstitutionalAuthority ........................... 965 B. Statutory Authority ............................... 974 IV. THE § 2 ANALYSIS ........................ ......... 978 A. Legal Standards ....................... ......... 979 1. Numerosity and GeographicalCompactness ......... 980 2. Political Cohesion .................. ......... 984 3. White Bloc Voting ................... ......... 988 4. The Totality of the Circumstances ........ ......... 995 B. Some Specific Examples ................. ......... 999 1. Alabama ......................... ........ 1000 2. California ........................ ........ 1002 t A.B., Harvard University, 1991; J.D., Yale Law School, 1995. I would like to thank a number of people whose comments and suggestions either directly or indirectly contributed
    [Show full text]
  • The Electoral College
    When Americans go to the polls on Nov. 3 to vote in the presidential election, they will really be voting for their state’s representatives to the Electoral College. On Dec. 14, the 538 electors will meet in their respective states to vote. Their signed ballots will be sent to The Electoral College Congress to be counted on Jan. 6, 2021. A candidate needs 270 electoral college votes to win the presidency. Allocation of electors NH Each state receives a number of electors equal to the number of senators and Electors per state On this map, each square represents one Electoral House representatives it has. Therefore, the current allocations, based on the 2010 College vote, making states with more Electoral census, will be used for the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections. Washington, D.C., VT ME College votes appear larger. which has no congressional representatives, was granted the same number of electors as the least populous state (currently 3) by the 23rd Amendment to the MA Constitution. Because every state has two senators regardless of population, some states have NY CT disproportional representation in the Electoral College, compared to their WA RI population. MI OR Most populated MN WI PA NJ ND State Electors People per elector OH MT SD IA California 55 677,345 ID WY NE MD DE IL IN WV Texas 38 661,725 NV UT CO KS VA Won by MO New York 29 668,210 CA KY Hillary Clinton OK NC in 2016 Florida 29 648,321 AZ NM AR TN Illinois 20 641,531 SC Won by MS AL Donald Trump LA GA Least populated TX in 2016 Wyoming 3 187,875 DC Washington, D.C.
    [Show full text]
  • NCCUSL Drafting Committee on Presidential Electors Act From: Robert Bennett, Reporter
    MEMORANDUM To: NCCUSL Drafting Committee on Presidential Electors Act From: Robert Bennett, Reporter Attached hereto are two versions of a uniform law on the problem of faithless presidential electors—electors who vote for presidential or vice-presidential candidates other than the candidates for those offices of the political party that nominated the electors. The first version (“Version One”) addresses the problem frontally, prohibiting faithless votes and then directing the relevant state officers to submit a full complement of faithful votes, even if one or more electors have attempted to vote faithlessly in violation of the state prohibition. The second (“Version Two”) addresses the problem somewhat more indirectly, requiring electors to sign a pledge to vote faithfully, and then, should any electors attempt to violate the pledge they have taken, providing for substitute electors who in turn are required to sign a pledge and vote accordingly until a full set of compliant votes is obtained. After an Introduction that explains the emergence and nature of the problem of faithless electors, this Memorandum discusses various issues that one or both versions addresses. It also seeks to draw attention to some issues not addressed in the two versions. A. Introduction: Situating the Problem of Faithless Electors. Each state is entitled to a number of presidential electors equal to its total representation in the United States House of Representatives and in the Senate. (Under the Twenty-Third Amendment, the District of Columbia is entitled
    [Show full text]