Ethics, Medicine and Public Health (2015) 1, 44—51
Available
online at ScienceDirect
www.sciencedirect.com
DOSSIER ‘‘ABUSE’’ /Studies
Fifty years of political abuse of
psychiatry — no end in sight
50 ans de maltraitance politique par la psychiatrie — pas de fin en vue
R. van Voren
Human Rights in Mental Health-FGIP, Postbus 1956, 1200 BZ Hilversum, The Netherlands
Received 5 September 2014; accepted 7 December 2014
Available online 4 April 2015
KEYWORDS Summary In October 1989, the General Assembly of the World Psychiatric Association (WPA)
Medical ethics; accepted the Soviet psychiatric association back conditionally, after having been forced to
Human rights; leave the organization six years earlier because of systematic abuse of psychiatry for political
International law; purposes. Three weeks later, the Berlin Wall came tumbling down, and in 1991, the Soviet Union
Political repression; itself ceased to exist. However, over the past years, an increasing number of reports on the
Soviet Union internment of political activists in former Soviet republics made people realize that 25 years
after the decision of the WPA, political abuse of psychiatry still has not been eradicated. Using
psychiatry as a means of repression has been a particular favorite of totalitarian regimes with
a communist State ideology. Cases have been reported from other countries as well, including
Western democratic societies, yet nowhere else has it been developed into a systematic method
of repression. While probably the overwhelming majority of Soviet psychiatrists were unaware
that they had become part of a perfidious system to treat dissenters as psychiatrically ill on
the orders of the Party and the KGB, there is also ample evidence that the core group of
architects of the system knew very well what they were doing. When the USSR disintegrated,
the practice of using psychiatry against political opponents virtually ceased to exist. What came
in its place, however, was a very disturbing collection of other forms of abuses, including human
rights abuses due to lack of resources, outdated methods of treatment, lack of understanding
of human individual rights and a growing lack of tolerance in society. Starting this century, the
number of individual cases of political abuse of psychiatry has increased, in particular, over the
past few years in Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. The issue of Soviet political abuse of psychiatry
had a lasting impact on world psychiatry. It triggered the discussions on medical ethics and the
E-mail address: [email protected]
http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jemep.2014.12.001
2352-5525/© 2015 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.
Psychological and legal interventions for domestic violence 45
professional responsibilities of physicians (including psychiatrists), resulting in both national
and international declarations and ethical codes that address the interface between human
rights, professional responsibilities of physicians and medical ethics.
© 2015 Elsevier Masson SAS. All rights reserved.
MOTS CLÉS Résumé En octobre 1989, l’Assemblée générale de l’Association mondiale de psychiatrie
(WPA) acceptait le retour conditionnel de l’Association psychiatrique soviétique, après avoir
Éthique médicale ;
été forcée de quitter l’organisation six ans plus tôt pour abus systématique de la psychiatrie à
Droits de l’Homme ;
des fins politiques. Trois semaines plus tard, le mur de Berlin s’écroulait, et en 1991, l’Union
Loi internationale ;
soviétique elle-même cessait d’exister. Cependant, au cours des dernières années, un nombre
Répression politique ;
croissant de rapports sur l’internement de militants politiques dans les anciennes républiques
Union soviétique
soviétiques faisait prendre conscience que, 25 ans après la décision de la WPA, l’utilisation de
la psychiatrie à des fins politiques était loin d’être éradiquée. Cette utilisation de la psychi-
atrie comme moyen de répression a été particulièrement appréciée des régimes totalitaires
d’obédience communiste. Des cas ont aussi été signalés dans d’autres pays, y compris dans
les sociétés démocratiques occidentales, mais nulle part ailleurs n’ont été développés comme
méthode systématique de répression. Bien que sans doute l’écrasante majorité des psychiatres
soviétiques ne savaient pas qu’ils étaient devenus partie d’un système pervers pour traiter les
dissidents comme malades mentaux sur les ordres du Parti et du KGB, de nombreuses preuves
montrent que les architectes du système savaient très bien ce qu’ils faisaient. Lorsque l’URSS
s’est désintégrée, l’utilisation de la psychiatrie contre les opposants politiques a pratique-
ment cessé d’exister. À sa place, cependant, une série troublante d’autres formes d’abus, des
violations des droits de l’homme dues au manque de ressources, des méthodes dépassées de
traitement, un manque de compréhension des droits humains individuels et une baisse crois-
sante de tolérance dans la société. Depuis quelques années, le nombre de cas individuels de
maltraitance politique en psychiatrie a augmenté, en particulier en Russie, en Biélorussie et au
Kazakhstan. La question de la maltraitance politique de la psychiatrie soviétique a eu un impact
durable sur la psychiatrie mondiale. Il a déclenché des discussions sur l’éthique médicale et les
responsabilités professionnelles des médecins (y compris les psychiatres). Il en a résulté des déc-
larations à la fois nationales et internationales et des Codes d’éthique pour définir l’interface
entre les droits, les responsabilités professionnelles des médecins et l’éthique médicale.
© 2015 Elsevier Masson SAS. Tous droits réservés.
Introduction After Athens, developments succeeded each other in
a rapid succession. The USSR disintegrated; former Soviet
Twenty-five years ago, in October 1989, the General Assem- republics became independent and in all of them new
bly of the World Psychiatric Association (WPA) met in Athens psychiatric associations appeared. Most of them became
with one main item on the agenda: the abuse of psychiatry members of the WPA within the next years. By the time the
for political purposes in the USSR and the question whether General Assembly of the WPA convened in Madrid in August
the Soviet association should be allowed to rejoin the orga- 1996, a dozen new associations had joined this international
nization or not. Six years earlier, it had withdrawn from body. Political abuse of psychiatry seemed to be a matter of
membership when it became clear it would otherwise be the past, now only a matter of research for historians and
expelled because of Soviet psychiatry having been turned political scientists.
into a systematic tool of repression. But now, times had However, over the past years an increasing number of
changed: the USSR was opening up, political prisoners were reports on the internment of political activists in former
being released in large numbers and the Soviets claimed the Soviet republics led to a resumed interest in the issue of
abuse had come to an end. A large team of investigators sent the abuse of psychiatry for political purposes [2]. The fact
by the US State Department did not confirm this claim alto- that all these years these abuses were a frequent and ongo-
gether [1], but the winds of change called for leniency and ing practice in, for instance, the People’s Republic of China
thus the Soviets were allowed back conditionally. Coinciden- [3], did not alert the world that this perversion of medical
tally, yet very symbolically, the General Assembly took place science had not come to an end. Rather, it was reports on
the day that GDR-leader Erich Honnecker resigned from his individual cases of such abuses in former Soviet republics
position, and it would be only three weeks until the Berlin such as Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia [2,4], which made
Wall came tumbling down. people realize that 25 years after the World Congress in
46 R. van Voren
Athens, political abuse of psychiatry still had not been erad- are followed as in the case when the person would be sen-
icated. tenced to a term of imprisonment. Only in case of short-term
hospitalizations, these procedures are sometimes bypassed,
in particular, when the internment is somewhere in the
provinces and carried out to ‘‘scare’’ a person into submis-
Why psychiatry?
sion or to settle an old dispute with a local authority.
At the same time, declaring a person mentally ill pro-
According to the definition of the foundation Human Rights
vides a perfect opportunity to dismiss political or religious
in Mental Health — FGIP (formerly the Global Initiative on
beliefs, as they are the product of an ill mind and do not
Psychiatry), ‘‘political abuse of psychiatry refers to the mis-
have to be taken seriously. In particular, in the case of opin-
use of psychiatric diagnosis, treatment and detention for
ions that threaten the prevalent or only-correct ideology (or
the purposes of obstructing the fundamental human rights
religion), authorities find that such a way out is especially
of certain individuals and groups in a given society. The
welcomed, as one can maintain the view that there is no
practice is common in, but not exclusive to, countries gov-
opposition and one has full support of the population. As
erned by totalitarian regimes. In these regimes, human
Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev stated in 1959: ‘‘a crime
rights abuses of those politically opposed to the state are
is a deviation from the generally recognized standards of
often hidden under the guise of psychiatric treatment. In
behavior frequently caused by mental disorder. Can there be
democratic societies, ‘whistle blowers’ on covertly illegal
diseases, nervous disorders among certain people in Commu-
practices by major corporations have been subjected to the
1 nist society? Evidently yes. If that is so, then there will also
political misuse of psychiatry.’’
be offences that are characteristic for people with abnormal
A key question is why authorities resort to the intern-
.
minds [ . .]. To those who might start calling for opposition
ment of political or religious dissenters, or other types of
to Communism on this basis, we can say that [. . .] clearly
‘‘bothersome citizens’’, in mental hospitals. On the basis of
the mental state of such people is not normal’’ [7].
thirty-five years of research and involvement in combating
If we look at the full picture, we see that using psy-
such practices, I have come to the conclusion that in most
chiatry as a means of repression has been a particular
cases, it is a combination of expedience and ideology.
favorite of totalitarian regimes with a ‘‘socialist’’ or com-
Physicians, who are educated in an all-encompassing
munist State ideology. Cases have been reported from other
absolutist system without the possibility to get to know con-
countries as well, including Western democratic societies
trasting views and opinions (as was the case in the Soviet
[8], yet nowhere else has it been developed into a system-
Union) can be convinced that the utilitarian goal of the pre- 2
atic method of repression. An explanation might be found
scribed treatment is correct and that the ‘‘patient’’ needs
in the fact that totalitarian socialist states claim to focus on
to be ‘‘adjusted’’ to the demands of general interest. Also,
the establishment of the ideal society, where all are equal
the dominance of certain scientific paradigms (e.g. in which
and all will be happy, and where a monist view of reality
psychiatry is exclusively a medical, neurobiological disci-
is dominant: we all see the same, think the same and thus
pline) with the accompanying vocabulary (subversive views
act the same. Those who are against this viewpoint must
are symptoms of a mental disorder) and treatment goals
be suffering from a mental disorder. Even worse, the fact
(disciplining and ‘‘adjusting’’ the victim to the prevailing
that one dares to go against an omnipresent ideology and an
political discourse) make it very difficult to allow an alter-
all-powerful state is in itself already suspicious and a sign of
native approach to exist.
madness. Thus, even in the Soviet Union of the 1970s, where
Also, one should not forget that hospitalizing bothersome
many were not happy, only few continued to believe in the
people is a particularly convenient method because hospi-
State ideology, and society was far from ideal; many psy-
talization has no end, no set term, and thus, if need be,
chiatrists still believed that those who dared to turn against
people can be locked away forever, or as long as the person
the regime must have been suffering from a mental illness.
continues to have ‘‘wrong ideas’’ and remains a problem
How else could they explain to themselves that a dissident
to the existing power structure. Interestingly, in the USSR,
was willing to give up his/her own future as well as that of
there seemed to be a correlation between the ‘‘severity’’ 3
their partners and children [9]?
of the ‘‘crime’’ and the length of hospitalization. People
Yet while probably the overwhelming majority of Soviet
who would normally be sentenced to at least seven years
psychiatrists were unaware that they had become part of
in a camp usually spent at least seven years in a psychi-
a perfidious system to treat dissenters as psychiatrically ill
atric hospital, while hospitalization would be shorter if the
accusations concerned lighter violations of the law [5].
One might think that such practices also exclude the
need to have a lengthy pre-trial investigation and a both- 2
The authors put ‘‘socialist’’ on purpose between quotation
ersome court case, but this is in fact almost never the case:
marks in order to stress that socialism as proclaimed by totalitarian
dictatorial or totalitarian regimes tend to be very metic- states, e.g. China or North Korea is fully incompatible with social-
ulous in administrating and documenting their repressive ism as perceived in democratic societies. However, a discourse on
acts (e.g. the detailed administration of the Nazi camp sys- these matters falls outside the boundaries of this contribution.
3
tem [6]), and thus in many cases the same legal procedures One of the psychiatrists the author worked with in Ukraine in the
1990s had been a regional Party organizer in Vinnitsa, and was in
the years 1985—1991 convinced that Gorbachev was suffering from
1
The full text of the relevant position paper can be obtained from ‘‘sluggish schizophrenia’’ because of his reform plans. Only when
FGIP: write to P.O. Box 1956, 1200 BZ Hilversum, The Netherlands, Ukraine became independent in 1991, she realized that this was not
www.gip-global.org. the case.
Psychological and legal interventions for domestic violence 47
on the orders of the Party and the KGB, there is also ample monopoly of the Moscow School of Psychiatry led by Aca-
7
evidence that the core group of architects of the system demician Andrei Snezhnevsky. The diagnosis of ‘‘sluggish
4
knew very well what they were doing. schizophrenia’’ that became Snezhnevsky’s trademark pro-
vided a handy framework to explain ‘‘dissident behavior’’.
According to Snezhnevsky, schizophrenia was much more
prevalent than previously thought because the illness could
Political abuse in the (former) USSR
be present with relatively mild symptoms and only progress
later. In particular, the notion of sluggish schizophrenia
The development of political abuse of psychiatry in the
broadened the scope, because according to Snezhnevsky,
Soviet Union was very much facilitated by this totalitar-
patients with this diagnosis were able to function almost
ian Soviet environment mentioned earlier, which proved to
normally in the social sense. Their symptoms could resemble
be a perfect ‘‘micro-climate’’. Actually, what happened to
those of a neurosis or could take on a paranoid quality. The
psychiatry was in fact no different than the fate of Soviet
patient with paranoid symptoms retained some insight into
biology, where in the 1930s the teachings of Lysenko became
his condition, but overvalued his own importance and might
the only acceptable truth and all other views were literally
exhibit grandiose ideas of reforming society. Thus symp-
banned [10]. For decades, Lysenkoism ruled Soviet biology,
toms of sluggish schizophrenia could be ‘‘reform delusions’’,
and it took a major effort by leading scientists like the
‘‘struggle for the truth’’, and ‘‘perseverance’’.
nuclear physicist Andrei Sakharov and the biologist Zhores
Several scholars analyzed the concepts of sluggish
Medvedev to end the rule of Lysenkoism and bring Soviet
5 schizophrenia in the USSR, and scholarly work that focused
biology back into line with reality. However, this surgical
on this diagnosis. In July 1979, a Moscow psychiatrist, Etely
intervention never happened in psychiatry; in fact, the lead-
Kazanets, surprised the world with an article published in
ership of Soviet totalitarian psychiatry remains in power in
Archives of General Psychiatry [12]. Kazanets strongly criti-
Russian psychiatry to this very day. As a result of this combi-
cized the use of the diagnosis of schizophrenia in his country,
nation of factors, the political abuse of psychiatry, which
directly referring to the theories of the Moscow School of
initially mostly affected intellectual and artistic circles,
Andrei Snezhnevsky: ‘‘Particularly troublesome are cases of
grew into an important form of repression with approxi-
psychosis that lack the characteristic clinical progression of
mately one-third of the dissidents in the 1970s and early
schizophrenia. Some psychiatrists contend that a listing of
1980s being sent to a psychiatric hospital, rather than to a
6 the schizophrenias should include so-called transient, peri-
camp, prison or exile [11].
odic or time-limited schizophrenia, which manifests after
The main turning point was the year 1950, when the
exogenous stresses, but, during periods of transmission,
Pavlovian psychiatric school was declared as the ‘‘one and
leaves ‘hardly any changes in personality, . . . signs of psy-
only’’ acceptable one and all other views on psychiatry
chic weakness having been exhausted’ and can in fact follow
were outlawed. Some of the psychiatric leaders who did not
a relapse course.’’ Kazanets criticized not only the overly
adhere to Pavlov’s theories were even sent to the Gulag.
broad use of the diagnosis, of schizophrenia, but also the
In that year, at a joint meeting of the All-Union Neurologi-
fact that once a person had this diagnosis it was almost
cal and Psychiatric Association and the Academy of Medical
impossible to have this diagnosis revised: ‘‘This resulted
Sciences Pavlov’s behaviorism was enforced as the only
in long and unfounded retention of patients on the dispen-
acceptable ideology of mental health practice and research
sary list . . . Keeping these people on dispensary lists for long
in the Soviet Union. This resulted in a virtually complete
periods constitutes a real threat to their individual rights.’’
This should be altered, he concluded, ‘‘especially in persons
4
For instance, in 2001, Dr. Yakov Landau of the Serbski Institute who have made good social vocational adaptation’’ [12].
said on Polish television that ‘‘the organs (KGB) burdened us with The reaction of Kazanets’ employer, the Serbski Institute
very responsible work [. . .]. They expected us to do what they asked
us to do, and we knew what they expected.’’
5
In 1927, the Soviet newspaper Pravda published an article stating
that a young researcher Trofim Denisovitch Lysenko (1898—1976)
7
had resolved the food shortages in the Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan Andrei Vladimirovich Snezhnevsky, born in 1904 in Kostroma,
by growing peas during the winter season. The food shortage was graduated from the Medical Faculty in Kazan in 1925 and started
caused in the first place by the massive re-allocation of labor force working in the psychiatric hospital in his hometown. In 1938—1941,
from agriculture to industry and threatened to expose the party he was senior scientific associate and deputy director of the Moscow
policy of rapid industrialization as shortsighted. Lysenko’s solution Gannushkin Psychiatric Research Institute. In 1947, he defended his
came at the opportune time to provide a rationale that allowed his dissertation on psychiatry for the elderly under the title ‘‘Senile
deceptive but highly desirable rendition of genetics to rescue the Psychoses’’. During the war, he was first linked to a battalion and
party authority. Unfortunately, the price was disastrous, because then became chief psychiatrist of the First Army. In 1945—1950,
Lysenko’s solution was not only faulty but it also legitimated the he worked as a lecturer at the psychiatric faculty of the Central
abuse of science in the Soviet Union by placing the whole domain Institute for Continued Training of Physicians and for almost two
of research under the jurisdiction of the Communist Party. years (1950—1951) was director of the Serbski Institute. Until 1961,
6
This percentage is based in the files of the International Associ- he was head of the psychiatric faculty of the Central Institute for
ation on the Political Abuse of Psychiatry. However, the KGB itself Continued Training of Physicians. In 1962, he became head of the
reported higher percentages of ‘‘mentally ill’’ dissidents: for exam- Institute for Psychiatry of the Academy of Medical Sciences of the
ple, in a 1976 KGB document found in the Stasi archives, it is USSR, a position he held until his death on July 17, 1987. In addition,
reported that in 1973, a total of 124 persons were arrested for from 1951 onwards, he was chief editor of the Korsakov Journal
these crimes against 89 persons in 1974, in the context of which of Neuropathology and Psychiatry. In 1957, he became a candidate
it is important to note that 50% of these people were mentally ill. Member of the Academy of Medical Sciences, in 1962 a full member.
48 R. van Voren
in Moscow, was swift: Kazanets lost his job. His later fate is their statements and behavior.’’ However, others showed an
unknown. ‘‘extreme social dangerousness and [this formed] the foun-
In 1986, the Canadian psychiatrist Harold Merskey, dation of the recommendation for compulsory treatment in
together with neurology resident Bronislava Shafran, ana- a Special Psychiatric Hospital’’ [14]. A 1982 study by Serbski
13
lyzed a number of scientific articles published in the main psychiatrists Landau and Tabakova was chillingly direct:
Soviet psychiatric publication, the Korsakov Journal of ‘‘Previously conducted study of patients [by Landau and
Neuropathology and Psychiatry [13]. They took two sam- Tabakova] with delusions of reform showed that the content
ple years, 1978 and 1983, and found 37 and 27 articles of such delusional ideas extends beyond the realm of their
respectively that focused on schizophrenia. In these arti- interpretational relations, it always involved various aspects
cles, they concluded that ‘‘the notion of slowly progressive of the life of society as a whole . . . These patients wrote
schizophrenia is clearly widely extensible and is much numerous appeals and complaints to various organizations
.
more variable and inclusive than our own ideas of sim- . . The clinical aspects of the patients’ pathological state
ple schizophrenia or residual defect states. Many conditions as described above, coupled with their sense of psycholog-
which would probably be diagnosed elsewhere as depres- ical (‘offensive’) urgency, and, with their outwardly intact
sive disorders, anxiety disorders, personality disorders or and orderly behavior . . . determined the greatest degree of
hypochondria, seem liable to come under the umbrella of their social dangerousness and made it necessary to refer
slowly progressive schizophrenia in Snezhnevsky’s system’’ them to special psychiatric hospitals . . .’’ [14].
8
[13]. In the mid-1990s, two leading psychiatrists who worked in
Soviet dissident and former political prisoner Semyon Snezhnevsky’s Research Center wrote an analysis, which at
Gluzman [14] carried out even more extensive research in their own request was never published and remained in the
9
the 1980s. In his analysis, he quoted a large number of archives of the organization Human Rights in Mental Health-
14
works by well-known associates of the Serbski Institute, and FGIP. Twenty years later, the text is still of great interest,
in some of these studies, the political ‘‘illness’’ was far and provides a unique insight into Soviet psychiatry, the way
from being camouflaged. While sitting in the Lenin Library the system managed to develop, and the central role Snezh-
in Moscow, he went step-by-step through Serbski Institute nevsky played in all of this. In their work, the authors put
publications, in particular analyzing dissertations and other the role and position of Snezhnevsky against the backdrop of
scientific studies by staff members. His results were no a totalitarian Stalinist society, where each and every branch
less shocking. In his analysis, he quoted a large number of society was dominated by one leader, one school, and
of works by well-known associates of the Serbski Insti- one leading force. The authors assumed that Snezhnevsky’s
10 11
tute like Margaretha Taltse, Yakov Landau, and Tamara school became the leading one simply because one or the
12
Pechernikova. In some of these studies, the political other direction in Soviet psychiatry had to fulfill that role,
‘‘illness’’ was far from camouflaged, for example, patients and the choice fell on Snezhnevsky. However, the willing-
who were considered to be ill because of ‘‘excessive reli- ness of Snezhnevsky to answer the ‘‘needs’’ of the Soviet
giosity’’ [14]. Another study quoted by Gluzman concludes: security organs undoubtedly played a significant role in this.
‘‘compulsory treatment in an ordinary psychiatric hospital According to the authors, the political abuse of psychi-
may be recommended for patients with schizophrenia with atry started much earlier than is generally assumed: ‘‘it
delusional ideas of reform, who show a diminished level of started when the State used the paternalistic tradition of
activity and in whom we can observe a difference between Russian psychiatry and forced the psychiatrists to impose
a certain way of life on their patients.’’ The needs of the
patient became secondary to the needs of the state and its
‘‘planned economy’’, a subjugation that was in fact no dif-
8
The outcome of the article is also of importance today, when ferent than in other parts of Soviet life. The consequences
new victims of political abuse of psychiatry in Russia are diag-
were initially not far-reaching. For example, a doctor dis-
nosed as having a ‘‘personality disorder’’, which seems to have
charges a patient before treatment is actually completed,
replaced sluggish schizophrenia as the brand mark, e.g. in the case
not because the patient can go home, but because otherwise
of the members of the music group ‘‘Pussy Riot’’. And, not only
the patient stays away from work too long; this in turn could
in Russia does this aspect of Soviet psychiatry prevail. In Ukraine,
negatively affect the statistical success-rate of the mental
a researcher of the Kyiv Institute of Psychiatry was recently told
health institution itself, which contravenes the ‘‘interests
he was suffering from ‘‘reform delusions’’ when he suggested to
of the State’’. However, in the course of time this practice
the director of Dnepropetrovsk Special Psychiatric Hospital that the
institution was outdated and needed thorough reform.
9
Semyon Gluzman, born in 1946, was arrested in 1971 and spent
ten years in camp and exile for his ‘‘in absentia’’ diagnosis of Gen-
13
eral Pyotr Grigorenko. He currently lives in Kyiv, Ukraine, and is Anna Iosifovna Tabakova, associate of the Serbski Institute,
President of the Ukrainian Psychiatric Association. involved in the cases of, a.o., Yuri Shikhanovich and Ivan Yakhi-
10
Margarita Feliksovna Taltse, head of the Fourth (Political) movich.
14
Department of the Serbski Institute after Daniil Lunts (died 1977), Initially this unique book, titled ‘‘Psychiatry, psychiatrists and
involved in quite a few cases, including Yuri Shikhanovich, Ivan society’’, was to be published by Geneva Initiative on Psychiatry, but
Yakhimovich, Vyacheslav Igrunov, Iosip Terelya. subsequently shelved at the request of the authors because of direct
11
Yakov Lazerevich Landau, associate of the Serbski Institute, threats that if the book would be published they, their partners
involved in the cases of, a.o., Pyotr Egides and Gederts Melngaitis. and offspring would lose their jobs and possibility to ever work in
12
Tamara Pechernikova, associate of the Serbski Institute, involved psychiatry again. However, considering the nature of the study and
in cases such as Natalya Gorbanevskaya, Vyacheslav Igrunov and Ivan the fact that twenty years have passed, the author decided to quote
Yakhimovich. the manuscript, keeping the authors anonymous.
Psychological and legal interventions for domestic violence 49
slowly but surely encompassed more political reasons. For
The post-Soviet period
instance, one of the authors describes receiving a phone call
from the local Party organs, asking him to postpone the dis- In 1991, when the USSR imploded and all fifteen Soviet
charge of a patient for two weeks ‘‘because we don’t want republics gained or regained their independence, the domi-
to run the risk of having a Communist festivity disturbed’’. nance of communism as the only-permitted ideology ended.
For a psychiatrist who did not want to be in trouble and who With it disappeared this monistic view on reality, and thus
was part of a highly hierarchical controlling power structure, one of the main preconditions for the existence of a system
it became virtually impossible not to fulfill such a seemingly of political abuse of psychiatry.
innocent request. Indeed, the practice of using psychiatry against political
One should not forget that Soviet psychiatrists had little opponents virtually ceased to exist. Some cases sur-
chance to escape the all-pervasive control by the Communist faced, notably in 1996 in Turkmenistan and in Uzbekistan.
Party and its organs because of their three-fold dependency What came in its place, however, was a very disturb-
on the Soviet state: scientifically, because their research ing collection of other forms of abuses, including human
work depended on their allegiance to the Soviet authorities; rights abuses due to lack of resources, outdated methods
politically, because they had to organize their professional of treatment, lack of understanding of human individ-
life and interact with authorities so as not to lose their sup- ual rights and a growing lack of tolerance in society
port; and economically, as private practice did not exist and [17].
they were all employees of the State. People in leadership Although on the outside the political climate in the
positions could not just be successful in leadership: ‘‘that former Soviet republics might have changed, in the minds
. .
.
success depended on other conditions; those who were of the citizens much of the psychological climate remained
able to maintain the necessary interactions with the author- unaltered. As a result, the effect of a monistic worldview
ities had the biggest chance of making a career. For that, continued to dominate societies in most of the former Soviet
they had to fulfill a multitude of requirements. Next to spe- republics. Especially in Central Asian republics, the Rus-
cific personal qualities that were necessary to be able to sian Federation and Belarus, the psychological climate of
maintain contacts with specific Party officials, there were the Soviet period has remained by and large the same,
also other demands, in particular having a character by the and in some, the communist ideology was replaced by
book’’ [15]. In other words, one had to understand that a nationalist or even neo-fascist world view that is as
‘‘Befehl ist Befehl’’ and orders should not be questioned. totalitarian as its predecessor [18]. One should also note
Another factor that helped to impose political abuse of that in these countries the reform movement in mental
psychiatry on the psychiatric community and root out poten- health had only a limited impact. Many of the mental
tial opposition was the fact that for many years, there was health institutions remained inhuman environments, while
an unchangeable, informal and outwardly invisible hierar- the level of psychiatric care was far from acceptable
chy of mental health institutions. This looked more or less and knowledge about modern therapeutic approaches, the
as follows: the highest step on the ladder formed the scien- role of relatives and carers and the self-help capabili-
tific research institutes, then the psychiatric faculties, then ties of mental health users remained scarce and limited
Moscow and Leningrad psychiatric hospitals, then oblast and [19,20].
city psychiatric hospitals, then oblast and city outpatient Starting this century, the number of individual cases of
clinics and, at the lowest step, came the regional psycho- political abuse of psychiatry has increased, in particular,
neurological outpatient clinics and cabinets. If a doctor who over the past few years in Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan.
worked in a dispenser would change a diagnosis, it was usu- So far, it does not yet appear to be a systematic repres-
ally considered an ‘‘attack’’ on the institution that was sion of dissidents through the mental health system. In most
higher up on the hierarchical ladder. In other words, a diag- cases, citizens fall victim to regional authorities in localized
nosis established by a ‘‘higher institution’’ was obligatory to disputes, or to private antagonists who have the means to
follow by a ‘‘lower institution’’ and as a result, if the Serb- bribe their way through the courts [2].
ski Institute in Moscow declared a dissident to be mentally The resumption of individual cases of political abuse
ill, no lower-placed psychiatrist would dare to go against it. in these countries is, in my view, closely linked to the
Finally, one should not forget that the Soviet Union was, deteriorating human rights situation, and the fact that
to a very high degree, a closed society, a society that was lower-level authorities feel much more freedom to clamp
cut off from the rest of the world. In the world of today, down on undesired elements than previously. Again, an air of
with Internet, social media and a multitude of possibilities untouchability has returned, and the rule of law has increas-
to bypass bans and restrictions with false IP addresses and ingly become subject to political machinations. In particular
the like, it is very hard to imagine that such isolation was in the Russian Federation, much of the structure is still in
possible, but in Soviet times, keeping a country isolated was place that allowed the political abuse of psychiatry to hap-
much easier, and the Soviet authorities were masters of this. pen. The first cases of renewed political abuse of psychiatry
In the field of psychiatry, this meant that world psychiatric started to emerge in the beginning of the twenty-first cen-
literature was unavailable, except to the politically correct tury, after Vladimir Putin resumed the Presidency and the
psychiatric elite [16]. Western psychiatric literature became downward spiral towards increased repression commenced
rare: the number of periodicals that came was limited and a [2]. At this moment we are looking at a country that has
large part wound up in the ‘‘special holdings’’ of the Lenin a growing number of political prisoners (52 in December
library in Moscow and were impossible to access without 2013; 92 in June 2014, 114 in October 2014 and 181 at
special permission, which was given only to a handful of the beginning of March 2015) [21] and where over the past
mainly Moscow-based psychiatrists. years, some two dozen new laws have been introduced that
50 R. van Voren
seriously restrict liberties and freedom of expression in Rus- Internet and the use of social media. Most of these attempts
16
sian society [22]. are futile and easily bypassed by technical means.
Equally worrying is the fact that in many of the former Mental health professionals are now, at least in the-
Soviet republics, the nature of psychiatric practice has not ory, able to have access to and be active members of the
fundamentally changed. It is not only that psychiatric ser- global mental health community, and thus by instituting
vices remain highly institutional and biologically oriented, a boycott, the result might be the opposite of what one
with few, if any, components that are community-based intends to achieve. However, by stimulating communica-
or community- and user-oriented. At least as disturbing tion and access, by providing training in issues of medical
is the fact that in only a few countries, psychiatric edu- ethics and human rights, and by translating key documents
cation has undergone a significant change, and in most, and manuals into the local languages, it becomes impossible
the old generation of Soviet psychiatrists, their peers, stu- for both authorities and authoritarian psychiatric leaders to
dents and offspring remain in charge, thereby passing on keep their constituency uninformed.
the same faulty concepts to future generations. Particularly In the case of the Russian Federation, a key element
difficult is the situation in forensic psychiatry and prison in the continued dominance of the Moscow School lies in
mental health, where repression dominates everything and the fact that probably more than 90% of the rank and file
the creation of a therapeutic environment within the limi- Russian psychiatrists do not know any other language than
tations of a prison environment remains in most cases a fata Russian. Therefore, when books, articles and documents are
morgana. not available in a language accessible to them, it remains
possible for the psychiatric leaders (many of whom still
stem from Soviet times) to pretend that the diagnosis used
for Soviet dissidents — ‘‘sluggish schizophrenia’’ — is quite
accepted in the world and even part of the International
How should world psychiatry respond?
17
Classification of Diseases ICD-10. The only way to end
Looking back, the issue of Soviet political abuse of psychiatry this ‘‘misunderstanding’’ and the continued perversion of
had a lasting impact on world psychiatry. The most positive medical science is through the creation of open access to
aspect is probably that the issue triggered the discussions on information, the maximal use of modern technology, and a
medical ethics and the professional responsibilities of physi- language that is easily accessible. Knowledge is power, and
cians (including psychiatrists), resulting in the Declaration of that has been given a new meaning in the age of hi-tech
15
Hawaii of the WPA and subsequent updated versions. Also communication.
many national psychiatric associations adopted such codes,
even though adherence was often merely a formality and
sanctions for violating the code remained absent. In that
sense, the debates surrounding Soviet psychiatric abuse had Disclosure of interest
a very important corrective effect on world psychiatry, but
it did not stop authorities — and psychiatrists — altogether The author declares that he has no conflicts of interest con-
from using psychiatry as a means of political repression. cerning this article.
In the 1970s and 1980s, the main drive of the opposi-
tion to Soviet psychiatric abuse was focused on expulsion
of the Soviet society from the world psychiatric commu-
nity, notably the WPA. In that case, the expulsion worked, References
although it did not terminate the political abuse of psychi-
atry altogether. Loss of face played an important role in [1] Report of the U.S. Delegation. Schizophrenia Bulletin. Wash-
at least curbing the abuse and bringing about the release ington DC: National Institute of Mental Health; 1989.
of victims that became known in the West. Rank and file [2] Van Voren R. Psychiatry as a tool for coercion in post-Soviet
countries. Policy department directorate-general for external
Soviet psychiatrists did not suffer from this boycott, as they
policies. Bruxelles: European Parliament; 2013.
had no access to the world psychiatric community anyway.
[3] Munro R. China’s Psychiatric Inquisition. London: Wildy, Sim-
However, in the 21st century such total isolation is impossi-
monds & Hill; 2006.
ble, despite measures authorities in countries like China and
[4] Van Voren. Is there a resumption of political psychiatry in the
Russia take to curb freedom of information, access to the
former Soviet Union? Int J Psychiatry 2014;11:3.
[5] Koryagin A. Unwilling patients. In: Van Voren R, editor. Psychi-
atric abuse in the Gorbachev Era. Amsterdam: IAPUP; 1989.
15
The Hawaii Declaration of 1977 had been drawn up by the Eth- [6] Ahrendt H. Eichmann in Jerusalem, a report on the banality of
ical Sub-Committee of the Executive Committee, set up in 1973 in evil. New York: Viking Press; 1963.
response to the increasing number of protests against the use of psy- [7] Khrushchev N. Speech published by ‘‘Pravda’’ on May 24; 1959.
chiatry for non-medical purposes. One of the principles stated in the [8] Nijeboer A. Een man tegen de Staat. Breda: Papieren Tijger;
Declaration was that a psychiatrist must not participate in compul- 2006.
sory psychiatric treatment in the absence of psychiatric illness, and
also there were other clauses that could be seen as having a bearing
16
on the political abuse of psychiatry. The Declaration was amended E.g. Facebook is banned in Vietnam, yet everybody uses it,
in Vienna in 1983, and in 1996 succeeded by the Madrid Declaration including Communist leaders, simply by having a VPN and as a result
of 1996, which was further expanded in 1999. In addition, the orga- a foreign IP address.
17
nization set up Committees on Ethics and on the Review of Abuse In Russia, an ‘‘adapted’’ version of ICD-10 is circulated, rather
of Psychiatry. than the original classification.
Psychological and legal interventions for domestic violence 51
[9] Van Voren R. On dissidents and madness. Amsterdam/New York: [20] Van Voren R. Soviet psychiatric abuse in the Gorbachev Era.
Rodopi; 2009. Amsterdam: IAPUP; 1984.
[10] Soyfer V, Gruliow L, Gruliow R. Lysenko and the tragedy of [21] List of political prisoners of Russia, March 2015. Amsterdam:
Soviet Science. Rutger University Press; 1997. Human Rights Initiative for the former USSR; 2015.
[11] Van Voren R. Cold war in psychiatry. Amsterdam/New York: [22] List of Repressive Legislation of the Russian Federation (List
Rodopi; 2010. B). Amsterdam: Human Rights Initiative for the former USSR;
[12] Kazanets E. Differentiating exogenous psychiatric illness from 2014.
schizophrenia. Arch Gen Psychiatry 1979;36:740—6.
[13] Merskey H, Shafran B. Political hazards in the diagnosis of
‘‘sluggish schizophrenia’’. Br J Psychiatry 1986;148:247—56.
Further reading
[14] Gluzman S. On Soviet Totalitarian Psychiatry. Amsterdam:
IAPUP; 1989.
Bloch S, Reddaway P. Russia’s political hospitals. London: Gollancz;
[15] Psychiatry, Psychiatrists and Society. Moscow; 1995.
1977.
[16] Van Voren R. Westerse psychiatrische literatuur in Oost-Europa
Bloch S, Reddaway P. Soviet psychiatric abuse — the shadow over
(Western psychiatric literature in Eastern Europe). Ned Tijdsch
world psychiatry. London: Gollancz; 1984.
Geneesk 2006;15:3.
Korotenko A, Alikina L. Sovetskaya psikhiatria: zabluzhdeniya i
[17] Judah B. Fragile empire; how Russia fell in and out of love with
umysel. Kiev: Sfera; 2002.
Putin. Yale University Press; 2013.
Munro R. Judicial psychiatry in China and its political abuses.
[18] Makhashvili N, van Voren R. Balancing community and
Amsterdam: GIP; 2001.
hospital care: a case study of reforming mental health
Süss S. Politisch Missbraucht? Berlin: Ch. Links; 1998.
services in Georgia. PloS Med 2013;10(1):e1001366,
Van Voren R. The WPA World Congress in Yokohama and the issue
http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pmed.1001366.
of political abuse of psychiatry in China. In: Psychiatric Bulletin.
[19] Bloch S. Soviet psychiatry and Snezhnevskyism. In: Van Voren
Royal College of Psychiatrists; 2002.
R, editor. Soviet Psychiatric Abuse in the Gorbachev Era. 1989.
p. 55—61.