Oral History Interview – JFK#1, 10/30/1969 Administrative Information
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Performing Shakespeare in Contemporary Taiwan
Performing Shakespeare in Contemporary Taiwan by Ya-hui Huang A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment for the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at the University of Central Lancashire Jan 2012 Abstract Since the 1980s, Taiwan has been subjected to heavy foreign and global influences, leading to a marked erosion of its traditional cultural forms. Indigenous traditions have had to struggle to hold their own and to strike out into new territory, adopt or adapt to Western models. For most theatres in Taiwan, Shakespeare has inevitably served as a model to be imitated and a touchstone of quality. Such Taiwanese Shakespeare performances prove to be much more than merely a combination of Shakespeare and Taiwan, constituting a new fusion which shows Taiwan as hospitable to foreign influences and unafraid to modify them for its own purposes. Nonetheless, Shakespeare performances in contemporary Taiwan are not only a demonstration of hybridity of Westernisation but also Sinification influences. Since the 1945 Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party, or KMT) takeover of Taiwan, the KMT’s one-party state has established Chinese identity over a Taiwan identity by imposing cultural assimilation through such practices as the Mandarin-only policy during the Chinese Cultural Renaissance in Taiwan. Both Taiwan and Mainland China are on the margin of a “metropolitan bank of Shakespeare knowledge” (Orkin, 2005, p. 1), but it is this negotiation of identity that makes the Taiwanese interpretation of Shakespeare much different from that of a Mainlanders’ approach, while they share certain commonalities that inextricably link them. This study thus examines the interrelation between Taiwan and Mainland China operatic cultural forms and how negotiation of their different identities constitutes a singular different Taiwanese Shakespeare from Chinese Shakespeare. -
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945- )
Aung San Suu Kyi (1945 - ) Major Events in the Life of a Revolutionary Leader All terms appearing in bold are included in the glossary. 1945 On June 19 in Rangoon (now called Yangon), the capital city of Burma (now called Myanmar), Aung San Suu Kyi was born the third child and only daughter to Aung San, national hero and leader of the Burma Independence Army (BIA) and the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL), and Daw Khin Kyi, a nurse at Rangoon General Hospital. Aung San Suu Kyi was born into a country with a complex history of colonial domination that began late in the nineteenth century. After a series of wars between Burma and Great Britain, Burma was conquered by the British and annexed to British India in 1885. At first, the Burmese were afforded few rights and given no political autonomy under the British, but by 1923 Burmese nationals were permitted to hold select government offices. In 1935, the British separated Burma from India, giving the country its own constitution, an elected assembly of Burmese nationals, and some measure of self-governance. In 1941, expansionist ambitions led the Japanese to invade Burma, where they defeated the British and overthrew their colonial administration. While at first the Japanese were welcomed as liberators, under their rule more oppressive policies were instituted than under the British, precipitating resistance from Burmese nationalist groups like the Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League (AFPFL). In 1945, Allied forces drove the Japanese out of Burma and Britain resumed control over the country. 1947 Aung San negotiated the full independence of Burma from British control. -
Burma's Long Road to Democracy
UNITED STATES InsTITUTE OF PEACE www.usip.org SPECIAL REPORT 1200 17th Street NW • Washington, DC 20036 • 202.457.1700 • fax 202.429.6063 ABOUT THE REPORT Priscilla Clapp A career officer in the U.S. Foreign Service, Priscilla Clapp served as U.S. chargé d’affaires and chief of mission in Burma (Myanmar) from June 1999 to August 2002. After retiring from the Foreign Service, she has continued to Burma’s Long Road follow events in Burma closely and wrote a paper for the United States Institute of Peace entitled “Building Democracy in Burma,” published on the Institute’s Web site in July 2007 as Working Paper 2. In this Special to Democracy Report, the author draws heavily on her Working Paper to establish the historical context for the Saffron Revolution, explain the persistence of military rule in Burma, Summary and speculate on the country’s prospects for political transition to democracy. For more detail, particularly on • In August and September 2007, nearly twenty years after the 1988 popular uprising the task of building the institutions for stable democracy in Burma, public anger at the government’s economic policies once again spilled in Burma, see Working Paper 2 at www.usip.org. This into the country’s city streets in the form of mass protests. When tens of thousands project was directed by Eugene Martin, and sponsored by of Buddhist monks joined the protests, the military regime reacted with brute force, the Institute’s Center for Conflict Analysis and Prevention. beating, killing, and jailing thousands of people. Although the Saffron Revolution was put down, the regime still faces serious opposition and unrest. -
Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response
UCLA UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal Title Violent Repression in Burma: Human Rights and the Global Response Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/05k6p059 Journal UCLA Pacific Basin Law Journal, 10(2) Author Guyon, Rudy Publication Date 1992 DOI 10.5070/P8102021999 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California COMMENTS VIOLENT REPRESSION IN BURMA: HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE GLOBAL RESPONSE Rudy Guyont TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ........................................ 410 I. SLORC AND THE REPRESSION OF THE DEMOCRACY MOVEMENT ....................... 412 A. Burma: A Troubled History ..................... 412 B. The Pro-Democracy Rebellion and the Coup to Restore Military Control ......................... 414 C. Post Coup Elections and Political Repression ..... 417 D. Legalizing Repression ........................... 419 E. A Country Rife with Poverty, Drugs, and War ... 421 II. HUMAN RIGHTS ABUSES IN BURMA ........... 424 A. Murder and Summary Execution ................ 424 B. Systematic Racial Discrimination ................ 425 C. Forced Dislocations ............................. 426 D. Prolonged Arbitrary Detention .................. 426 E. Torture of Prisoners ............................. 427 F . R ape ............................................ 427 G . Portering ....................................... 428 H. Environmental Devastation ...................... 428 III. VIOLATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW ....... 428 A. International Agreements of Burma .............. 429 1. The U.N. -
GENERAL PLENARY MEETING ASSEMBLY Tuesday, 8 December 1953, EIGHTH SESSION at 2.45 P.M
United Nations 4·70th GENERAL PLENARY MEETING ASSEMBLY Tuesday, 8 December 1953, EIGHTH SESSION at 2.45 p.m. Official Records New York CONTENTS Brazil and India. In that draft it is proposed that the General Assembly should resolve to recess the eighth The Korean question: (a) report of the United Nations session and request the President of the General Commission for the Unification and Rehabilitation of Assembly to reconvene the session under specified con Korea: report of the First Committee 443 ditions. Election of two members of the Committee on Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories: report of the 6. During the discussion in the First Committee, it Fourth Committee 446 was pointed out that certain serious difficulties had Complaint by the Union of Burma regarding aggression arisen in the negotiations at Panmunjom, Mr. Menon, against it by the Government of the Republic of China: one of the authors of the present draft resolution, report of the First Committee 447 pointed out, on the basis of information he had re Address iby Mr. Dwight D. Eisenhower, President of the ceived from Panmunjom, that although the position United States of America 450 with regard to the negotiations in Korea was not catastrophic, it was extremely serious. The representa tive of the United States, Mr. Lodge, also pointed out President: Mrs. Viiaya Lakshmi PANDIT (India). that serious difficulties had arisen at Panmunjom, 7. The very difficult situation which had developed in the negotiations there is also referred to in the letter The Korean question: (a) report of the United [A/2616] from the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Nations Commission for the Unification and People's Republic of China, Mr. -
Burma Road to Poverty: a Socio-Political Analysis
THE BURMA ROAD TO POVERTY: A SOCIO-POLITICAL ANALYSIS' MYA MAUNG The recent political upheavals and emergence of what I term the "killing field" in the Socialist Republic of Burma under the military dictatorship of Ne Win and his successors received feverish international attention for the brief period of July through September 1988. Most accounts of these events tended to be journalistic and failed to explain their fundamental roots. This article analyzes and explains these phenomena in terms of two basic perspec- tives: a historical analysis of how the states of political and economic devel- opment are closely interrelated, and a socio-political analysis of the impact of the Burmese Way to Socialism 2, adopted and enforced by the military regime, on the structure and functions of Burmese society. Two main hypotheses of this study are: (1) a simple transfer of ownership of resources from the private to the public sector in the name of equity and justice for all by the military autarchy does not and cannot create efficiency or elevate technology to achieve the utopian dream of economic autarky and (2) the Burmese Way to Socialism, as a policy of social change, has not produced significant and fundamental changes in the social structure, culture, and personality of traditional Burmese society to bring about modernization. In fact, the first hypothesis can be confirmed in light of the vicious circle of direct controls-evasions-controls whereby military mismanagement transformed Burma from "the Rice Bowl of Asia," into the present "Rice Hole of Asia." 3 The second hypothesis is more complex and difficult to verify, yet enough evidence suggests that the tradi- tional authoritarian personalities of the military elite and their actions have reinforced traditional barriers to economic growth. -
Fatal Silence ?
FATAL SILENCE ? Freedom of Expression and the Right to Health in Burma ARTICLE 19 July 1996 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This report was written by Martin Smith, a journalist and specialist writer on Burma and South East Asia. ARTICLE 19 gratefully acknowledges the support of the Open Society Institute for this publication. ARTICLE 19 would also like to acknowledge the considerable information, advice and constructive criticism supplied by very many different individuals and organisations working in the health and humanitarian fields on Burma. Such information was willingly supplied in the hope that it would increase both domestic and international understanding of the serious health problems in Burma. Under current political conditions, however, many aid workers have asked not to be identified. ©ARTICLE 19 ISBN 1 870798139 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be photocopied, recorded or otherwise reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form by any electronic or technical means without prior permission of the copyright owner and publisher. Note by the editor of this Internet version This version is a conversion to html of a Word document - in the Library at http://www.ibiblio.org/obl/docs/FATAL- SILENCE.doc - derived from a scan of the 1996 hard copy. The footnotes, which in the original were numbered from 1 to __ at the end of each chapter, are now placed at the end of the document, and number 1-207. The footnote references to earlier footnotes have been changed accordingly. In addition, where online versions exist of the documents referred to in the notes and bibliography, the web addresses are given, which was not the case in the original. -
The Battle for China
The Battle for China ESSAYS ON THE MILITARY HISTORY OF THE SINO-JAPANESE WAR OF 1937-1945 Edited by Mark Peattie, Edward J. Drea, and Hans van de Ven STANFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS STANFORD, CALIFORNIA There is no instance of a nation benefiting from prolonged warfare. Stanford University Press Stanford, California —Sunzi ©2.011 by the Board of Trustees of the Leland Stanford Junior University. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system without the prior written permis- sion of Stanford University Press. Maps produced by David Rennie. Japan photographs reproduced with permission of AFLO/Mainichi Shimbun. Printed in the United States of America on acid-free, archival-quality paper Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The battle for China : essays on the military history of the Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945 / edited by Mark Peattie, Edward Drea, and Hans van de Ven. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8047-6206-9 (cloth : alk. paper) i. Sino-Japanese War, 1937-1945—Campaigns—China, i. China— History, Military—1912-1949. 3. Japan—History, Military—1868-1945. I. Peattie, Mark R., 1930- II. Drea, Edward J., 1944- III. Van de Ven, Hans J. 05777.53.6337 2011 940.54*251—dczz 1010042047 Typeset by BookMatters in 10/12.5 Sabon W Chinese Operations in INDIA North Burma f \ Overview of Major Military Campaigns October 1943 - March 1945 during the Sino-Japanese War, i937-I945 • —'^ Chinese Offensives o> Japanese Strongpoints EDWARD J. -
The Languages of Pyidawtha and the Burmese Approach to National Development1
The languages of Pyidawtha and the Burmese approach to national development1 Tharaphi Than Abstract: Burma’s first well known welfare plan was entitled Pyidawtha or Happy Land, and it was launched in 1952. In vernacular terms, the literal mean- ing of Pyidawtha is ‘Prosperous Royal Country’. The government’s attempt to sustain tradition and culture and to instil modern aspirations in its citizens was reflected in its choice of the word Pyidawtha. The Plan failed and its impli- cations still overshadow the development framework of Burma. This paper discusses how the country’s major decisions, including whether or not to join the Commonwealth, have been influenced by language; how the term and con- cept of ‘development’ were conceived; how the Burmese translation was coined to attract public support; and how the detailed planning was presented to the masses by the government. The paper also discusses the concerns and anxie- ties of the democratic government led by U Nu in introducing Burma’s first major development plan to a war-torn and bitterly divided country, and why it eventually failed. Keywords: welfare plan; poverty alleviation; insurgency; communism; Pyidawtha; Burmese language Author details: Tharaphi Than is an Assistant Professor in the Department of For- eign Languages and Literatures at Northern Illinois University, DeKalb, IL 60115, USA. E-mail: [email protected]. In May 2011, the new government of Burma convened a workshop entitled ‘Rural Development and Poverty Alleviation’.2 Convened almost 50 years after Burma’s first Development Conference, called Pyidawtha, the 2011 workshop shared some of the ideologies of the Pyidawtha Plan under the government led by Nu. -
Bull8-Cover Copy
220 COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT BULLETIN More New Evidence On THE COLD WAR IN ASIA Editor’s Note: “New Evidence on History Department (particularly Prof. Zhang Shuguang (University of Mary- the Cold War in Asia” was not only the Priscilla Roberts and Prof. Thomas land/College Park) played a vital liai- theme of the previous issue of the Cold Stanley) during a visit by CWIHP’s di- son role between CWIHP and the Chi- War International History Project Bul- rector to Hong Kong and to Beijing, nese scholars. The grueling regime of letin (Issue 6-7, Winter 1995/1996, 294 where the Institute of American Studies panel discussions and debates (see pro- pages), but of a major international (IAS) of the Chinese Academy of Social gram below) was eased by an evening conference organized by CWIHP and Sciences (CASS) agreed to help coor- boat trip to the island of Lantau for a hosted by the History Department of dinate the participation of Chinese seafood dinner; and a reception hosted Hong Kong University (HKU) on 9-12 scholars (also joining the CWIHP del- by HKU at which CWIHP donated to January 1996. Both the Bulletin and egation were Prof. David Wolff, then of the University a complete set of the the conference presented and analyzed Princeton University, and Dr. Odd Arne roughly 1500 pages of documents on the newly available archival materials and Westad, Director of Research, Norwe- Korean War it had obtained (with the other primary sources from Russia, gian Nobel Institute). Materials for the help of the Center for Korean Research China, Eastern Europe and other loca- Bulletin and papers for the conference at Columbia University) from the Rus- tions in the former communist bloc on were concurrently sought and gathered sian Presidential Archives. -
Coup D'etat Events, 1946-2012
COUP D’ÉTAT EVENTS, 1946-2018 CODEBOOK Monty G. Marshall and Donna Ramsey Marshall Center for Systemic Peace July 25, 2019 Overview: This data list compiles basic descriptive information on all coups d’état occurring in countries reaching a population greater than 500,000 during the period 1946-2018. For purposes of this compilation, a coup d’état is defined as a forceful seizure of executive authority and office by a dissident/opposition faction within the country’s ruling or political elites that results in a substantial change in the executive leadership and the policies of the prior regime (although not necessarily in the nature of regime authority or mode of governance). Social revolutions, victories by oppositional forces in civil wars, and popular uprisings, while they may lead to substantial changes in central authority, are not considered coups d’état. Voluntary transfers of executive authority or transfers of office due to the death or incapacitance of a ruling executive are, likewise, not considered coups d’état. The forcible ouster of a regime accomplished by, or with the crucial support of, invading foreign forces is not here considered a coup d’état. The dataset includes four types of coup events: successful coups, attempted (failed) coups, coup plots, and alleged coup plots. In order for a coup to be considered “successful” effective authority must be exercised by new executive for at least one month. We are confident that the list of successful coups is comprehensive. Our confidence in the comprehensiveness of the coup lists diminishes across the remaining three categories: good coverage (reporting) of attempted coups and more questionable quality of coverage/reporting of coup plots (“discovered” and alleged). -
From Japanese Colony to Sacred Chinese Territory: Taiwan’S Geostrategic Significance To
© 2020 Twentieth Century China Journal, Inc. This material first appeared in Twentieth-Century China 45: 3 (2020) 351–368. Reprinted with permission by Johns Hopkins University Press. Accepted version downloaded from: http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/32503/ From Japanese Colony to Sacred Chinese Territory: Taiwan’s Geostrategic Significance to China STEVE TSANG SOAS China Institute, UK Twentieth Century China, 45-3 (October 2020) This paper shows that while China now attaches geostrategic importance to Taiwan, it has not always done so. It has only accorded such significance to Taiwan in the post-Mao era. By reviewing how Taiwan became a Japanese colony, how it came under the control of Chiang Kai-shek’s government, and how it came to be seen by the government of the People’s Republic of China as a sacred territory before being deemed geostrategically significant, this paper seeks to demonstrate that Taiwan’s importance to China is not based on geography, an immutable factor. Instead, it was the result of contingencies of history and the changed calculations of succeeding governments in China. This leads to the important conclusion that the geostrategic importance the Chinese government now attaches to Taiwan may change if the Chinese leadership alters its strategic calculus or if the government itself is replaced. KEYWORDS: Cairo Conference, first island chain, imagined geography, sacred territory, strategic calculation Since the People’s Republic of China (PRC) describes Taiwan as a "sacred territory" in its constitution, it is reasonable to assume that it attaches central importance to Taiwan.1 The 1 National People’s Congress of the PRC, Constitution of the People’s Republic of China, accessed September 12, 2016, http://www.npc.gov.cn/englishnpc/Constitution/2007- 11/15/content_1372962.htm.