Sociolinguistic Investigation of Dialect Contact and Accommodation in Adrar City

Ministry of Higher Education and Scientific Research Ahmed Draia University-Adrar Faculty of Arts and Languages Department of English Language and Literature

Research Paper Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for a Master’s Degree in Linguistics and Didactics

| Presented by: | Supervised by: Kaci Mahammed Lynda Pr. Bachir Bouhania

Board of Examiners Prof./ Mahieddine Rachid Chairman Prof./ Bouhania Bachir Supervisor and Rapporteur Mr./ Boukli-Hacene Reda Examiner

⌠Academic Year: 2019 – 2020⌡

Dedication

This dissertation is dedicated

To the memory of the precious people that I lost this year

My grandmother Lamara Mohamed Ouardia and my father’s uncle

Kaci Mahammed Amar.

To All my beloved family, my parents and my little brother Mohamed.

To my beloved friends Asma, Imane, Wissem, Ahlam, Dihia and

Manal.

Thank you all for your support and encouragement.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Firstly, I cannot express my heartfelt thanks and gratitude to my teacher and supervisor, Pr. Bachir Bouhania for his continued patience, care, support, motivation, and immense knowledge. The compilation of this work would not have been possible without his guidance.

Secondly, I would like convey my sincere gratitude to Dr. Boukhechba

Hicham for his help to me throughout all the stages of research, and to my colleagues Asma Benrezkallah, Manal Bouchikhi, and Dribat Abdurahmane, as well for their patience, tender and support to me.

Sincere thanks goes to all the families that welcomed me and were so helpful and generous during this research though it was risky because of the corona virus pandemic. I am sure that without their precious opportunity and support it would not be possible to conduct this research.

Last but not least, I would like to thank also all my teachers at the English

Department especially Pr. Borsali, Mr, Kaddouci, Mr, Boukli, Mr, Boubekeur and my classmates for their help in my whole five years journey.

III

Abstract

The current research aims to investigate contact and long-term accommodation between dialects. In this regard, this paper takes a narrow perspective to investigate the situation by cranking the microscope into how long marriage affects language use of exogamic couples in

Adrar, focusing on lexical convergence and divergence. This research uses both qualitative and quantitative methods to investigate and observe language use of nine couples and two widows using three data collection techniques: interviews, focus group interview and phone call observation in order to elicit lexis used by the couple and for comprehending social and socio- psychological reasons behind shifting from one dialect to another. The results show that not all wives adopt more expressions from their husbands’ speech style. Next, when wives talk to one of their hometown members, they shift back to their mother dialect with a difference in some terms that they adopted from the entourage of the husband. Moreover, wives from regions that are located away from Adrar adopt less lexis than wives from close regions to Adrar do. Finally, it shows that power, prestige, identity and attitude are the major factors of lexical convergence and divergence between the couples. This research will show variation in Algerian dialects, in addition to the outcomes of dialect contact and accommodation in Adrar in the case of exogamic couples.

Keywords: Dialect contact, long-term accommodation, lexical convergence and divergence, adaptation and adoption, exogamy.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

DEDICATION……………...………………………………………………...…………...….II

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS……….………………..…………………………...……...... III

ABSTRACT…………….…………..………………………………...……………….....…..IV

TABLE OF CONTENTS…………….……...……..……………………………………...….V

LIST OF TABLES…………….………………..……………………...……...………..….VIII

LIST OF FIGURES, MAPS, PICTURES, GRAPHS……….……………….……....…….X

PHONETIC SYMBOLS…………….………………..……………….……………..….….XII

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS…………….………………..……………...….……….…..XIV

GENERAL INTRODUCTION…………….………………..……………………..…...…….1

CHAPTER I - AN INTRODUCTORY OVERVIEW 1.1 Introduction ...... 3 1.2. Fundamental Concepts in the Study of Linguistic Variation ...... 3 1.3 Traditional dialectology ...... 4 1.4. Sociolinguistics/Modern Dialectology ...... 7 1.4.1 Variationist theory ...... 8 1.4.2 Social variables...... 9 1.4.3 Situational variables...... 11 1.5. Macro Sociolinguistics ...... 13 1.5.1 Language contact ...... 14 1.5.2 Dialect contact ...... 16 1.5.2.1 Socio-psychological overlap ...... 17 1.6. Micro sociolinguistics ...... 18 1.6.1 Social psychological variables ...... 18 1.6.2 Accommodation Theory ...... 19 1.6.3 Accommodation between dialects ...... 21 1.7 Conclusion………………………………………….…………………………………….22

CHAPTER II - REGIONAL VARIATION IN ALGERIA 2.1 Introduction ...... 25 2.2 Regional Variation ...... 26 2.3 Lexical Variation ...... 26 2.4. Algerian Geography ...... 27 2.5 Algerian Arabic ...... 27 2.6 Varieties in the Algerian Darija ...... 26 2.6.1 Arabic ...... 26 2.6.2 Spanish and Turkish ...... 30 2.6.3 French ...... 31 2.7 Dialects in Algeria ...... 32 2.7.1 Adrar City Spoken Dialect ...... 33 2.7.2 Bechar Dialect ...... 35 2.7.3 The Western Varieties ...... 36 2.7.4 Northern Algerian Region (center) ...... 38 2.7.5 Northern Algerian regions (east) ...... 39 2.8 Lexical variation in Dareja ...... 41 2.9 Conclusion ...... 48

CHAPTER III - CASE STUDY 3.1. Introduction ...... 51 3.2. Approaches ...... 51 3.3. Data collection tools ...... 52 3.3.1 Interview ...... 52 3.3.2 Phone call ...... 54 3.3.3 Focus group interview ...... 54 3.4 Sampling techniques ...... 54 3.5 The sample ...... 55 3.6 Ethical considerations ...... 57 3.7 Data analyses and interpretation ...... 57 3.8 Interviews analysis and interpretation ...... 57

3.8.1 Demographic information analysis and interpretation ...... 57 3.8.2 Situational information analysis and interpretation ...... 63 3.9 Pictures naming, phone calls, and focus group interview analyses and results ...... 71 3.10 Data interpretation ...... 96 3.11 Conclusion ...... 98

GENERAL CONCLUSION………………………..……..………...…………………...…100

REFERENCES……..…………………………………..…………….…………….…….....101

APPENDICES……..……….………………………..……………..…………….…………105

113………..………. ………………………………………………………………………ملخص

Résumé……………………………………………………………………….… .………….114

VII

LISTE OF TABLES

CHAPTER II - REGIONAL VARIATION IN ALGERIA

Table 2.1: Some Berber terms used in Algerian Spoken Arabic...... 30 Table 2.2: Some Algerian Arabic words of Spanish and Ottoman origin...... 31 Table 2.3: Examples of phonologically adapted French terms in AA (Mehria, 2019) ...... 32 Table 2.4: Sounds replacement in Adrarian dialect (Bouhania, 2012) ...... 34 Table 2.5: The use of g instead of q in Adrar city dialect (Bouhania, 2011)...... 34 Table 2.6: Tiaret spoken dialect ...... 37 Table 2.7: Lexical variation in some Algerian regions...... 48

CHAPTER III - CASE STUDY

Table 3.5.1: Sample before quarantine ...... 55 Table 3.5.2: Sample during quarantine ...... 55 Table 3.5.3: The sample coding ...... 56 Table 3.1: Demographic information of women...... 58 Table 3.2: Demographic information of men...... 52 Table 3.3: Women’s age group ...... 59 Table 3.4: Men’s age group ...... 60 Table 3.5: Participants marriage period ...... 62 Table 3.6: Women’s answers on social network’s questions one & two...... 64 Table 3.7: Men’s answers on social network’s questions one & two ...... 65 Table 3.8: Women’s responses of questions 9 & 10 ...... 67 Table 3.9: Men’s responses of questions 9 & 10 ...... 67 Table 3.10 : Responses of question 11 ...... 68 Table 3.11: Women’s answers of questions 12, 13, and 14...... 69 Table 3.12: Men’s answers of questions 12, 13, and 14...... 70 Table 3.13: Family number one pictures naming...... 73 Table 3.14: The results of table 3.13 ...... 73 Table 3.15: Family number two pictures naming ...... 75

VIII

Table 3.16: Family number three pictures naming ...... 78 Table 3.17: Family number four pictures naming...... 80 Table 3.18: Family number five pictures naming ...... 83 Table 3.19: Family number six pictures naming...... 85 Table 3.20: Family number seven pictures naming ...... 87 Table 3.21: Family number eight pictures naming ...... 90 Table 3.22: Family number nine pictures naming ...... 92 Table 3.23: Widows W10 and W11 pictures naming ...... 95

LISTE OF FIGURES

CHAPTER II - REGIONAL VARIATION IN ALGERIA

Figure 2.1: Design of this chapter…………………………….…………………...………….25

LISTE OF MAPS CHAPTER II - REGIONAL VARIATION IN ALGERIA

Map 2.1: Location and borders of Algeria...... 28 Map 2.2: Maghrebi Arabic language continuum...... 28 Map 2.3: Berber-speaking populations in Algeria...... 29 Map 2.4: Tuat region in Adrar province and Adrar city...... 33 Map 2.5: Map of the Algerian Wilayas ...... 36 Map 2.6: The Algerian west region...... 36 Map 2.7: Location of Algiers...... 38 Map 2.8: Demographic and geographic information three eastern regions...... 40

LISTE OF PICTURES

CHAPTER III - CASE STUDY

Picture 3.1: Interview questions ...... 53 Picture 3.2: Example 1 ...... 53 Picture 3.3: Example 2 ...... 53

LISTE OF GRAPHS

CHAPTER III - CASE STUDY

Graph 3.1: Women’s age group ...... 59 Graph 3.2: Men’s age group ...... 60 Graph 3.3: Educational level of participants...... 60 Graph 3.4: Home region of the women...... 61 Graph 3.5: Occupation of participants...... 62 Graph 3.6: Marriage period groups ...... 62 Graph 3.7: Places visited by women before marriage ...... 65 Graph 3.8: Places visited by men before marriage ...... 65 Graph 3.9: Women’s duration of travel ...... 66 Graph 3.10: Men’s duration of travel ...... 66 Graph 3.11: Females’ answers (Q 9) ...... 67 Graph 3.12: Males’ answers (Q 9) ...... 67 Graph 3.13: Males’ answers (Q 10) ...... 68 Graph 3.14: Females’ answers (Q 10) ...... 68 Graph 3.15: Meeting places of the participants ...... 70 Graph 3.16: Relations description ...... 70 Graph 3.17: Results of table 3.15 ...... 76 Graph 3.18: Results of table 3.16 ...... 78 Graph 3.19: Results of table 3.17 ...... 81 Graph 3.20: Results of table 3.18 ...... 83 Graph 3.21: Results of table 3.19...... 85 Graph 3.22: Results of table 3.20 ...... 88 Graph 3.23: Results of table 3.21 ...... 90 Graph 3.24: Results of table 3.22 ...... 93 Graph 3.25: Results of table 3.23 ...... 95 Graph 3.26: Who accommodated to who lexically ...... 96 Graph 3.27: Wives accommodation proportions...... 97

Phonetic Symbols

MSA Phonetic symbol MSA Phonetic symbol /ɖ/ ض /ʔ/ أ /ʈ/ ط /b/ ب /ʐ/ ظ /t/ ت /ʕ/ ع /θ/ ث /ɤ/ غ /ʒ/ ج /f/ ف /ћ/ ح /q/ ق /χ/ خ /k/ ك /d/ د /l/ ل /ð/ ذ /m/ م /r/ ر /n/ ن /z/ ز /h/ ه /s/ س /w/ و /ʃ/ ش /j/ ي /Ȿ/ ص Phonetic symbols (Bouhania, 2012)

/v/ ڥ /g/ ڤ Other phonetic symbols

Vowel sounds Short vowels Long vowels /a/: /lga/ ‘he found’ /a:/: /tla:ti:n/ ‘thirty’ /i/: /edgi/ ‘wooden plate’ /i:/: /ri:h/ ‘wind’ /u/: /usta:z/ ‘teacher’ /u:/: /ʕqu:ba/ ‘destiny’ Vowel sounds (Mehria & Bedlaoui, 2019)

XII

Vocoids Short long [a]: /xlaʂ/ ‘was paid’ [a:]: /ba:qi/ ‘left’ [æ]: /Ʒmæʕa/ ‘gathering’ [æ:]: /si:mæ:na/ ‘week’ [e]: /edgi/ ‘wooden plate’ [e:]: /qa:Ɂema/ ‘list’ [ø]: /hødød/ ‘frontiers’ [ø:]: /nø:ʕ/ ‘type’ [o]: /bobo/ ‘shirt’ [o]: /kaɽto:na/ ‘paper bag’ [Ә]: /maʃa:kӘl/ ‘troubles’ Vowel sounds (Mehria & Bedlaoui, 2019)

Diphtongs /aj/: /ʕajn/ ‘eye’ /aw/: /fawɖa/ ‘trouble Vowel sounds (Mehria & Bedlaoui, 2019)

French nasal vowels

[ɔ̃] on / maison (house) [ɛ]̃ un (one) [ɑ̃] an / encre (ink)

Other symbols

gemination double the letter (e.g[ajji:h])

XIII

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

MLA: Modern Literary Arabic

ASD: Adrar Spoken Dialect

BSD: Bechar Spoken Dialect

TlSD: Tlemcen Spoken Dialect

OSD: Oran Spoken Dialect

ASD: Algiers Spoken Dialect

MSD: Mostaganem Spoken Dialect

TiSD: Tiaret Spoken Dialect

BSD: Batna Spoken Dialect

TbSD: Tebessa Spoken Dialect

TamSD: Tamanrasset Spoken Dialect

TA: Tunisian Arabic

AA: Algerian Arabic

CAT: Communication Accommodation Theory

SAT: Speech Accommodation Theory

XIV

General Introduction

General introduction

Dialect contact is one cause of lexical diffusion in a mutual intelligible region. Some researchers such as Giles (1973) and Trudgill (1986) have paid attention to accommodation between dialects and its outcomes concentrating more on accent convergence, which is the process of adapting the accent patterns of your interlocutor to reduce pronunciation dissimilarities.

However, little research on dialects in contact considers lexical convergence in long-term accommodation.

The study of Trudgill ‘Dialects in Contact’ (1986) covered both short and long-term accommodation between dialects focusing on accent convergence and divergence. For this reason, it is important to investigate dialect contact in Algeria and unlike the background; this investigation concentrates on lexical convergence and divergence. In order to acknowledge the reasons behind lexical diffusion in Algeria and the real source of a certain term or expression. Moreover, contributes to promote knowledge in the fields of sociolinguistics and dialectology and it would be beneficial for further studies.

Throughout this research, an attempt is made to investigate long-term accommodation and permanent lexical convergence between nine couples and two widows in Adrar City. Provided that the husband must be born and raised in Adrar City while the wife must be from another region.

The research has four major objectives:

(1) Provide a description on regional variation in Algeria.

(2) Discover whom accommodates to whom in an exogamic situation.

(3) Discover when wives shift back to their hometown dialect.

General Introduction

(4) Uncover the reasons behind permanent lexical convergence.

This research paper includes an introductory chapter that provides an overview about the process of the development of dialect contact research providing information on accommodation theory and the main hypotheses of the present work. Next, a chapter that describes regional variation in Algeria and a list of the salient lexis of some chosen Algerian regions. As for the next chapters, they are dedicated to the methodology used and the qualitative and quantitative analysis and interpretation of the results as attempt to achieve the objectives mentioned above.

Chapter one:

An Introductory

Overview:

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

Chapter one: An Introductory Overview

1.1 Introduction

Language variation can take a variety of forms. The present chapter overviews a range of concepts that constitute this study and form the basis of its progress as a whole. Precisely, this chapter describes the history, mechanisms and the nature of this linguistic phenomenon in order to understand more dialect contact and accommodation.

1.2. Fundamental Concepts in the Study of Linguistic Variation

Tackling the phenomenon of dialect contact requires an explanation of the differences among fundamental concepts that will be mentioned interchangeably in this piece of research.

A variety or ‘lect’ represents any distinctive form of a language. “Linguists use the term language variety as a cover term for any of the overlapping subcategories of a language.”

(Nordquist, 2020). A variety may represent a dialect, register, style, creole, jargon, or a language. Yet, our main concern is to distinguish between language, dialect, and vernacular briefly.

When two people converse, there must be two possibilities; A) if they do not understand each other, they can be said to speak different languages, B) if they do understand each other, they must speak varieties of the same dialect or the same language. This is called ‘mutual intelligibility’ i.e. when speakers of related but different varieties can easily understand each other. However, we cannot consider mutual intelligibility as the sole criterion to distinguish between language and a dialect; as the boundaries between the two concepts are often very

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview blurry. Because there are speakers of the same variety who do not share mutual intelligibility.

As Thomason mentioned in (Thomason, 2001). Furthermore, Coulmas exemplified by the speakers of Dutch who can understand German, but the other way around is not possible

(Coulmas, 2013)

Other criteria are required to determine the difference between a dialect and a language.

An adage was popularized by Weinreich in a conference in 1945, but later on was referred to

Fishman who presented this definition to Weinreich. “A language is a dialect with an army and a navy” (Mendele, 1996) this includes the influence of social and political conditions on the status of language. Languages, unlike dialects, have many criteria to be considered as a language. Among them: standardization1, vitality2, autonomy3, and historical development. An additional criterion that differentiates language from dialect is size i.e. a language is larger than a dialect.

On the other hand, dialects are substandard forms of a language often referred to a language that is spoken in isolated parts of the world that have no written form. Every human being speaks a dialect or more, and linguistically, all varieties of language are equal. (Chambers

& Trudgill, 1998).

Sociolinguists are interested in studying variation in languages in relation to social context, which will be discussed further in the coming sections.

1.3 Traditional Dialectology

Every region in the world has linguistic characteristics that differentiate it from other regions; they vary from one place to another and from one individual to another. These

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview characteristics can be lexical, phonological or structural components of language. They are the main concern of the study of dialects. Dialectology mainly studies the variation of linguistic characteristics of languages, more specifically, the nonstandard ones, in addition to its geographical distribution (Chambers & Trudgill, 1998).

The evolution of dialectology as a fieldwork emerged in the 2nd half of the 19th century

(Chambers & Trudgill, 1998). Before that time, scholars describing their birthplace dialects documented much of dialect dictionaries and dialect grammars. Traditional dialectology appeared as a reaction to Neogrammarians who supported the theory of the exceptionlessness of sound change. Schuchardt (1972) notes that “the pronunciation of individuals is never free from variation.” There was also rich evidence that referred to dialect diversity that glittered interest in dialectology.

The early works of dialectology took the form of dialect atlases, which use different techniques in collecting data but almost the same method. The German linguist Georg Wenker was a pioneer in the discipline of linguistic geography. He documented German dialect geography through postal questionnaires in the Rheine valley, Germany. He asked his participants to translate forty text sentences into their local dialects to indicate how dialects vary.

In 1881, Wenker produced the first linguistic atlas in the world, “Sprachatlas Von Nord-Und

Mitteldeutschland” that contains Wenker’s own hand drawn isoglosses4.

Thereafter, many dialect atlases were produced in Europe, the USA and beyond by a slight difference in data collecting methods. Gillieron, with the help of Edmond Edmont, produced his

“Atlas Linguistique de la France” [1897 – 1900] in the form of volumes and was published between 1902-1910. It was a strong stimulus and a basic model to linguistic atlases in the world.

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

The Linguistic atlas of New England was produced in 1929 under the direction of Kurath.

It was the first major study of English dialect where field workers used to apply conversational techniques rather than direct questioning to elicit dialectal words. Much more detailed dialect atlases were produced in Europe such as: “The survey of English dialects” in 1889 by alexander

Ellis, Joseph Wright 1898-1905 “A Survey of Dialect Dictionary”, and Survey of English

Dialects in 1956 by Harold Orter (Hogg & Dension, 2008)

The focus of dialect studies at that time was on rural areas rather than urban areas since they were sheltered from the influence of dialect contact. The investigation was on NORMs

(non-mobile, old, rural, and males). It was believed that such speakers used the authentic local variants of an object to document old dialects before they vanish. (Labov, Ash, & Boberg, 2006)

As Sapir and Shuchardt mentioned before, variation in language exists and remains obvious; they did not involve in explaining this variation but alluded persistently to language variation (Chambers, 1998). On the other hand, there was an accusation from sociolinguists that dialectologists were collecting data for the sake of collecting (butterfly collecting) because of their use of long questionnaires, and asked only NORMs to respond with one word answer which does not describe everyday language use.

Critics argued that the study should be made on all members of the society including not only NORMs but also young, mobile, urban, and female. In addition, they should investigate and study continuous relaxed conversation of people. However, from Trudgill’s point of view, it was not wrong to collect data because they might be beneficial for researchers. Labov’s work

“in Martha’s Vineyard” and New York City made considerable use of the work of dialectologists in connection with linguistic atlases of the US and Canada (Mayerhoff, 2011).

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

1.4. Sociolinguistics/Modern Dialectology

Due to criticism on traditional dialectology in the 1960s, the investigation shifted to

“modern dialectology” from rural into urban areas, included all members of society and considered social factors. The development of social and urban dialect studies caused the emergence of a field called sociolinguistics that later contained dialectology under its umbrella as a subfield. Trudgill believes that dialectology could quite properly be subsumed under the heading of sociolinguistics because it shares the same objectives with secular linguistics

(Chambers, 1998).

The dialect study of Gauchat in 1905 on the French vernacular in the town of Charmey,

Switzerland, broke the conventions of traditional dialectology by matching linguistic variability with the sex and age of individual informants. However, the study of Labov in 1962 in Martha’s

Vineyard was the fountainhead of sociolinguistics. (Chambers 1998).

The term sociolinguistics appeared initially in the work of the poet and philosopher Harver

C. Currie in 1952; it is a combination of the term sociology and linguistics (Paulston, 2006: p

1). According to Meyerhoff (2011), sociolinguistics is a broad field and has no fixed definition since it has many study interests and different methods to collect and analyze data on language use in society. In spite of that, linguists have in common the idea that sociolinguistic studies language use in society regardless of the goals of their investigation. Here are some definitions mentioned in a magazine “AL’ATHAR” (March 12, 2012):

1/ “The study of the link between language and society, of language variation and of attitudes about language” (Spolsky, 2010)

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

2/ “A branch of anthropological linguistics 5that examines how language and culture are related and how language is used in different social contexts” (Bell, 1976)

3/ “The study of stylistic and social variation of language” (Wardhaugh, 2010)

In addition to the definitions mentioned above, Holmes (2013) and Meyerhoff (2011) agree that sociolinguistics has many interests about how and why people use language in connection to society. It helps to identify language in a speech community and how society affects language use since language serves a range of functions such as; to give information, express oneself and recognize the level, origin, and status of the interlocutor. It shows how certain groups in a society are separated by certain social variables that will be explained in future sections.

1.4.1 Variationist Theory

As an example, the way you talk with your parents may not be the same as you talk to your close friends. You may use different words, intonations, and structures with each one of them. William Labov (1963) developed a field called “variationist sociolinguistics” which emphasizes that variation is potential and inherent to linguistic structure. Theorists such as De

Saussure and Noam Chomsky did not deny the existence of variation but tried to downplay its relevance and treat it as a superficial phenomenon.

Variationist sociolinguistics/variationist theory that Labov suggested claims that “there are two alternative ways of saying something.” Therefore, sociolinguistic research is about when, where, and why people use each linguistic variable and under what circumstances. An example was gives by Holmes in her book in 2011, a child called Ray came home late, and was

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview asked by his mother for the reason behind coming late. He answered “That stupid Soot bucket kept us in again.” Nevertheless, when he was asked earlier by his school principle about what he was doing at school at that time, the child answered him as such “Mr. Sutton kept us in, Sir”

The child’s answers were alternatives for the same meaning and idea but carry a different force. As mentioned before, sociolinguists investigate social variables that influence language use. The next section will be dedicated to discuss the social variables.

1.4.2 Social Variables.

Human beings use various words that share the same meaning in different situations. As, the use of “car” and “automobile”, the pronunciation of “walking” and “walkin” other times

(Chambers, 1998). These variations exist in the society that are influenced and affected by social variables, which identifies one clique of speakers from another (Yule, 2010).

Social class: Among the most influencing factors in the way people formulate sentences is the social class. Speaker’s position in society is usually measured by his level of education, occupation, and their effect on lexis and syntax used by the speaker. Thus, terms such as “upper, lower, middle” are used to subdivide classes, and each one of them has its specific linguistic markers that differentiate one class from another. As an illustration, the upper class speakers from England are stereotyped as “yahs” for the pronunciation of yes as /ja:/ (Holmes, 2013).

Social context: the register used depending on the situation when engaging in verbal talk

(Spolsky, 2010). According to the situation, you choose your code. People actually are aware of the difference in speech patterns and they usually tend to adjust their speech. To illustrate this

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview we take the example of speakers from English middle class often adjust their speech to look like upper class speakers.

Geographical origin: Your choice of structure, lexis and accent will indicate your original region. This is often called dialect that refers to a certain region (Benzough, 2012).

Moreover, each member of a society has his own way of speaking due to his age, life experience, education, and ambition that is called “idiolect” or individual’s variation of language (Trudgill,

2000).

Ethnicity: food, dress, distinctive speech style, religion and beliefs are ethnic symbols that people use to distinguish themselves from the majority. As an example, we take the absence of the copula “be” in the African American vernacular language as a symbol to their ethnic group. Instead of saying “she is very nice” they say “she very nice.” (Holmes, 2013)

Gender: Trudgill argues that men and women do not speak the same way in terms of quantity of speech and the intonation patterns. Thus, men are less polite linguistically than women when giving order (Abbou, 2017).

Age: speaker’s age influences and affects his or her use of lexis and grammar complexity

(Bell, 1976). For example, a child of three years old cannot use the word ‘democracy,’ and even if he did, he will not be aware of its connotation unless he is a genius.

These social factors influence the speech choice of a person; however, there are socio- psychological factors that affect words selection. Before that, we shall introduce some main sociolinguistic concepts that are used in this research.

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

1.4.3 Situational Variables.

You might wonder what is a society or where and what are the social locations that variation occurs in? Actually, variation occurs in various places that affect the speech as well.

A) Speech community: linguists defined the speech community differently like:

“Participants in a set of shared norms: these norms may be observed in overt types of evaluative behavior, and by the uniformity of abstract patterns of variation which are invariant in respect to participant usage.” (Labov, 1972) “All people who use a given language or dialect.” (Lyons, 1970)

Speech community is a description of a group of people that share the same language, ways of interpreting, and speech characteristics. They might be large regions like a rural or an urban area with a distinctive accent (African Americans who drop the copula “be”), or small units like school, work place, friends and families. Speech communities help people to define themselves as personas that belong to a particular society and it also helps to identify or misidentify others through their speech style.

An individual in a speech community has his idiolect or own register that includes:

Vernacular: that comes out under psychological circumstances such as when someone

is angry, tired, or upset.

Superposed varieties: varieties learned later at school for instance.

However, this is not enough as each speech community has its language community that is related to their practice.

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

B) Community of practice: People belong to different communities of practice that share particular goals, distinctive language style and attitudes like, Meyerhoff exemplified in her book, the female “burnouts” low-income families in America; share the rejection of school values. The behavior, both linguistic and non- linguistic, differentiate the burnouts from other groups such as the jocks, nerds, hoods, and gangsters. Additionally, people belong to different communities of practice where they use a certain kind of variety that is linked to their speech community such as family, work place, sport team and so on. People construct their identities depending on the community of practice they belong to or interact with. They can be relatively long-term or temporary (Meyerhoff, 2011). A cluster of communities would construct a social network that affects the behavior of a speaker.

C) Social network: The concept social network is brought form sociology. It includes the relationship that happens between groups (Stolley, 2005). Lesley Milroy first introduced it in 1980 (Milroy, 2000). Social networks identify the relation between groups that are presented as web-like interactions where each group influences and is influenced by others (Boukhechba,

2019). For instance, what happens at school may influence our behavior and speech as well at home and vice versa. The goal behind social network analysis is to show how individuals spread linguistic variability by contacting many people. A social network can be open or closed, considering the relationship between the interlocutors. A “loose” social network is more influential linguistically than a “tight” social network. In addition, there are different ways to measure content and structural features of a network. These include, for instance, density and centrality that ultimately have a significant effect on linguistic behavior of the participants

(Bergs, 2006). As an example, “Milroy and Horvath relate the use of strong vernacular speakers with those who have strong ties with their neighbors.” (Boukhechba, 2019)

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

Both social networks and community of practice are useful, since they allow sociolinguists to investigate the ways in which individuals use language to express various social identities. Basically, face to face interaction causes change that starts from an individual and spreads outward and at the same time, that individual is always influenced by the setting in which they live.

Defining the social and situational variables that affect the language use of individuals will give us more understanding of dialect contact that comes under macro sociolinguistics and speech accommodation that comes under micro sociolinguistics.

1.5. Macro Sociolinguistics

Macro sociolinguistics is that part of linguistics, which concerns language as a social and cultural phenomenon. Trudgill argues that it investigates the field of language and society. It has close connections with social sciences, especially social psychology, anthropology, human geography, and sociology (Chambers, 1997). It describes the effect of the aspects of a society including expectations, cultural norms and context on the use of language. For example,

Northern people in Algeria use the French language more than southern people in Algeria do

(Mihoubi, 2017), and sociolinguists study the reasons behind this usage and what are the factors that contribute this difference.

Sociolinguistics is divided into two, macro and micro sociolinguistics. Fishman (1972),

Hudson (1980), and Wardhaugh (2006) introduced these terms. They referred to ‘macro’ as the sociology of language (Coulmas, 1998) and ‘micro’ is sociolinguistics in narrow sense.

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

Macro sociolinguistics focuses on studying social structure rather than the features of language. It is conducted in a quantitative way i.e. the investigation starts within the scope of sociology rather than linguistics. Sociology of language focuses on topics such as social factors of language, the interaction between dialects and languages, the decline and emergence of language, and bilingualism.

In describing the relationship of macro sociolinguistics and other disciplines such as dialectology and geography, we should clarify the nature of their connection. Indeed each speech community has its distinctive speech style. However, contact between these communities resulted in diffusion of linguistic forms from one person to another through face to face interaction that ultimately will diffuse from one region to another through various reasons.

However, the interference and transfer between mutually intelligible languages take less time than mutually unintelligible languages.

Studying language contact requires an overlap of macro sociolinguistics with other disciplines. As with dialectology, traditional dialectologists made isoglosses and described the linguistic features of dialects of rural areas that would be later used in geolinguistics or macro sociolinguistic studies. Geolinguists made isoglosses of dialects but involved social factors that helped in studying the diffusion of linguistic characteristics from one society to another through language contact.

1.5.1 Language Contact

Reports on language contact in historical records about human records show that languages have been in contact for thousands of years. We take the example of the famous

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

Babylonian epic poem “the Gilgamesh Epic”, dating from the second millennium BCE, where it had its origin, spread not only to Babylon but also to other ancient Near Eastern cultures and languages such as, Hurrians and Indo-European speaking Hittites were among them. Language contact is one of the reasons of language change and variation because of socio-cultural, attitudinal, political and situational factors. It can occur because of traveling, exogamy, and migration, at language borders, or between adstratum6 languages. It is known that languages influence each other when they interact; an interference would happen i.e. one-language transfers or interferes with another. The interference can take place on various levels of the language, such as the level of vocabulary, syntax or phonology.

The new contributions of linguists such as Weinreich (1953), Thomason & Kaufman

(1988), Winford (2003) and so on, have increased knowledge about the principles and mechanisms involved in that field, yet it is still challenging to foretell the outcomes of language contact. However, current interest of language contact has shifted form the analysis of the contact situation to the results of contact situation with regard to bilingualism (Weinreich, 1979).

There are cases where two speakers are in the same place and the same time but do not interact

(Boukhechba, 2019) to the results of contact situation with regard to bilingualism (Weinreich,

1979).

Trask and Stock well (2007) page 136, defined language contact as “changes in one language resulting from the influence of another language.” Meaning that language contact plays a role in language change. In addition, Holmes (2013) recognizes that language contact is a crucial criterion in the speed of language change. Location plays a crucial role in contact.

People on average usually contact people who live closest to them as you go further away the understating goes less (dialect continuum7). As Weinreich stated in his book “Languages in

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

Contact” in page 1 (1979) “the greatest the difference between the systems, i.e. the more numerous the mutually exclusive forms and patterns in each, the greatest the learning problems and potential area of interference.” Which explains that communities with more contact with outsiders, their language would witness speed change rather than communities with little contact with foreigners. Ultimately, language contact outcomes can extend to several areas such as multilingualism, language shift, prestige, language emergence and death, and language divergence and convergence, which is the main concern of this research.

Contact does not consider only languages but also varieties of the same language.

Existence of two languages in the same place is not substantial in language contact

(Boukhechba, 2019).

1.5.2 Dialect Contact

Unlike language contact, that studies varieties that are mutually unintelligible, dialect contact involves the interaction between systems that share many similarities in the domain of vocabulary, grammar and phonology.

Peter Trudgill’s book “Dialects in contact” is a pioneering work in this field. He discussed the outcomes of a very restricted set of all possible kinds of change that can take place in a language. Particularly, of two mutual intelligible varieties of a language and how one dialect may influence another. Howard Giles, the developer of Communication Accommodation

Theory, inspired Trudgill to argue the importance of studying the behavior of human beings in face-to-face interaction, and to investigate what would occur when a dialect that is characterized by a set of linguistic and demographic characteristics meets a different dialect (Trudgill, 1986).

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

Dialect contact studies the diffusion of innovations and linguistic forms from one region to another under the macro sociolinguistic studies level (Trudgill, 1999). As we said earlier, sociology of language overlaps with other disciplines. In studying situations of language contact, considering any variety of language it is preferable in order not to neglect the effect of socio-psychological factors on the use of language (Weinreich, 1979).

Our main concern in this research is not to investigate dialect contact at the macro level, but to investigate diffusion of lexical forms at the micro level between individuals. This requires an explanation of the theory of communication. Before that, we shall present some socio- psychological factors that motivate variation, influence and affect speech choice.

1.5.2.1 Socio-psychological Overlap

Social psychology is “the scientific field that seeks to understand the nature and causes of individual behavior in social situations” (Baron, Byrne & Suls, 1989, page 6). Social psychologists deal with factors that drive us to behave in a certain way in the presence of others, including thoughts, behaviors and feelings.

Meyerhoff (2011) argues that people could stereotype some linguistic markers (lexical, phonological or structural) positively or negatively. Therefore, our attitudes towards these aspects regulate our speech choice consciously or unconsciously. However, attitudes toward these features would conduct speech choice and variation, if a certain language variety is stigmatized or caused discrimination, people may adopt other language varieties. We may use a certain way of speaking as a preference or admiration, a desire to fit in or out of people, an amusement or mocking tool also, as pride and loyalty to a certain ethnic group, or to identify or

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview distance themselves from a given speech community and many other socio psychological factors

(Holms, 2013).

Social psychology is an important field that overlaps with sociolinguistics at both macro and micro level. The next sections will attribute the main concerns of micro sociolinguistic studies in linguistic diffusion from one speaker to another.

1.6. Micro Sociolinguistics

Narrow sociolinguistics studies how linguistic changes spread from one individual to another because of accommodation in face-to-face interaction, i.e. micro sociolinguistics is interested in the diffusion in a micro sense. Before moving to explaining social psychological linguistic accommodation theory, we shall present briefly some psychological variables that accommodation theory was inspired by.

1.6.1 Social Psychological Variables

People vary in their use of language as the variationist theory proposes. We have alternative ways to say the same things. However, there are factors that contribute in our linguistic variation such as the audience. Bell’s intraspeaker framework in 1984, assumes that everyone has an audience in his mind, which will influence the design of speech that will be used, in other words according to our audience we adjust our speech to suit them. Whether, carefully or casually depending on the addressees (Meyerhoff, 2011).

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

We mentioned in earlier sections the word prestige; there are some prestigious ways of speech that people may adopt to avoid looking down on their language variety and to accentuate more valuable speech styles in a speech community, which is called overt prestige. By contrast, covert prestige is the process where certain groups do not shift or use other speech styles because they value their ethnic features (Yule, 2010).

Communication Accommodation Theory was inspired from the theory of Henry Tajfel in

1978, “The Architect of Social Identity Theory” (Giles, 2016) out of his personal experience.

That is a social psychological theory. It says that language is one of the strongest symbols that an individual may use when they test and maintain boundaries between groups. According to

Tajfel, we all identify with many personas in different contexts including time and place, as a reflex to the salient identities of a group that we interact with, i.e. our behaviors tend to accentuate uniformity within groups (Meyerhoff, 2011).

Accommodation theory has much in common with both Bell’s and Tajfel’s theories and it is the basic idea to this piece of research. The next sections will provide clear picture about the basic ideas of this work and the processes that will be taken into consideration and a concise and precise explanation of the theory.

1.6.2 Accommodation Theory

Accommodation plays a dynamic role at both macro level in long-term dialect contact and dialect mixture processes, and at the micro level, which is face-to-face interaction between individuals. The accommodation at the micro level is our main concern in this work.

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

The pioneer statement of Giles in 1973 was a potent trigger in studying variation in people’s speech style according to their participants. This theory witnessed development in distinct phases by different researchers following Giles’s footsteps (Giles, 2016). It focused, at the beginning on speech behaviors only, but later on extended to non-verbal communication also. Consequently, this field is sometimes called speech accommodation theory and other times communication accommodation theory.

In face-to-face interaction, people tend to design their speech according to their addressee then, they accommodate to each other. So either they increase dissimilarities between them, which is an indication to rejection, or they decrease dissimilarities as an acceptance signal.

Meyerhoff (2011) defined Accommodation Theory as “the process by which speakers attune or adapt their linguistic behavior in light of their interlocutors” behavior and their attitudes towards their interlocutors (may be a conscious or unconscious process). Encompasses either convergence with or divergence from interlocutors’ norms.” People accommodate to each other if their attitudes (views and perspectives) are favorable.

This theory explains three types of accommodation: maintenance, divergence or convergence. The latter refers to adapting and attuning our communication to the other people, so we do not feel different. The former refers to focus on the verbal and non-verbal communication accentuating social differences. Moreover, the first one, it occurs when the speaking partner either does not care or is not able to alter the speech behavior to match their partner.

As an example, in class we have learned about adaptation of humans when going to live to other countries or other regions. In this experience the individual wanting or not starts

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview adapting to some characteristics of native accent, tradition, or ways of dress. Have you ever talked to someone who travels a lot or goes to live in other places and when they come back they seem and talk differently, that is the effect of long-term accommodation. That occurs because of long-term convergence.

Our research will follow the footsteps of Giles (1973) and Trudgill (1986) in studying accommodation between dialects at the micro level.

1.6.3 Accommodation between Dialects

Accommodation does not only occur between speech styles but also sub varieties of a certain language (dialects). Peter Trudgill discusses the subject of “dialects in contact” in his book of the same name in 1986. It deals with the linguistic developments that may take place in the interaction of two mutually intelligible varieties. Trudgill argues that it could readily be observed that related dialects do have an effect on one another in contact situations, with or without the development of individual bidialectalism.

In short-term accommodation, people accommodate to each other linguistically by reducing dissimilarities between their speech patterns, and by adapting features from each other’s speech if the socio psychological factors are favorable. On the other hand, long-term accommodation to a certain dialect or accent may in time become permanent where people adopt salient speech features of the other dialect to their own language system.

Based on the claim of Giles in 1973 “if the sender in a dyadic situation wishes to gain the receiver’s approval then he may adapt his accent patterns towards that of this person, i.e. reduce pronunciation dissimilarities” (page 2) which he labels ‘accent convergence’. We attempt to

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview investigate lexical along with morphological convergence instead of accent on both levels “long and short term”, and reasons behind each process.

Trudgill (1999) claims that accommodation is incomplete since dialect contact may lead to innovations between two original dialects. Partial accommodation may cause “interdialect” which is a new word that combines two original words of dialects that were in contact. To illustrate this, the word “potato” is labelled “Grundbirne” ('ground pear') an area in German in contrast to another area that call potato “Erdapfel ('earth apple'), therefore as a result of contact between these areas an intermediate word was created to the word potato ‘Erdbirne’, as a combination between the two original words.

Our research, mainly, will be made at the micro sociolinguistic level between individuals in face-to-face interaction. More precisely, an investigation will consider couples in Adrar city provided that the husband must be born and raised in Tuat region while the wife must be from another Algerian region. To see which of the couple diverges, converges, or maintains lexically.

Our research will list the salient lexical features of each considered dialect and notes which of the couple adopts more lexis from the other.

Finally, Giles in one of his interviews in 2014 was asked, “so how about if I’m talking to somebody I know from back home, or somebody up North like Em Griffin, Should I switch back to “you guys”? Giles answered, “Probably you should switch back.”( Ledbetter, 2014) This will be put into consideration and investigate whether wives do really converge to their family or diverge away from their mother dialect (vernacular).

Chapter One: An Introductory Overview

1.7 Conclusion

Essentially, the phenomenon of linguistic variation has eventful history. We have seen how language contact can accelerate the emergence of new languages through many methods and circumstances such as marriage, jobs, travelling and so on. The next chapter will describe the sociolinguistic situation in Algeria and Tuat region; furthermore, it will describe some salient lexical variants that the practical side will base on.

1 When the conventional forms of a language are established and maintained, it is standardized 2 Language vitality is when the language is used by the majority of the society 3 If a variety has an independent cultural status, is said to be autonomous 4 An isogloss is a geographical boundary line that marks an area in which a distinctive linguistic feature commonly occurs 5 Studies the relationship between language and culture 6 A variety or group of elements within it, which is responsible for changes in a neighboring language. 7 a range of spoken dialects in some geographical area that are slightly different between neighboring areas

Chapter Two:

Regional Variation in

Algeria

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria 2.1 Introduction

Investigating lexical and morphological accommodation between dialects in Adrar city requires being aware of the lexical and morphological aspects of Tuat region as well as the lexical and morphological aspects of other Algerian dialects in opposition to Adrar city because of exogamy.

The concern of this chapter is to describe regional variation in Algeria following figure

2.1. Starting from the context of our case study moving westward to the north then to center and east and last to south east, as a circle. This chapter will attempt to gather the salient morphemes and words in each region mentioned in the figure below.

Algiers

Tlemcen Oran Batena Mostaganem Tebessa Tiaret

Adrar Tamenrast Bechar

Figure 2.1: design of this chapter.

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

2.2 Regional Variation

Traditional dialectologists described regional dialects in the form of dialect atlases as mentioned in the first chapter. Regional dialect is a language variety spoken in a specific area.

It has its own distinctive linguistic features that differentiate it from other regional dialects;

Linguistic features can be structural, phonological, morphological, or lexical. Yet, lexical and morphological variation are the main concern of this piece of research.

2.3 Lexical Variation

Lexical variation is the use of a linguistic element instead of another with no change in the meaning, for instance the word ‘soda’ can be ‘soda pop’ or just simply ‘pop’. It is observable that people speak differently in different places. As Chambers and Trudgill, argue in this respect:

“If we travel from one village, in a particular direction, we notice linguistic differences, which distinguish one village from another. Sometimes these differences will be larger, sometimes smaller, they will be cumulative. The further we get from our starting point, the larger the differences will become.” (Chambers & Trudgill, 1998, p.5)

One region varies from another lexically, and lexical variation plays a crucial role in the study of regional variation, which occurs because people usually speak differently in different areas. As Bloomfield (1933) claims, the spread of words among people and their tendency to adopt new words and innovations, leads to variation in speech and ultimately to the distinction between dialects as in the quotation below:

“The reason for this intense local differentiation is evidently to be sought in the principle of density. Every speaker is constantly

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

adopting his speech habits to those of his interlocutors; he gives up forms he has been using, adopts new ones, and perhaps oftenest of all, changes the frequency of speech forms without abandoning any ones or accepting any old ones that are really new to him.” (Bloomfield, 1933, p.328)

Communities of one area use one variant (lexical or phonological) differently from another area (Wolfram & Schilling, 2016). Languages vary according to place, social setting and change over time. We can observe differences in words and phrases by comparing the lexical and morphological aspects of regions of the same country.

The next sections will attempt to describe the salient linguistic features (phonological, morphological, and lexical) that differentiate each region named in figure 2.1.

2.4. Algerian Geography

Algeria is a North African state; it belongs to the Maghreb region and a state of over 40 million inhabitants. The land of Algeria extends to more than 2400 kilometers from the north to the south, and more than 2100 kilometers from the east to the west as well. These dimensions give a strategic location to Algeria and make it the largest country in Africa and the 10th in the world as of 2020. As illustrated in the map below, Algeria is bordered by seven countries such as Morocco and Tunisia.

2.5 Algerian Arabic

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

Arabophone people use their dialects, which are inspired from standard Arabic, in their daily non-official speech, and they differ from one country to another. Algeria as a speech community calls its dialect, “Algerian Arabic” which is mastered by the majority, and known as Darija or Dareja.

Map 2.1: location and borders of Algeria.

Algerian Arabic is a spoken language, despite the endeavors to formulate some informal written text in this language, as found in newspapers and social media or as found in mobile phones as a choice of which Arabic variety you would use to manage your phone. It belongs to the Maghrebi Arabic language continuum 8as illustrated in the map bellow.

continuum .Map 2.2: Maghrebi Arabic language continuum.

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

2.6 Varieties in the Algerian Darija

One of the remarkable facts in Algerian Spoken Arabic is the coexistence of many languages (Berber, French, and Arabic) and language varieties in its language system. This complexity is due to the successive coming of Arabs, Spanish and Ottomans, and the French for more than a century, that affected the country not only politically and culturally but also linguistically (Miloudi, 2018). Consequently, there is a need to be aware of the development of the languages in the Algerian spoken dialect, as an important part used in daily communication, which the next sections will describe briefly.

2.6.1 Arabic

Map 2.3: Berber-speaking populations in Algeria.

Due to the Arabic conquest in the second half of the 7th century, the Berbers in sedentary areas shifted to the adoption of the Arabic language while Berbers of the mountains preferred to preserve their ancestral language (ibid, Miloudi). However, the greatest impact on the Berber culture was later in the 10th and 11th centuries, in the course of Banu Hilal. By this time, Arabic

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria reached both sedentary and nomadic Berbers through Islamization. In other words, these Berber societies had to use more and more Arabic in order to carry out their primarily religious duties.

This usage ended up in other areas of life such as trade and politics as the Arabic language was being perceived as being more prestigious and useful and indeed holier than the indigenous

Berber languages spoken there (Versteegh, 1997). Meanwhile, we find that the Berber languages are still spoken by a minority throughout Algeria as illustrated in map 2.3 above, and surely, we find some words from Tamazight 9origin in the Algerian spoken Arabic language as listed in table (2.1).

The Berber term Modern Standard Algerian Spoken gloss Arabic Arabic 3agoun deaf-mute أخرس Aggoun [a:gun] [aχras] [ʕagu:n]

Taghenant stubborn عناد Taghenant

[taɤӘnant] [ʕina:d] [taɤnna:nt]

Table 2.1: some Berber terms used in Algerian Spoken Arabic.

2.6.2 Spanish and Turkish

Both the Spanish and Turkish languages also influenced the Algerian Spoken Arabic. This is because of the invasion of the Spanish in the first Muslim centuries to settle in the west of

Algeria. Therefore, the inhabitants of Algeria called upon the Turkish Barbarous brothers to save them from the Spanish people in 1521. In turn, in 1580 Algeria became a part of the

Ottoman Empire. Turkish became the government language at that time. However, Algerians

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria kept using the Arabic and the Berber languages. Both Spanish and Ottomans brought not only their customs and traditions, but also their language (Mahdad, 2012). Consequently, through borrowing 10and code switching11 many loanwords12 were added to the Algerian Spoken Arabic system as illustrated in table (2.2):

Spanish MSA AA Gloss Turkish MSA AA Gloss Coffeeshop قهواجي صاحب shoes Kahveci صباط حذاء Zapato owner محل قهوة [sapato] [ћidhaӘ] [Ȿabat] [kahvagi] [qahwadzi] [saћib maћal qahwa]

A paper كاغط ورقة Kitchen Kâğıt كوزينة مطبخ Cocina

[kojina] [matbaχ] [kuzina] kaghit [waraqa] [kaɤӘt]

Table 2.2: Some Algerian Arabic words of Spanish and Ottoman origin.

2.6.3 French

The most impactful colonization on Algerian Spoken Arabic is the French for over a century. It tried from the beginning to disperse Algeria’s unity. Its main goal was to remove

Islam in the Algerian Society. France applied missionary policy where it turned Mosques into churches, and tried to tear out the Arabic language by closing Quranic schools and encourage learning French. They also limited higher status jobs to only those who mastered the French language. (Khader, 2016)

In order to foster regionalism13, French researchers sought to prove that Berbers are originally from Europe, and attempted to make Berbers in the Kabyle region (illustrated in map 31

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

2.1) believe that their language and race could not be prestigious unless they quit Islam.

Meanwhile, it built churches, French schools, and cared for orphans in turn, converting to

Christianity. The orphans accepted because they had no place to shelter but they quitted

Christianity when they reached puberty. However, due to Berber Cheikhs and Imams, Algeria was saved from a big hostility between Berbers and Arabs. Ultimately, Algeria became a francophone country since French is its second language, which had a great impact on Algerian

Arabic to the point that northern people believe that speakers of French are more prestigious

(Khader, 2016). The table below shows some words borrowed from French and adopted to meet the Algerian Spoken Language system.

The French Term Phonological Adaptation Gloss Hair drier شيشوار [Séchoir [ʃi:ʃwar Band-aid فاصما [Pansement [fasma Carburetor كاربيالتور [Carburateur [karbilatør Table 2.3: Examples of phonologically adapted French terms in AA (Mehria, 2019)

From the dawn of history until independence in 1962, eight generations, countries, and civilizations passed through Algeria bringing with them their traditions, customs, and especially their language. That created diversity in Darija.

2.7 Dialects in Algeria

Dialects in Algeria belong to two genetically different groups: pre-Hilali and Hilali. Both of which make a dialect continuum that runs across the northern half of Algeria stretching from

Tunisia to Morocco. (Versteegh, 1997). Hilalian dialects can be found in nomadic and sedentary regions distributed throughout Algeria.

It is important to take into consideration that Modern Algeria is divided into various geographically distributed language varieties, that are Western (Oran, Tlemcen etc.), Eastern

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

(Tbessa, Batna, etc.), and Southern (Tamanrasset, Adrar etc.), because of the large distances between them. However, the concern of this chapter is the introduction of regional variation in

Algeria limited only to the regions, illustrated in figure 2.1 that will be considered in the empirical work, in order to investigate and describe lexical along with morphological accommodation of long-term contact between couples in Adrar city. Describing the way these dialects sound and provide by the end the salient lexical and morphological differences between them.

2.7.1 Adrar City Spoken Dialect

The capital city of Adrar province is Adrar. It is located in the Timmi district and belongs to the Tuat region (Bouhania, 2012), Adrarian dialect is called Tuatia /tuwa:tijja/. It is characterized by its sounds replacement as illustrated in the table below.

Map 2.4: Tuat region in Adrar province and Adrar city.

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

MSA sound Adrarian sound Example Gloss

/t/ /t/ [smiti] My name

/d/ /dʒ/ [dʒal] Enter

/q/ /g/ [gal] He said

/ð/ /z/ [zalika] that

Table 2.4: Sounds replacement in Adrarian dialect (Bouhania, 2012)

Adrar is a multidialectal city where you can find a heterogeneous population all living together in one area (Adrar city). In other words, Adrarian dialect is a Bedouin (nomadic) dialect

(Bouhania, 2011) as a Hilalian dialect mark, because of their use of /g/ instead of /q/ as illustrated in the table below.

MSA ASD Gloss

[q] [g]

fuuq/ - + above/ فوق

qaⱾi:r/ - + short / قصير

qalb/ - + heart/ قلب

Table 2.5: The use of g instead of q in Adrar city dialect (Bouhania, 2011).

In Adrar, French is avoided because it is the language of colonialism; Bouhania (2008) argues in this respect “Local society has a biased behavior towards French. And this attitude is enhanced by the informal schools such as the Zawayas. The latter do not only teach ‘Arabic’, but they also foster ideologies and stereotypes.” page 220 .As opposed to the northern cities,

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria there is an absence of French influence on salient words used in daily life communication in

/tuwa:tijja/in Adrar.

This section describes how Adrarian dialect sounds in order to compare it to other

Algerian regions. By the end, a table will portray the salient words that are characteristic to each area.

2.7.2 Bechar Dialect

Bechar is a wilaya in southwest Algeria, bordered by districts as shown in the map above.

In addition, Morocco from the west, that influences its dialects the most. They share many similarities in terms of phonology, lexis, and morphology.

What distinguishes Becharian spoken dialect from other Algerian spoken dialects is: its addition of the prefix [a-] at the beginning of each expression such as in [a3anda:ki t3awdi] which is a warning in Englih ‘do not do it again.’

Furthermore, the use of [ka-] at the beginning of present tense verbs such as, [ka nseben]

(I am washing dishes), [ka ngoli:h] (I am telling him). Moreover, the phonological feature which is the addition of the morpheme [hu:] that functions as an accusative marker for the 3rd Pl. (More specific to dialect of Ksouria). For instance [benthu:] instead of [benthum] (their daughter), which distinguishes Bechar dialect from Adrar dialect.

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

Map 2.5: Map of the Algerian Wilayas.

2.7.3 The Western Varieties

Unlike Tlemcen, Tiaret and Oran are notable for their use of the morpheme {-ah} at the end of verbs [gullah] whereas Mostaganem and Chlef use [u] instead like in [gullu] (Though some variation does occur). Another notable feature of Tiaret spoken dialect is the use of the pragmatic Marker {-ess} for example:

Map 2.6: The Algerian west region. 36

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

The western varieties are located in the north west of Algeria, bordered by Morocco from the west, Ouad Chlef from the east, the Mediterranean to the north (making it close to Spain) and the upper plateaus to the south.

This region includes many provinces as illustrated in map 2.6 marked by its dialect that is called Oranie or western dialect (Lehjet Lgherb). Although they may sound similar and belong to the same region, some linguistic features characterize each town (Benaoudia ,2016).

Tlemcen Spoken dialect is featured by the replacement of [q] into [ʔ] (In the northern side of Tlemcen city). This variety is similar to Tituan and Fez of Morocco. For instance, /ʔawʔaw/ instead of /kawkaw/ that means peanuts in English. However, there are some exceptions, some words are phonologically heavier to pronounce. They tend to pronounce them as/g/ instead of

[ʔ], (like mgammen (generous) groun (horns)).Additionally [] is replaced by [h] in the ending of the expressions: /ba/ - /ba:h/ etc . Tlemcen dialect is distinct from Oran and Mostaganem dialects. It is noteworthy for the use of the morpheme “yen” {-jen} for instance, [fajen] instead of [fi;n] or [wi:n] meaning where.

Tiaret Spoken Dialect Transcription Meaning

?malek ess/ ( angry tone) What is wrong with you/ مالك أسس؟

dzibeh ess/ (angry tone) Bring it/ جيبه أسس

?u ki : dajra ess/ (sarcastic) take a look at her/ شو كيدايرة أسس

/jaa hafidh ess/ يا حفيظ أسس

Table 2.6: Tiaret spoken dialect

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

2.7.4 Northern Algerian Region (center)

Several languages and dialects are spoken in the north center of Algeria. To illustrate this we take the example of Berber that is widely spoken in the Kabylie region (Tizi-ouzou,

Bedjaia) with a great interference of the French language. The Hilialian dialects can be found in areas such as Sour El Ghouzlan, Bouira; they are marked by pronouncing [ɤ] as [q] for example:

[ɤi hak] is pronounced [qi hak] which is ‘just like that’ in English

2.7: location of Algiers.

Algiers is the capital and one of the big cities of Algeria, which makes it a prestigious belonging place. Its dialect is noteworthy for the mixing between Algerian Arabic and French language. To illustrate this we take the following sentences as an example:

qulli: l fatiha j’ai pas trouvé l mftah

Tell fatiha that I haven’t find the key

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

Unlike the Oranie dialect, Algiers dialect pronounce [g] as [q] for instance, [qalli:] instead of [galli:].

The next section is dedicated to the eastern side of Algeria, precisely to its well-known linguistic features as a comparison to the previous Algerian dialects.

2.7.5 Northern Algerian regions (east)

There is a clear difference between the Algerian west and the Algerian east not only in traditions and life style but also in dialects. Belonging to the Maghreb dialect continuum has a great impact on regions that locate in east and west borders.

Due to having borders with Tunisia, the eastern continuum shows resemblance in speech patterns in cities like Annaba, Tbessa, and Ouad Souf where their tone resembles that of the

Tunisians due to their proximity. As an illustration, addressing both genders using the Arabic second person female pronoun [ʔnti] Instead of [ʔnta] the Arabic second person male pronoun, which is you for both genders in English, is an example of their symmetry.

There is a need to acknowledge that moving westward will decrease similarity with

Tunisian spoken Arabic. Tamazight has its presence in provinces such as Batna and Tamanrasset while the latter use Targi variety and the former utter Chawiya variety.

Based on YouTube, Facebook and phone call questions data on Tamanrasset and Batna spoken dialects were collected since they are under resourced dialects. The map bellow depicts demographic and geographical information needed on Tebessa, Batna, and Tamanrasset towns.

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

People in Batna are mixed. A group mixes between Algerian Arabic and Chawiya at the same time other groups use either Algerian Spoken Arabic or Chawiya. The sentences below exemplify the mixture of Chawiya and Darija.

[netꭍ adruћaɤ ћanu:t f li:l]

I will go to the shop at night

[noudi awid lmefθaћ raho ћda θwriqθ]

Stand-up bring the key. It is beside the paper

Map 2.8: demographic and geographic information three eastern regions.

In parallel to Batna speakers, Tamanrasset people also mix between Targi and Algerian

Spoken Dialect for example, [hak aꭍri afus w aꭓ] which means ‘go buy eggs and milk’ where afus and akh are Targi words. On the other hand, they may use only one of these varieties depending on their interlocutor. Tamanrasset has two regions, Tidikelt in the north and the larger

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

Hoggar region in the south where they have contact with various other African languages like

Hausa and Bambara. As Adrarian Spoken dialect, Tamanrasset spoken dialect is notable by the extensive use of the [g]. Their tone or accent is similar to Nigeria since they border the city from the south and have contact with Nigeria.

2.8 Lexical variation in Dareja

The aim of this research obliges a description of the salient lexical and morphological differences between the listed regions in figure 2.1. As an endeavor, the table below lists a group of words where each region is noteworthy for as a comparison to Adrar spoken dialect.

MSA Adrar Bechar Oran Tiaret Mostaganem Gloss no ال ال ال ال والو ال [laə] [walu] [la] [la] [la] [la] yes واه واه واه / أنعم واه اييه/ييه نعم [naʕam] [jji:h/ [wa:h] [wa:h]/anʕam] [wa:h] [wa:h] ajjih]

How are كيراكم ها وشتا/ كيراكم كيراكو / اش لخبار كيف حالكم؟ ?kirakum] you] واش [kajfa [ʔæʃ [ha kirakom [wachta الحالة [ћalukum] laχbar كيدايرة [kira:ku] [kidajra]

fine غاية الباس غاية بيخير بخير بخير الباس [biꭓajr] [bꭓir] [ɤaja] [læbæs] [ɤa:ja] [biꭓir læbæs] What is that شتاواال هادا شا هادي شاواال هادا واش هادا اش هادا ما هذا؟

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

[ma [ʔȃꭍ [wȃꭍ [ꭍewala hᴂda] [ꭍᴂ [ꭍtawala hᴂða] hᴂda] hᴂda] hᴂdi] hᴂda] /شاو دا [ꭍᴂw da] what واش كيفاه شاواال واش اسمو ماذا؟ [ma:ða] [ʔasmu] [wæꭍ] [ꭍtawᴂla] [kifᴂh] [wᴂꭍ] اسميتو

[ʔasmitu] اش هو [ʔȃꭍ huwa] But بصح بصح بصح بصح العاله لكن [lᴂkin] [la ʕlah] [bⱾah] [bⱾah] [bⱾah] [bⱾah] why عاله عاله عاله/ لياه عاله عاله لماذا؟ [limᴂða] [ʕlᴂh] [ʕlᴂh] [ʕlᴂh / lijah] [ʕlᴂh] [ʕlᴂh]

A lot بزاف بزاف بزاف ياسر ياسر بكثرة [bikaθra] [jᴂsər] [jᴂsər] [bza:f] [bza:f] [bza:f] /عيطة بزاف [bzᴂf] [ʕajta] wait قارع ستنا قارع ستنا سنا انتظر [intaðir] [səna] [stəna] [qaraʕ] [stəna] [qaraʕ] / صبر [Ȿbər] Hurry up خف روحك خف خف عجل سرع أسرع [ʔsriʕ] [sraʕ] [ʕdʒəl] [χəf] [χof] [χof rohak] فيساع [fisaʕ]

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

Just that هديك الحية و غي هاديك غي هاديك لحاجة غا ديك ال داك الشي فقط ذلك thing صاي لحية لحاجة الشيء [la dak ꭍi] [ɤi hᴂdik [faqat [ɤa dik lћᴂʒa] [ɤi [hᴂdik lћaja ðalika lћᴂʒa] hᴂdik w Ȿaji] ꭍꭍajə] lћaja] Shortly ساع شويا ساعتين غي درك شوية ڤبيلة شويا قبيلة شوي قبل قليل before [qabla [gbila [gbila [ɤi dork ꭍwija] [ssaʕtin] [sȃʕ ꭍwija] /ڤبيلة [qalil] ꭍwi] ꭍwija [gbila] kids غرايين ذراري غراوين بزوز لعييل أطفال [aʈfa:l] [lʕaji:l] [bzoz] [ɤrawin] [ðrari] [ɤrajin] Boys شاشرا شاشرا شاشرا لوالد لوالد صبيان [Ȿibja:n] [lwlȃd] [lwlȃd] [ꭍᴂꭍra] [ꭍᴂꭍra] [ꭍᴂꭍra]

girls شيرات شيرات شيرات لبنات لبنات صبايا [Ȿaba:ja] [lbna:t] [lbna:t] [ꭍirat] [ꭍirat] [ꭍirat] Agricultural أرض هكتار فيرما أرض جنان أرض land لفالحة فالحية [ʒnᴂn] [firma] [hikta:r] [bhira] [ard [ard filaћija] leflaћa] مغرف طعام غراف مغرف كبير اللوش مغرف تسڤيا ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa [moɤrof [la:luꭍ] [moɤrof [ɤoraf] [moɤrof kabira] tsagya] kbira] ʈʕa:m] Plastic bag شكارة صاشي بورسة بورسة زڤيبة كيس [Ȿaꭍi] بالستيكي [zgiba] [bu:rsa] [ꭍkara] ساشية kajs] [bu:rsa] plastiki] [sa;ꭍija] A knife خدمي خدمي خدمي خدمي موس سكين [sikin] [mos] [χodmi] [χodmi] [χodmi] [χodmi]

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

tomatoes طوماطيش طاماطيش طماطيس طماطيش طاماطيش طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈamaʈiꭍ] [ʈomaʈiꭍ] [ʈomaʈis] [ʈamaʈiꭍ] [tomatiꭍ] Guest room صالون صالون صالة صالة بيت ضيافين غرفة ضيوف [bit ɖjafi] [Ȿala] [Ȿala] [Ȿalɔ̃] [Ȿalɔ̃] [ɤorfat dojo:f] grandmother نانة ما ميمة جدة ما حنة جدة [dʒadah] [ma [dʒada] [mmima] [mma] [na:na] / حنة ћanna /جدة [hanna] [dʒada] carrot زروديا زرودي كروطا خيزو زرودي جزر [dʒazar] [zrodi] [χizo] / [karoʈa] [zrodija] [zrodija] زرودية [zrodija] ball بالون بلوطة بوال بالو كورة كرة [kora] [ko:ra] [balo] [bola] [bloʈa] [balon] meal جواز مرڤا مرڤا مرڤا مرڤا مرق [maraq] [marga] [marga] [marga] [marga] [ʒwaz]

MSA Tlemcen Algiers Batna Tebessa Tamanrasset Gloss no والو أها ال الال ال ال [laə] |la] [lala] [la] [aha] [walu] /أهاء [ahaə] yes اييه/ايه هيه هيه ايه واه نعم [naʕam] [wah] [ih] [hih] [hih] [ji:h/ ajih]

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

How are واش لحوال واشكم راهي واش راكم كيريم كيف حالكم؟ ?you مليحة [kajfa [kirikəm] [weꭍ [waꭍkum] [waꭍ lehwᴂl] halukum] rakum] [rahi mliha] ماعليكش [maʕlikꭍ] fine ال لخير بخير وهللا بيان الباس حنا بخير بخير [biꭓajr] [hna [lᴂbᴂs] [wolah [bꭓir] [la lꭓir] bꭓir] bjan] /بخير /غاية الغاية [bꭓir] [ɤajat elɤaja] What is that وشنو هذا واشيا هذا وشنو وشنو هادا واسم هادا ما هذا؟ [ma [wasəm [wəꭍno [weꭍno] [waꭍija [weꭍno haða] hᴂða] hada] hᴂda] hað] /أشنو هدا /واشي /اسم هادا [waꭍi] [ʔꭍno hada] [ʔsəm hada] what واش وشيا وشي هذا وشنو واسم ماذا؟ [ma:ða] [wasem] [weꭍno] [weꭍi [waꭍija] [wᴂꭍ] haða] /اسم [asəm] /واشتا [waꭍta] But بصح بصح بصح مي بصح لكن [lᴂkin] [bsah] [mi] [bⱾah] [bⱾah] [bⱾah] why عاله وعاله وعاله وعالش وعاله لماذا؟ [limᴂða] [waʕlah] [waʕlaꭍ] [waʕlah] [waʕlah] [ʕlᴂh] /عالواش [waʕlaꭍ]

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

A lot بالسخط ياسر ياسر بزاف بزاف بكثرة [bikaθra] [bza:f] [bza:f] [ja:sr] [ja:sr] [bsꭓaʈ] ياسر [ja:sr]

wait سنا سنا سناي أصبر أصبر انتظر [intaðir] [ʔsbər] [ʔsbər] [sənaj] [səna] [səna] /حبسي [habsi] Hurry up فيساع أزرب أزرب غاول خفف أسرع [ʔsriʕ] [ꭓafef] [ɤa:wel] [ʔzreb] [ʔzreb] [fisᴂʕ] /ألعب خفيف [ʔlʕab ꭓfif] Just that داك شي أذاك برك هذيكا برك هاداك برك غي ديك فقط ذلك thing لحاجة الشيء [hᴂdᴂk [hᴂðika [ʔðak [dak ꭍi] [faqat [ɤi dik bark] bark] bark] ðalika lћaʒa] /هداك شي ꭍꭍajə] برك [hᴂdak bark] Shortly عندو ال شويا ڤباال ڤبيل بعد مقبيل غي دروا قبل قليل before [qabla [ɤi [moqbil] [gbil [gbala] [ʕando la qalil] darwa] baʕd] ꭍwija] /ال دوكا [la doka] /غير دوركا [ɤir druka]

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

kids عيال ذراري ذر دراري بزوز أطفال [aʈfa:l] [bzoz] [drari] [ðar] [ðrari] [ʕjal] /عييل [ʕajiil] Boys والد طفل والد دراري ذراري صبيان [sibja:n] [ðrari] [drari] [wlᴂd] [ʈfol] [wlᴂd] /لوليدات [lwlidᴂt] girls بنات بنات بنوت لبنات بنات صبايا [saba:ja] [bnᴂt] [bnᴂt] [bnut] [bna:t] [bnᴂt] /صبايا /طفالت [ʈflat] [Ȿabaja] /صبية [Ȿabija] Agricultural جنة فالحة فالحة فيرما أرض تاع أرض land فالحة فالحية [firma] [flaћa] [flaћa] [ʒana] [ard [ʔrd taʕ filaћija] flaћ] اللوشة غنجايا كبيرة مغرف غراف معيلقة ملعقة كبيرة الساڤو كبيرة [milʕaqa [ɤoraf] [ɤanʒija [laluꭍa] kabira] [mliʕqa] [moɤef kbira] ssago] Plastic bag زڤيبة صاشيا ساشي ساشي ساشي كيس بالستيكي [saꭍi] / [saꭍi] [saꭍi] [Ȿaꭍija] [zgiba] ساشية kajs] /ساشية plastiki] [saꭍia] [saꭍia] A knife موس موس موس موس خدمي سكين [sikin] [ꭓodmi] [mu:s] [mu:s] [mu:s] [mos]

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

tomatoes طاماطيش طماطم كعب طماطم طماطم طوماطيش طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈomaʈiꭍ] [ʈmaʈem] [ʈmaʈem] [ʈmaʈem [ʈamaʈiꭍ] kʕab] Guest room سڤيفة صالون صالون صالون صالون غرفة ضيوف [Ȿalɔ̃] [Ȿalɔ̃] [Ȿalɔ̃] [Ȿalɔ̃] [sgifa] [ɤorfat dojo:f] ћanna] grandmother]حنة يما/ميما نانا يما ميمة جدة /حنينة /[dʒadah] [mima] / [jemma] / [nnanna] [jemma] ماني حنة [mmimma] [ћanina] [ћanna] [maani]

carrot زرودي سنارية زرودية زروندية زرودية جزر [dʒazar] [zrodija] [zrondija] [zrodija] [senarija] [zrodi] ball كورة بالون بالون بالون كورة كرة [kora] [ko:ra] / [balon] [balon] [balon] [ko:ra] بالون [balon] meal ليدام مرقا مرڤا جواز مرأ مرق [maraq] [marʔa] [ʒwaz] [marga] [marqa] [lidam] Table 2.7: Lexical variation in some Algerian regions.

2.10 Conclusion

This chapter illustrated some lexical and morphological Algerian features and gave some salient features that each region has, in order to provide sufficient results in the next chapter.

This chapter illustrated some lexical and morphological Algerian features and gave some salient features that each region has, in order to provide sufficient results in the next chapter

Chapter Two: Regional Variation in Algeria

Algerian’s geographical broadness, more than two millions square kilometers, is a crucial reason in the existence of several dialects, bearing in mind that each dialect has its own linguistic features that differentiate it from another one and they might be limited to one region only.

However, many regions share a group of daily spoken expressions and concepts what makes them gathered under the umbrella of Algerian Spoken Dialect.

8 is a vernacular Arabic dialect continuum spoken in the Maghreb region, in Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, Western Sahara, and Mauritania 9 Berber dialect spoken in Morocco in the High Atlas, the Middle Atlas and the Rif as well as in Algeria (Kabylie) where it has become a national language alongside Arabic 10 a word or phrase adopted from one language into another 11 the switching from the linguistic system of one language or dialect to that of another 12 a word adopted from a foreign language with little or no modification 13 development of a political or social system based on one or more such areas 49

Chapter Three : Case Study

Chapter Three: Case

Study

Chapter Three : Case Study

Chapter Three: Case Study

3.1. Introduction This research was inspired by observing a wife who has adopted her speech style to her husband’s to assimilate herself into his entourage. The main quest is to provide in-depth investigation on this linguistic behavior. For sure, conducting research in sociolinguistics entails fieldwork. However, the latter requires strong theoretical ground that accounts for the reasons and for better understanding the variables involved. In this regard, therefore, the first two chapters provide preliminary background about dialect contact and the accommodation theory and establish some salient lexical and morphological features of some Algerian regions that will serve to complete this empirical part.

The following chapter describes the empirical process of this research. Providing the methodology undertaken, the analysis, the results, and a sample description to give by the end a portrait on who accommodates to who and for what reason in the case of exogamous couple.

3.2. Approaches

The approach chosen to conduct a research relies on its aim and questions. This research employs both qualitative and quantitative approaches because it involves the ethnographic and the variationist research traditions.

In reference to the view of the variationist sociolinguists, Labov, Trudgill and

Tagliamonte, which takes into account the quantitative method. The endeavor of this work is to describe the lexis used by couples in Adrar city and elicit their vernacular speech. In order to

Chapter Three : Case Study achieve this, the empirical process will be based on several techniques to produce statistical data.

On the other hand, the ethnographic tradition emphasizes that the speakers’ beliefs, expectations and cultural principles influence their language performance (Bijeikiené,

Tamosiuaité, 2013). To ensure a balance, reliable results and to understand the phenomenon of dialect contact and accommodation between couples in Adrar city, it is important to mention the reasons for some behaviors in depth. Where it necessitates qualitative approach since it is difficult to assign statistical data to abstract constructions.

3.3. Data collection tools

In order to avoid pitfalls and increase the validity of the results, the data collection process was based on three research instruments as an inspiration from Labov’s experiment in New

York in using triangulation method. The following part lists three paradigms used to conduct this research.

3.3.1 Interview

Interview is divided into sections; each section is dedicated to obtain a certain result. First, questions from one to six are for demographic information of the participants to section them into categories. Second, the questions related to the families’ situational information are from seven to fourteen in order to deduce reasons behind some behaviors such as the shift from one dialect to another.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Picture 3.1: interview questions.

Third, concerning an illiterate couple, translating MSA sentences into the mother dialect was replaced by providing the interviewees sixteen pictures to name them using their idiolect for statistical analysis. Pictures bellow illustrate examples from the collection whilst the other pictures are in the index section. Most pictures were already named and picked from table 2.7

(chapter two) to reach by the end how many words the participants have changed. In addition, a stressing environment using countdown timer (one minute to name the whole collection) was needed to corroborate the spontaneity of the chosen sample.

Picture 3.2: example 1 Picture 3.3: example 2 53

Chapter Three : Case Study

3.3.2 Phone call

In addition to interviews, the wives were asked to call one of their family members in order to listen whether these females would converge or diverge to their hometown dialect. By eliciting some salient expressions and expressions that can be related to telephone language such as ‘hello, how are you?” Where each region is distinguished from another in telephone language as exemplified in table 2.7 from chapter two.

3.3.3 Focus group interview

The timing planned for the whole three sections was from thirty to forty five minutes, but this last instrument used to take an extra half an hour to thirty five minutes since the participants were given the freedom to express their thoughts and beliefs about dialect contact and accommodation among couples in general.

3.4 Sampling techniques

The choice of the sample comes to one crucial criterion, which should be met to consider any family. In the latter, the couple has to have lived together for a long period of time (one year at minimum). In addition, the husband must be born and raised in Adrar city while the wife is the contrary, meaning an outsider to Adrar city. The reason behind choosing this sample is that it was highly expected to find men of outside Adrar marriage rather than women since it is

Chapter Three : Case Study customary in Algeria that the wife lives by the norms of her husband. Thus, she would be required to live where the husband lives.

In order to find the right sample that suits the above-mentioned conditions, a request was distributed on neighborhood families, relatives, friends, friends of friends, and Facebook groups as well in Adrar city.

3.5 The sample

request accepted refused Total refrained Not Additional refrained participants 50 22 28 22 13 9 2 Table 3.5.1: sample before quarantine Table 3.5.2: sample during quarantine

The society in Adrar is conservative which is the main reason behind the refuse of more than the half of the requested families in addition to their fear of recordings since the whole meeting should be recorded. However, twenty-two families approved for the conditions before the quarantine.

Based on the origin of the wives the second chapter was designed to provide the salient lexis of each region they belong to. Thus, most of the wives were from the western Algerian side.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Because of the corona virus pandemic thirteen families decided to withdraw from the experiment where it was necessary to add two widows of the eastern Algerian side. To have by the end nine couples and two widows as a sample for the present research.

The coding of the sample will be as follow:

Participants wives husbands

C1 W1 H1 Table key C2 W2 H2 C = couple C3 W3 H3 W = widow

C4 W4 H4 W = wife

C5 W5 H5 H = Husband C6 W6 H6 C7 W7 H7 C8 W8 H8

C9 W9 H9 W1 W10 /

W2 W11 /

9 couples / 11 women 9 men TOTAL:

2 widows 20 person

Table 3.5.3: The sample coding

Chapter Three : Case Study

3.6 Ethical considerations

It is unprofessional to disregard the confidentiality of the data gathered since it includes the private details of the participants. It is a fact that more than half of the families requested refused to be recorded and recording someone without his/her permission may lead to jail punishment according to 303 repeated article of the Algerian law (Boukhechba, 2019). In this respect, families who accepted to be recorded stipulated their anonymity and the privacy of the recordings. Simultaneously, six families asked for the omission of the recordings once the research is approved and the rest will be kept for further research.

3.7 Data analyses and interpretation

This section analyzes and describes systematically the data collected through interview, phone calls, and focus group interview. Moreover, each section will be interpreted separately to comment and present the overall findings of this investigation at the end.

3.8 Interviews analysis and interpretation

3.8.1 Demographic information analysis and interpretation

Chapter Three : Case Study

Wives age Level of Born Raised occupation Marriage code education period W1 40 university Bechar Bechar employee 7 years W2 55 Middle Bechar Bechar Retired 26 years school+ employee training vocational school W3 46 University Oran Tlemcen University 20 years teacher W4 53 High school+ Béni Saf Oran Retired 40 years training French vocational teacher school W5 43 Illiterate Mostaganem Mostaganem Housewife 25 years W6 47 high school Sidi Ali- Sidi Ali- housewife 25 years Mostaganem Mostaganem W7 31 High school Tiaret Tiaret shopkeeper 5 years W8 53 university Koléa Koléa Middle 26 years school teacher W9 58 Middle school Tunisia Tunisia housewife 33 years W10 55 High school+ Biskra Biskra Retired 30 years training French vocational teacher school W11 67 High school + Ouenza- Ouenza - Retired 30 years training Tebessa Tebessa French vocational teacher school Table 3.1: demographic information of women.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Husbands Age Level of Born Raised Occupation Marriage code education period H1 47 University Mimoun Mimoun employee 7 years –Tuat region H2 60 Middle school Adrar Adrar Retired 26 years employee H3 54 University Adrar Adrar University 20 years teacher H4 72 Primary school Adrar Adrar Retired sport 40 years teacher H5 58 Illiterate Adrar Adrar shopkeeper 25 years H6 58 High school Adrar Adrar mechanic 25 years H7 39 Middle school Adrar Adrar Truck driver 5 years H8 62 university Adrar Adrar Businessman 26 years H9 62 Middle school Adrar Adrar Syndicate 33 years agent Table 3.2: demographic information of men.

Question 01: what is your age?

number of Women's age group age group participants less than 30 0 less than 30 30-40 1 30-40 40-50 40-50 4 50-60 50-60 5 60-70 60-70 1 more than 70 more than 70 0 Table 3.3: women’s age group Graph 3.1: women’s age group

Chapter Three : Case Study

number of age group participants Men's age group less than 30 0 less than 30 30-40 1 30-40 40-50 1 40-50 50-60 4 50-60 60-70 60-70 2 more than 70 more than 70 1 Table 3.4: Men’s age group Graph 3.2: Men’s age group

Graphs 3.1 and 3.2 portray that most women are between 40 to 60 years old whilst most men are between 50 to 70 years old.

Question 2: what is your educational level?

Most of the participants had training in vocational schools to be teachers in primary, middle or high school. While three women and two men are university graduate. Moreover, the graph below shows that there is one illiterate man and one illiterate woman, and non of the participants has primary school level.

participants' educational level 6 5 4 3 2 1 0 university high school middle school primary training illiterate school vocational schools

women men

Graph 3.3: Educational level of participants.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Questions 3 & 4: (place of birth and raise)

Questions 3 and 4 were dedicated to categorize the regional origin of women since one of the conditions of this research is that the husbands must be born and raised in Adrar ‘Tuat region’. By contrast, wives are from different Algerian regions.

One can notice that most women come from the northwest and southwest regions as illustrated in graph 3.4, while only one wife is from center north region and three from the northeast. Two of them are widows. Furthermore, the graph below illustrates the absence of participants from the southeast region. Probably because of the large distance between the

Algerian east and Tuat region Adrarian men marry more women of the Algerian west.

WOMEN'S HOME REGION

0 southwest northeast north northeast southwest

Graph 3.4: home region of the women.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Question 5: What is your occupation?

As it is shown in graph, 3.5 most men do work while only two of them are retired. Opposed to men, there are four retired women and four workers while the rest of women represent three homemakers.

men women

non

retired

working

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Graph 3.5: occupation of participants.

Question 6: for how long have you been married?

marriage number of period groups participants 1_ 10 2 10_20 0 20_30 5 30_40 3 40_50 1

Table 3.5: participants’ marriage period Graph 3.6: marriage period groups

Chapter Three : Case Study

Since the aim of this research is to investigate long-term accommodation between exogamic couples, the marriage period of most of the participants is between twenty to forty years, which is suitable for the current research.

3.8.2 Situational information analysis and interpretation

Questions 7 & 8: have you ever traveled out of your hometown before marriage?

If yes, where and for how long?

Women Yes / no Where? For how long? W1 Yes Oran 15 days W2 Yes Oran 7 days W3 Yes Alger 15 days W4 Yes Oran 20 days Tlemcen W5 yes Oran 15 days W6 Yes Oran 5 days W7 Yes Jijel 5 days Tipaza 5 days Tlemcen 30 days Mostaganem 15 days Algiers Many times a year for 10 days W8 Yes 48 Algerian From 2 to 15 days Wilayas

Chapter Three : Case Study

W9 No / / W10 Yes 48 Algerian From 15 to 20 days Wilayas W11 yes Mecheria- Naâma 10 days Algiers 3 months Saїda 20 days Table 3.6: women’s answers on social network’s questions one & two.

Men Yes / no Where? For how long? H1 Yes Oran 7 days H2 Yes Algiers 7 days Oran H3 Yes Algiers 7 days Oran 7 days Out of Algria 10 days H4 Yes Oran 2 months Ain Timouchent 2 months H5 Yes Mostaganem 3 months Oran 5 days Algiers 5 days H6 Yes Algiers 7 days Out of Algeria 7 days H7 Yes Tlemcen 30 days Oran 7 days Algiers 7 days Bechar 2 days Ain Safra 2 days

Chapter Three : Case Study

H8 Yes Algiers Many times a year for 7 to 20 days Oran Out of Algeria H9 yes Oran 7 days Algiers 7 days Out of Algeria 7 days Ouad Souf 2 days Table 3.7: Men’s answers on social network’s questions one & two

As it is noticed from table 3.6 and 3.7, all men traveled before marriage while one out of the total number of women did not travel out of her hometown before marriage unlike the rest.

Graphs 3.7 and 3.8 illustrate that the participants traveled out of their hometown before marriage with an exception of one women did not travel out of her hometown.

0% 0% 0% 0% 0% 5% 0% 6% bechar 19% bechar 0% Tiaret 0% Tiaret 31% Mostaganem Mostaganem 0% Oran Oran Tlemcen Tlemcen Algiers Algiers Batena Batena Tebessa 19% 44% Tebessa 43% Out of Algeria 5% Out of Algeria 28%

Graph 3.7: places visited by Graph 3.8: places visited by women before marriage men before marriage

Chapter Three : Case Study

7 10 9 6 8

5 7 6 4 5

3 4 3 2 2 1 1 0 0 0_7 8_14 15_20 21_30 31_60 61_90 0_7 8_14 15_20 21_30 31_60 61_90 days days days days days days days days days days days days

Graph 3.9: women’s duration of travel Graph 3.10: men’s duration of travel

Graphs 3.9 and 3.10 show that all men do not exceed 7 days, only a minority exceed this period, in visiting a city or a country out of their hometown for either vacation or business. By contrast, the women’s duration of travel is between 7 to 30 or 90 days as maximum for summer vacation.

Questions 9 & 10: Have you lived in another place for more than one year before and after marriage? If yes, where and for how long?

Women’s code Yes / no place period W1 Yes Adrar city 17 years W2 Yes Adrar city 25 years W3 Yes Oran 6 years Timimoun 2 years Adrar city 19 years W4 Yes Adrar city 40 years W5 Yes Adrar city 25 years W6 Yes Adrar city 25 years W7 Yes Adrar city 19 years

Chapter Three : Case Study

W8 Yes Adrar city 26 years W9 Yes Adrar city 35 years W10 Yes Adar city 32 years W11 yes Adrar city 42 years Table 3.8: Women’s responses of questions 9 & 10

Men’s code Yes / no Place Period H1 No / / H2 No / / H3 Yes Tlemcen 4 years Out of Algeria 7 years H4 No / / H5 No / / H6 Yes Tamanrasset 2 years H7 No / / H8 Yes Oran 4 years H9 yes Out of Algeria 15 years Table 3.9: Men’s responses of questions 9 & 1

44% 56%

100%

yes no yes no

Graph 3.11: Females’ answers (Q 9) Graph 3.12: Males’ answers (Q 9)

Chapter Three : Case Study

Graph 3.13: males’ answers (Q 10) Graph 3.14: females’ answers (Q 10)

3.5 4.5 3 4 3 3.5 4 2.5 3 2 3 3 2 2.5 1.5 2 1 1.5 1 0.5 1 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 0 0.5 0 0

All the females declared that they lived out of their hometown for more than one year.

They moved to Adrar city after marriage and most of them have been living in Adrar city between sixteen to more than thirty years. On the contrary, more than half of the males did not live out of Adrar city, only three because of national military service or for university studies in a period of two to seven years as illustrated in graph 3.13 and graph 3.14.

Question 11: Do you have friends, colleagues, neighbors …? yes no Number of females 11 0 Number of males 9 0 3.10: answers of question 11 The above table shows that all men and women have foreign relations other than their family members including colleagues, friends and neighbors.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Questions 12, 13 & 14: Where do you meet them usually? How would you describe your relation with them? Where are they from?

Women’s code Answers of Answers of Answers of Q 12 Q 13 Q 14 W1 Home Dense Adrar and Bechar W2 Work or Home Loose Adrar , Bechar and Tiziouzou W3 Home loose Tiziouzou, Oran, Algiers W4 Homes Loose Adrar, Bechar, Tlemcen, Oran W5 Home Dense Adrar, Mostaganem W6 Home ,Gym Dense Bechar, Mostaganem Weddings W7 Work Loose Adrar W8 Work, Home, Dense Oran, Algiers, Tiziouzou, Tlemcen, Constantine wedding parties W9 Homes Dense Tebessa W10 Home, wedding loose Oran, mostaganem, Aїn parties Timouchent, Ghardaria, Algiers W11 Home Dense Tunisia Table 3.11: Women’s answers of questions 12, 13, and 14.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Men’s code Answers on Answers on Answers on Q 12 Q 13 Q 14 H1 Ziyaras, work, dense Adrar mosque. H2 mosque loose Adrar H3 Ziyaras, work, loose Adrar, Oran, Home Tlemcen H4 Home dense Adrar, Oran H5 Home, work dense Adrar H6 Work dense Adrar H7 Work, coffee shops loose Adrar H8 Work, Home dense Adrar, Ain Safra H9 Gym, work, Home dense Adrar ,Algiers, Tunisia Table 3.12: men’s answers of questions 12, 13, and 14.

7 women men 6 6 6 11 5 5

7 4 3

5 3

3 3

2 2

1 1

1 2

0 0 0 0 1 0 women men

dense loose

Graph 3.15: meeting places of the participants Graph 3.16: relations description

The majority of the participants have dense relationships including friends, colleagues, and neighbors. Table 3.11 shows that most women, who participated in this research, have foreign relations meaning that they have tight connections with women that do not belong to

Chapter Three : Case Study

Adrar city like them and they usually meet at home. Unlike females, males meet up with their

Adrarian foreign friends mostly at work rather than at home.

This section was dedicated to analyze the demographic and situational information of the participants to clarify more the image and to ensure the results that are aimed at in this research, however, these analyzes are not enough to discover whom accommodates to whom.

3.9 Pictures naming, phone calls, and focus group interview analyses and results

These tools, that represent the main core of this research, are devoted to calculate lexis used by the couples. Each couple will be analyzed and describes separately, according to the data collected through pictures naming, phone calls and focus group interview, in order to illustrate dialect contact and accommodation between Adrar city couples. At the end, we would comment on all the applied instruments in this research and present the overall results of the current piece of work.

Family number one “C1” analysis and interpretation.

Adrar Spoken Dialect and Bechar Spoken Dialect share many common expressions and are more mutually intelligible than other dialects because of the dialect continuum between these two cities. The main differences can be seen in some morphemes and lexis that are originally from Morocco and used in BSD.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Words in MSA W1 H1 GLOSS Knife موس خدمي سكين [sikin] [χudmi] [moⱾ] Plastic bag صاشي خنشة كيس بالستيكي [kajs plastiki] [χanꭍa] [saꭍi] Ladle مغرفا مغرف ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] [moɤrof] [mɤarfa] Boys بزوز بزوز صبيان [Ȿibja:n] [bzo:z] [bzo:z] Tomatoes طماطم طماطيش طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈamaʈiꭍ] [ʈmaʈem] Sauce مرڤا عدس مرق [maraq] [ʕdes] [marga:] Guests room صالة صالون غرفة ضيوف [ɤorfat dojo:f] [salon] [ssala] Grand mother شيبانية حاجة جدة [dʒadah] [ћaʒa] [ꭍibanija] Carrot زروديا زروديا جزر [dʒazar] [zrodija] [zrodija] Teapot براد براد ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [bera:d] [bra:dʒ] Agriculture land جنان جنان ارض فالحية [ʔrd filaћija] [ʒna:n] [ʒna:n] School مدرسة ﺇكول مدرسة [madrasa] [iku:l] [madrasa] Little kids أطفال بزوز أطفال [ʔʈfal] [bzo:z] [ʔʈfal]

Chapter Three : Case Study

Ball كورة بالو كرة [kora] [balo] [ko:ra] Clothes بدالت كسوة مالبس [malabis] [kswa] [badla:t] Girls تحضيري بزوز صبيات [Ȿabija:t] [bzoz] [taћdiri] Table 3.13: family number one pictures naming.

WORDS NON MISS NATIVE NATIVE NAMED TO TO WORDS ADRAR ADRAR W1 5 8 3 H1 8 2 6 Table 3.14: the results of table 3.13

The couple named all the pictures presented. Table 3.14 shows that W1 used five lexis of

Adrar Spoken Dialect in comparison to H1 who used only two lexis of Bechar Spoken Dialect besides he used MSA lexis in naming some pictures. The use of MSA by the husband is because most of his friends are imams; here we can see the effect of the speech community on the speech of H1.

While W1 was speaking on the phone said ‘ki raki dajra laba:s?’ that is ‘Are you ok?’ in

English, ‘[wah] which is ‘yes’ in English [aja beslama thali fi rasek] which indicated ‘good bye, take care of yourself’. These expressions are widely said in BSD, which means that the wife converges to her hometown dialect when she spoke to her sister.

While listening to the couple discussing, each one of them sounded different. Meaning that each one had identity mark for example the use of ‘hu:’ by the wife at the end of her

Chapter Three : Case Study

teapot’ which is a widely‘ ’براد‘ [sentences and the use of [-dʒ] by the husband like saying [brᴂdʒ common usagein ASD. However, the wife has accommodated more than the husband has because she used ASD expressions such as:

walu la tmsχir] : No it is just rubbish] = واال ال تمسخير ʕla χir] : Good bye] = على خير dak ꭍi zin] : That thing is beautiful] = داك شي زين

As a result, belonging to Adrar speech community has an effect on W1 speech style where she adopted more lexis than H1, while the husband has not adopted much from his wife meaning she had no effect on his speech style. This family shows no interdialectal expressions and the wife switches back to her hometown dialect when she talks to one of her family members and uses morpheme [hu:] that functions as an accusative marker for the 3rd Pl which indicates that she belongs to Bechar city.

Family number two “C2” analysis and interpretation.

Words in MSA W2 H2 GLOSS Knife خدمي خدمي سكين [sikin] [χudmi] [χudmi] Plastic bag صاشي صاشي كيس بالستيكي [kajs plastiki] [Ȿaꭍi] [Ȿaꭍi] ladle لوش مغرفة ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] [moɤrfa] [lu:ꭍ] Boys والد والد صبيان [Ȿibja:n] [wla:d] [wla:d]

Chapter Three : Case Study

Tomatoes طاماطيش طوماطيس طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈomaʈis] [ʈamaʈiꭍ] Sauce راڤو مرڤا مرق [maraq] [marga:] [rago] Guests room صالة صالة غرفة ضيوف [ɤorfat dojo:f] [Ȿala] [Ȿala] Grand mother مرا Vielle femme جدة [dʒadah] [vja:j fa:m] [mra:] Carrot زروديا زروديا جزر [dʒazar] [zro:dija] [zro:dija] Teapot براد براد ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [bra:d] [bra:d] Agriculture land جنان Champ ارض فالحية

[ʔrd filaћija] [ꭍɔ̃] [ʒna:n] School مدينة Ecole مدرسة [madrasa] [ikol] [madi:na] Little kids بزوز بزوز أطفال [ʔʈfal] [bzoz] [bzoz] Ball بال بالون كرة

[kora] [balɔ̃] [bal] Clothes مالبس Vêtements مالبس

[malabis] [vᴂtmɔ̃n] [mala:bis] Girls بنات بنات صبيات [Ȿabija:t] [bna:t] [bna:t] Table 3.15: family number two pictures naming

Chapter Three : Case Study

w2 H2

3 3

WORDS NATIVE TO WORDS NON NATIVE TO MISS NAMED WORDS A D R A R A D A R A R

Graph 3.17: results of table 3.15

As opposed to the first family, the members of this family are both retired. Because he has loose relationships and spends most of his time in Jnan (personal agriculture land) or with his retired wife,the husband adopted more BSD lexis as shown in graph 3.17.

W1 belongs to Bechar city because of her use of the identity markers that are the accusative [hu:] and the addition of the prefix ‘a’ at the beginning of each expression.

The wife’s community of practice led her to use French expressions in naming the pictures. She used to work as a secretary of a French inspector for thirty-two years where she had to use the French language most of her time. W2 refused to call one of her family members; however, she declared that she sees no big difference between ASD and BSD and prefers ASD.

Meanwhile, listening to them discussing the husband seemed to use more BSD lexis such as

.zonqa], which is ‘street’ in BSD]’زونقا‘ laћqa:ꭍ] ,which indicates ‘this is because’ and] ’لحقاش‘

As a result, H2 accommodated to W2 because the former has loose relationships plus he spends most of his time with his wife and in order to reduce the differences between him and her he adopted her speech style.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Family number three “C3” analysis and interpretation.

Words in MSA W3 H3 GLOSS Knife موس موس سكين [sikin] [mus] [mo:s] Plastic bag / / كيس بالستيكي [kajs plastiki] Ladle / / ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] Boys / / صبيان [Ȿibja:n] Tomatoes / / طماطم [ʈamaʈim] Sauce مرڤا مريقة مرق [maraq] [mriqa] [marga] Guests room سڤيفة صالة غرفة ضيوف [ɤorfat dojo:f] [Ȿala] [sgifa] Grand mother الالهم ميمة جدة [dʒadah] [mima] [lalahum] Carrot زروديا زروديا جزر [dʒazar] [zro:dija] [zro:dija] Teapot براد براد ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [bra:d] [bra:d] Agriculture land جنان جنان ارض فالحية [ʔrd filaћija] [ʒna:n] [ʒna:n] École Ecole School مدرسة [madrasa] [i:col] [i :col]

Chapter Three : Case Study

Little kids لعييل دراري أطفال [ʔʈfal] [drari] [lʔaji:l] Ball كورة كورة كرة [kora] [ko:ra] [ko:ra] Clothes حواال قش مالبس [malabis] [qaꭍ] [ћwala] Girls / / صبيات [Ȿabija:t] Table 3.16: family number three pictures naming

Because of time pressure on the participants, couple number three named eleven pictures instead of sixteen. Results show that the wife has similar amount of adopted lexis and non- adopted lexis; meaning that her idiolect is a mixture between ASD and TlSD. While the husband showed no big effect on his speech style although he used to study at the University of Tlemcen.

10 8 6 4 2 0 words native to adrar words non native to adarar miss named words

W3 H3

Graph 3.18: results of table 3.16

As for this family, the wife is from Tlemcen. Women in Tlemcen are noteworthy for their use of the sound [ʔ] instead of [q] and [k], which is the identity mark that W3 lost. Furthermore, she converged to her husband by adopting more lexis, claiming that she found the ASD is easier.

Chapter Three : Case Study

’قهيوة‘ mɤirfa] (ladle), and] ’مغيرفة‘ ,(mriqa] (sauce] ’مريقة‘ However, she minimizes words like

,(lɤa:lah] (call him] ’لغاله‘ qhiwa] (coffee) that TlSD mark. In addition, she uses words such as]

ɤajat lɤaja] (very well) which identifies that W3 belongs to the]’غاية الغاية‘ la] (no), and] ’ال‘

ɤajat lɤaja] as a way of mocking his wife but his] ’غاية الغاية‘ Algerian west. H3 used the word speech style is not affected because he claimed that he is a reserved man and he does not have many friends.

ahla labas] ’أهال الباس بخير عليكم‘ During the phone call, W3 spoke as an Adrarian, she said

ʕla χir] (good-bye) which means] ’على خير‘ ajji:h] (yes) and] ’اأييه‘ ,(?bχir] (hello, are you okay that the wife did not converge back to her hometown dialect and kept her adopted speech style.

As a result, W3 accommodated to H1.

Family number four “C4” analysis and interpretation.

Words in MSA W4 H4 GLOSS refrained Knife خدمي سكين [sikin] [χudmi] refrained Plastic bag صاشي كيس بالستيكي [kajs plastiki] [Ȿaꭍi] refrained ladle مغرف سڤية ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] [moɤrof] refrained Boys وليدات صبيان [Ȿibja:n] [wlida:t] Refrained Tomatoes طوماطيش طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈoma:ʈiꭍ] Refrained Sauce جلبانة مرق [maraq] [ʒlba:na]

Chapter Three : Case Study

Salon Refrained Guests room غرفة ضيوف [ɤorfat dojo:f] [Ȿalon] Refrained Grand mother شيبانية جدة [dʒadah] [ꭍibanija] Refrained Carrot زروديا جزر [dʒazar] [zro:dija] Refrained Teapot براد ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [bra:d] Champ Refrained Agriculture land ارض فالحية

[ʔrd filaћija] [ꭍɔ̃] École refrained School مدرسة [madrasa] [i:col] refrained Little kids دراري أطفال [ʔʈfal] [dra:ri] refrained Ball كورة كرة [kora] [ko:ra] Refrained Clothes كسوة مالبس [malabis] [kswa] refrained Girls بنيتات صبيات [Ȿabija:t] [bnita:t] Table 3.17: family number four pictures naming

Chapter Three : Case Study

0 words native to adrar words non native to adarar miss named words

W4 H4

Graph 3.19: results of table 3.17

As for this family, the husband refused to do the meeting because he is reserved. The wife adopted only two words ASD. During the discussion about the Corona virus, her speech style is a mixture between Adrar Spoken Dialect and Oran Spoken Dialect along with MSA because she was a primary school teacher.

نتصنت ‘ ,(jaser] (a lot] ’ياسر‘ ,(walu] (no] ’والو‘ On the phone she used ASD lexis such as

’زڤاڤ‘ ,(lћsa] (soup] ’لحسا‘ ,(χalgo] (things happened] ’خلڤو‘ ,(ntⱾant lih] (I listen to him] ’ليه

lʕajꭍ] (couscous in ASD). This can be interpreted as follows. W4 has]’لعيش‘ zga:g] (street), and] been living in Adrar speech community for forty years and she claimed that living with the husband’s family forced me to change some lexis of my dialect to make them understand me; however, as a prestige she kept the Algerian west accent.

Family number five “C5” analysis and interpretation.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Words in MSA W5 H5 GLOSS Knife موس خدمي سكين [sikin] [χudmi] [mos] Plastic bag صاشية صاشي كيس بالستيكي [kajs plastiki] [Ȿaꭍi] [[Ȿaꭍija] ladla مغرفة لوشا ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] [luꭍa] [mɤarfa] Boys لوالد والد صبيان [Ȿibja:n] [wla:d] [lwla:dʒ] Tomatoes طاماطيش طوماميس طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈomaʈis] [ʈamaʈiꭍ] Sauce راڤو مرڤا مرق [maraq] [marga] [ra:go] Guests room بيت ضيافين بيت ڤعاد غرفة ضيوف [ɤorfat dojo:f] [bit gʕa:d] [bitꭍ djafin] Grand mother حنة ميما جدة [dʒadah] [mima] [hnna] Carrot زرودي زرودي جزر [dʒazar] [zrodi] [zro:di] Teapot غالي غالي ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [ɤala:j] [ɤalaj] Agriculture land جنان حريت ارض فالحية [ʔrd filaћija] [ћrit] [ʒna:n] School ليكون قسم مدرسة [madrasa] [qism] [liku:n] Little kids لعيل بزوز أطفال [ʔʈfal] [bzo:z] [lʕaji:l]

Chapter Three : Case Study

Ball كورة بوال كرة [kora] [bo:la] [ku:ra] Clothes حواال مالبس مالبس [malabis] [malabi:s] [ћwala] Girls لبنات بنات صبيات [Ȿabija:t] [bana:t] [lbna:t] Table 3.18: family number five pictures naming

The couple has not adopt much from one another as illustrated in graph 3.20, where the husband speaks purely ASD because he has dense relationships with people raised and live in

Adrar city. During the wife’s phone call, she converged back to her hometown dialect but used

[ʔsmito] ’اسميتو‘ ,(?lajnta lʕrs] (When is the wedding] ’الينتا لعرس؟‘ some ASD expression such as

ajji:h] (yes), which may confuse the listener and wonder about] ’أييه‘ what is its name?), and) the origins of W5. Nevertheless, apparently the dense relations of W5 had an impact on her speech style, unlike her husband whose dialect is not affected at all. Meanwhile the wife said:

“I’m proud that I belong to Mostaganem but I feel like I am more Adrarian because I like the traditions here”. As a result, W5 accommodated to H5 but less than the other women, that participated in this research.

W5 H5 16 14 15 12 10 12 8 6 4 2 3 1 1 0 0 words native to adrar words non native to miss named words adarar

Graph 3.20: results of table 3.18

Chapter Three : Case Study

Family number six “C6” analysis and interpretation.

Words in MSA W6 H6 GLOSS Knife خدمي خدمي سكين [sikin] [χudmi] [χudmi] Plastic bag بورسة صاشي كيس بالستيكي [kajs plastiki] [Ȿaꭍi] [bursa] ladle مغرف تسڤيا مغرف سڤيا ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] [moɤrof sagja] [mɤrof tsgja] Boys لوالد بزوز صبيان [Ȿibja:n] [bzo:z] [lwla:d] Tomatoes طاماطيش طوماطيش طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈomaʈiꭍ] [ʈamaʈiꭍ] Sauce مرڤا مرڤا مرق [maraq] [marga] [marga] Guests room صاال صاال غرفة ضيوف [ɤorfat dojo:f] [Ȿala] [Ȿala] Grand mother حنة جدة جدة [dʒadah] [ʒada] [ћanna] Carrot زرودي زروديا جزر [dʒazar] [zro:dija] [zrodi] Teapot براد براد ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [bra:d] [bra:d] Agriculture land جنان جنان ارض فالحية [ʔrd filaћija] [ʒna:n] [ʒna:n] School ليكون ليكون مدرسة [madrasa] [liku:n] [liku:n]

Chapter Three : Case Study

Little kids بزوز بزوز أطفال [ʔʈfal] [bzo:z] [bzo:z] Ball كورة كورة كرة [kora] [kora] [kora] Clothes قش قش مالبس [malabis] [qaꭍ] [qaꭍ] Girls بنات طفالت صبيات [Ȿabija:t] [ʈfla:t] [bn:at] Table 3.19: family number six pictures naming.

The couple figured out all the pictures and named them, the results in graph 3.21 show that H6 has used only two words of Mostaganem Spoken Dialect while W6 adopted many lexis even more than all the other wives mentioned before.

12 11

10 8 8 7

6 5

2 1 0 0 words native to adrar words non native to adarar miss named words

W6 H6

Graph 3.21: results of table 3.19.

During the phone call, she sounded more from the Algerian south than from the Algerian west. She replaced the Algerian west identity mark {-h} in the ending of expressions such as

[gulah] (tell him), by the Adrarian identity mark {-ih} such as [gulih] (tell him in ASD) or such

:la] ’العاله‘ ,(yes) ’أييه‘ ,[as [mꭍilih] (go to him in ASD). In addition, the frequent use of [ʔjiih

Chapter Three : Case Study

ʕla:] (but) in ASD and many other lexis can be interpreted as follows: W6 converged to H6 and adopted both the accent and speech style.

During focus group interview, the wife said that she lived more than ten years with her husband’s family, and she often goes to weddings in Adrar city. She confessed that in her first marriage years, she used to scoff Adrar Spoken Dialect and imitate their speech style but now she is proud to be a part of Adrar city and even when she goes to her hometown, they notice the change in her speech style.

As a result, the wife accommodated to her husband because she lived in a speech community that speaks ASD for a long period where the long-term accommodation changed her speech style to adapt to her new house. In addition, a psychological factor plays a role in her speech style choice, which is preference and pride. These are all the reasons behind her shift from MSD to ASD.

Family number seven “C7” analysis and interpretation.

Words in MSA W7 H7 GLOSS Knife موس موس سكين [sikin] [mos] [mos] Plastic bag زڤيبا ساشي كيس بالستيكي [kajs plastiki] [saꭍi] [zgiba] ladle لوش لوشا ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] [luꭍa] [luꭍ] Boys دراري دراري صبيان [Ȿibja:n] [drari] [drari] ʈamaʈiꭍ] Tomatoes]طاماطيش [ʈomaʈiꭍ]طوماطيش [ʈamaʈim]طماطم

Chapter Three : Case Study

Sauce مرڤا راڤو مرق [maraq] [rago] [marga] Guests room صاال صاال غرفة ضيوف [ɤorfat dojo:f] [Ȿala] [Ȿala] Grand mother حاجا شيبانية جدة [dʒadah] [ꭍibanija] [haʒa] Carrot زرودي زرودي جزر [dʒazar] [zrodi] [zrodi] Teapot براد براد ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [bra:d] [bra:d] Agriculture land جنان Jardin ارض فالحية [ʔrd filaћija] [ʒardən] [ʒna:n] School ليكون مدرسة عليا مدرسة [madrasa] [madrasa ʕulja] [liku:n] Little kids دراري أطفال أطفال [ʔʈfal] [ʔʈfal] [dra:ri] Ball بالون كورا كرة

[kora] [kora] [balɔ̃] Clothes قش قش مالبس [malabis] [qaꭍ] [qaꭍ] Girls دراري شيرات صبيات [Ȿabija:t] [ꭍira:t] [dra:ri] Table 3.20: family number seven pictures naming

Chapter Three : Case Study

9 8 8 8 7 6 6 6 5 4 3 2 2 2 1 0 words native to adrar words non native to adarar miss named words

W7 H7

Graph 3.22: results of table 3.20

This family is different from the previous families, where the husband has adopted more lexis than the wife has as shown in graph 3.22 and has Oran accent; apparently, the wife has effect on his speech style. During the focus group interview, it was noticed that the wife uses her hometown dialect marks such as [ʐ] instead of [ɖ] such as [χoʐra] (vegetables) and other

(manaʕrt] (I do not know] ’منعرت‘ ɤi ꭍkla] (just rubbish), and] ’غي شكال‘ expressions such as meaning that she has not accommodated to her husband.

Surprisingly, when she spoke on the phone to one of her Adrarian clients, she shifted to

ahla la smhilija knt ] ’أهال لسمحيليا كنت مطفياتو‘ :ASD. W6 utilized many ASD expressions such as

mʈafjatah] as it is] ’مطفياته‘ mʈafjatu] (hello, forgive me I turned off my phone) instead of

walu la sbri] (just wait) instead]’والو ال صبري ‘,pronounced originally in Tiaret Spoken Dialect

.( walu manʈigꭍ] ( I cannot] ’والو مانطيڤش‘ la ɤi steni] and] ’ال غي ستني‘ of

The factors behind the choice of W7’s speech style are pride and prestige of belonging to the Algerian west, which made her say: “my husband and his family know very well that I

Chapter Three : Case Study am from Tiaret city.” Meanwhile, to gain the approval of her customer she converged easily to

ASD, that is short-term accommodation effect.

Family number eight “C8” analysis and interpretation.

Words in MSA W8 H8 GLOSS Knife موس موس سكين [sikin] [mos] [mos] Plastic bag صاشي صاشي كيس بالستيكي [kajs plastiki] [Ȿaꭍi] [mos] ladle مغرف غراف ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] [ɤora:f] [moɤrof] Boys لوالد لوالد صبيان [Ȿibja:n] [lwla:d] [lwla:d] Tomatoes طاماطيش طوطاطيش طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈomaʈiꭍ] [ʈamaʈiꭍ] Sauce مرڤا جواز مرق [maraq] [dʒwa:z] [marga] Guests room صالون صالون غرفة ضيوف [ɤorfat dojo:f] [salon] [salon] Grand mother حاجا عجوزة جدة [dʒadah] [ʕdʒuza] [haʒa] Carrot زرودي زروديا جزر [dʒazar] [zrodi:ja] [zrodi :] Teapot براد بقراج ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [baqra:dʒ] [bra:d] Agriculture land جنان جنان ارض فالحية [ʔrd filaћija] [dʒna:n] [jna:n]

Chapter Three : Case Study

Ecole School مسيد مدرسة [madrasa] [msi:d] [i :kol] Little kids دراري دراري أطفال [ʔʈfal] [dra:ri] [dra:ri] Ball بالون بالون كرة

[kora] [balɔ̃] [balɔ̃] Dressing Clothes حوايج مالبس [malabis] [ћwajdʒ] Fillete Des jeunes filles Girls صبيات [bana:t] [fi:jat] [di: ʒu:n fi] Table 3.21: family number eight pictures naming

H8 W8

miss named words 4 1

words non native to adarar 3 14

words native to adrar 9 1

0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16

Graph 3.23: results of table 3.21

The speech style of W8 is not affected. The way she speaks does not show that she has been living in Adrar for twenty-six years where Adrar speech community had no influence of her speech style. She has strong relationships with outsiders to Tuat region and as illustrated in graph, 3.23 W8 adopted only one word. By contrast, the husband used words of Algiers Spoken

Dialect to name some of the pictures meaning that the wife has an effect on his speech style and he travels to Algiers many times a year.

Chapter Three : Case Study

On the phone, W8 said all the words that indicate that she came from Algiers. For example,

weꭍno] (what?) and] ’وشنو؟‘ weꭍ raki] to ask about her sister’s health also]’وش راكي ؟‘ she used

moqbi :la] to refer to short moments before she called her. None of these terms is used] ’مقبيلة‘ in ASD.

W8 has not lived in an environment where she listens often to ASD, her husband shifts to speak like her when she does not understand him. It is noticeable that she often switches between

[q] and [g] because most of her friends are originally from the Algerian west meaning that the social network factor affected her speech style. Over all that, her strong personality and pride of belonging to the north are the main reasons behind her dialect maintenance.

Family number nine “C9” analysis and interpretation.

Words in MSA W9 H9 GLOSS Knife موس سيكينا سكين [sikin] [sski:na] [mos] Plastic bag صاشي صاشي كيس بالستيكي [kajs plastiki] [saꭍi] [saꭍi] ladle لوشا غراف ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] [ɤora:f] [luꭍa] Boys بزوز صغار صبيان [Ȿibja:n] [Ȿɤa:r] [bzo:z] Tomatoes طاماطيش طمام طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈma:ʈem] [ʈamaʈiꭍ] Sauce مرڤا مرقا مرق [maraq] [marqa] [marga] Guests room صاال بيت قعاد غرفة ضيوف

Chapter Three : Case Study

[ɤorfat dojo:f] [bi:t gʕa:d] [Ȿala] Grand mother شيبانيا عزوزا جدة [dʒadah] [ʕzu:za] [ꭍibani:ja] Carrot زرودي سنفاريا جزر [dʒazar] [senfarija] [zro:di] Teapot براد براد ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [bra:d] [bra:d] Agriculture land فالحا سانيا ارض فالحية [ʔrd filaћija] [sa:nija] [fla:ћa] School ليكون مدرسا مدرسة [madrasa] [madras] [liku:n] Little kids بزوز صغار أطفال [ʔʈfal] [sɤa:r] [bzo:z] Ball كورا كورا كرة [kora] [kora] [kora] Clothes معالڤ مراول مالبس [malabis] [mra:wel] [maʕla:g] Girls بنات بنات صبيات [Ȿabija:t] [bna:t] [bna:t] Table 3.22: family number nine pictures naming

We struggled to understand W9 because she speaks Tunisian Arabic. Graph 3.9.6 notes that the wife adopted only lexis that refer to invitations since her husband always has guests in

maʕun] ( a famous] ’ماعون‘ kusksi] to]’كسكسي‘ his own house, for example W9 changed the word dish in Adrar city).

The wife is reserved and refused to do the phone call, however she has one close friend who can understand her well and who is originally from Tebessa, because as explained in

Chapter Three : Case Study chapter two in section 2.8.3 there is a great similarity between the linguistic features of Tunisia

Spoken Language and Tebessa Spoken Dialect.

W9 is not talkative, does not work, and her husband shifts to TA to clarify to her when she does not understand ASD, but his speech style is not affected because of his consistent meetings with his Adrarian friends.

As a result, speech style of W9 is reserved to TA and has not transformed although she has been living in Adrar city for more than twenty years, which made the husband converge to her. Because she lived alone, she had no frequent interaction with Adrarian people. In addition, her close friend speaks almost like her, and W9 claimed that she has difficulties to understand

ASD.

W9 H9

16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 words native to adrar words non native to adarar miss named words

Graph 3.24: results of table 3.22

Widows W10 and W11 analysis and interpretation.

Chapter Three : Case Study

Words in MSA W10 W11 GLOSS un couteau Knife موس سكين

[sikin] [mu:s] [ɛ ̃ kuto] Un sachet Plastic bag ساشي كيس بالستيكي

[kajs plastiki] [saꭍi] [ɛ ̃ Ȿaꭍe:] Cuillère ladle مغرف ساڤو ملعقة كبيرة [milʕaqa kabira] [moɤrof ssagu] [kwija:ɤ] Des garçons Boys دراري صبيان

[Ȿibja:n] [drari] [de: gaɤsɑ̃] Tomates Tomatoes طوماطيش طماطم [ʈamaʈim] [ʈomaʈiꭍ] [tomat] Bouillon Sauce مرقا مرق

[maraq] [marqa] [bujɑ̃] Salon Guests room صاال غرفة ضيوف

[ɤorfat dojo:f] [Ȿala] [Ȿalɑ̃] Grand-mère Grand mother عجوز جدة

[dʒadah] [ʕʒuz] [graɔ̃ mᴂɤ] Carottes Carrot زروديا جزر [dʒazar] [zrodija] [kaɤot] Théière Teapot بريق ابريق شاي [ibri:q ꭍa:j] [bri:q] [te:ᴂɤ] Champs Agriculture land جنان ارض فالحية

[ʔrd filaћija] [ʒna:n] [ꭍɑ̃] École School مدرسا مدرسة [madrasa] [madras] [i:kol] Des enfants Little kids دراري أطفال

[ʔʈfal] [drari] [di ɑ̃nfɑ̃]

Chapter Three : Case Study

un ballon Ball كورا كرة

[kora] [ko:ra] [ɛ ̃ balɔ̃] Des vêtements Clothes قش مالبس

[malabis] [qaꭍ] [di vətmɑ̃] fillets Girls لبنات صبيات [Ȿabija:t] [lbna:t] [fija:t] Table 3.23: Widows W10 and W11 pictures naming

18 16 14 12 10 8 6 4 2 0 words native to words non native to miss named words adrar adarar

W10 W11

Graph 3.25: results of table 3.23

Both widows refused to do the phone call. The analyses below are from word naming list and focus group interview. Graph 3.25 shows that W10 reserved Batna Spoken Dialect although she was a teacher in Adrar city and lived in Adrar for forty-two years. She said:

''لهجتي هي جزء مني, منقدرش نهملها, هي هويتي, لهجة أمي وأبي ﺇذا محافظتش عليها شكون يحافظ عليها؟ كل ما

تكون رسالتي مش مفهومة ممكن نستعمل اللغة العربية عادا هذا لهجتي تبقى ديما شرقية.''

“My dialect is a part of me, I can never neglect it. It is my identity, my mother’s and my father’s dialect. If I do not maintain it who would do so? Whenever my massage is not understood I may use MSA other than that my dialect is always eastern.”

Chapter Three : Case Study

Unlike W10, W11 has named all the pictures in French. Her community of practice, a

French teacher for thirty years, affected her speech style the most because she speaks French more than Algerian Arabic. During the whole conversation she said only few Algerian Arabic

I)’نعملك؟‘ ,(I came to Adrar old)’جيت كبيرا لهنا‘ , (good) ’باهي‘ ,(too much) ’بزاف‘ words that are

say hi to your mother). While discussing with) ’سلمي على ماماك‘ (?make you? or I prepare for you her she said:

“ Je ne suis pas obligé de changer mon dialecte en plus j’ai une très grande difficulté de comprendre le dialecte d’Adrar. ”

“I am not obliged to change my dialect, plus I have a big difficulty to understand the Adrarian dialect.”

As a result, both W10 and W11 preserved their mother dialect, which is the source of pride to them considering that they had difficulties to understand Adrar Spoken Dialect.

3.10 Data interpretation

36% wife to husband 46% husband to wife

non of them

18%

Graph 3.26: who accommodated to who lexically

Chapter Three : Case Study

The results are representative examples of long-term dialect face-to-face contact and accommodation at the micro sociolinguistic level between exogamic couples in Adrar city. They show no intermediate words between the dialects presented in this research meaning that the accommodation is not partial.

Graph 3.26 summarizes the data of who accommodates to who lexically, which is the main objective of this research, in the case of couples who have been married for more than one year. There are few cases (18 %) where the husband converges to the wife because of some social psychological and situational factors such as prestige and loose relationships. In reverse, most of the wives (46%) converge as a preference or as compulsory to their husbands. They converge by adopting the salient Adrar Spoken lexis such as words that refer to the lexical field of the kitchen, guests and weddings. Along with the adoption of other linguistic features such as morphemes.

0 W1 W2 W3 W4 W5 W6 W7 W8 W9 W10 W11

Graph 3.27: wives accommodation proportions.

Chapter Three : Case Study

However, as illustrated in graph 3.27 wives converge in different proportions. As for moving farther than Adrar city the accommodation decreases. Algerian eastern women diverge from ASD, because they are reserved and prefer to maintain their prestigious variety. In addition, they have found issues in understanding ASD because of the huge distance in the dialect continuum between the northern eat and the southern west.

Most women refused to do the phone call for personal and conservative reasons. Yet, wives who called their family members have adopted ASD lexis that they use with their partners and family members. Another unachieved aim is speaking more to males but their reservation was a limitation to reach this objective.

For further research, it is suggested to investigate more with men, to investigate with wives who have been born and raised in Tuat region and moved to another city. It is recommended also to investigate with children of parents from different regions and check which dialect they would choose as a mother language before and after schooling because the audience, pride and prestige play an influential role on their proper choice.

3.11 Conclusion

The current chapter is devoted to the empirical part of investigating long-term dialect contact and accommodation, which can be summarized in few major points. First, Algerian

Western women converge and shift to Adrar Spoken Dialect while Algerian Eastern women diverge and maintain their dialect. Second, social network, community of practice, pride, and prestige are the major factors of the convergence or divergence of the participants. Third, wives converge back to their hometown dialect but their speech style is mixed with lexis that they 98

Chapter Three : Case Study adopted from ASD. Eventually, this research is a humble endeavor to investigate the phenomenon of dialect contact and accommodation at the micro level where further research in this topic is preferable.

General Conclusion

General conclusion

When two mutually intelligible speakers interact, modification of some linguistic features occur. They may converge, diverge or maintain their mother-dialect. Furthermore, if this accommodation was frequently repeated for a long period, it would affect the speech style of the interlocutors in different proportions by adopting some linguistic features from one another.

Consequently, the present work attempted to investigate long-term dialect face-to-face contact and accommodation at the micro sociolinguistic level, concentrating on lexical and morphological features, of couples in Adrar city. Moreover, this research tackled the investigation from social and socio-psychological perspectives.

It was assumed that wives adopt more lexis than husbands do. In addition, wives switch back to use their vernacular when they contact someone from back home. Many procedures were tackled to achieve the main goals of this research. Frist, we searched for women that originate from regions other than Tuat region and have been living in Adrar for more than one year for a marriage reason.

Next, a comparison between the salient lexis of Adrar Spoken Dialect and the lexis of the other

Algerian Spoken Dialects was made. Finally, three techniques were used to collect the data: interviews, focus group interview and observation to analyze them using quantitative and qualitative approaches.

Eventually, the results show that not all the wives adopt more lexis from their partners.

Women from west Algerian regions adopt and use more lexis than women from the Algerian center and east regions do, because of the effect of speech community, community of practice and socio- psychological factors among them prestige, pride, attitude, identity and preference.

100

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Appendices

Appendix A : knife

Appendix B : plastic bag

Appendix C : ladle

105

Appendix D : boys

Appendix E : tomatoes

Appendix F: sauce

106

Appendix G : guest room

Appendix H : teapot

Appendix I : a grandmother

Appendix G: carrots

107

Appendix K: ball

Appendix L : agriculture land

108

Appendix M : school

Appendix N : kids

109

Appendix O : clothes

Appendix P : girls

110

Appendix Q: the Arabic version of the request. الجمهورية الجزائرية الديمقراطية الشعبية وزارة التعليم العالي والبحث العلمي

كلية اآلداب واللغات أدرار في: ......

الموضوع: طلب من أجل مقابلة شخصية. تحية طيبة وبعد: أناااا البالباااة قاسيييي محميييد لي يييدة ماااس اااال اين ليسياااة الاااانة ال انياااة مااااامر. ي ااارفني أس أم ااادل ببلباااي ااااا لاااايادمكل االاااسو يس الكاااريميسا الممم ااا فاااي م ابلاااة اااية مبا ااار ماااس أ ااا ب ااا علمي. أر و مس ايادمكل المواف ة على ال روب المالية: - الم ابلة اممل في أي مكاس مس ا مياركل امنس ، امعة ،م هىا. - ايمل ما ي الم ابلة وميا بعد مواف مكل. - نممنى ضور كال السو يس في الم ابلة. - يمكس أس مكرر الم ابلة لمر انية. إاا مماات المواف ااة نر ااو ماانكل ماارت ر اال الهاااما فااي الاااح أو االم ااا علااى أ ااد الر ااال الماليااة مس أ المسيد مس االامحاار وم ديد موعد الم ابلة. اا الب يعممد على دعمكل و م اركمكل. نر و مواف مكل و كرا. الر ل: 73 45 73 70 07 أو 58 51 30 74 06 ر ل اما ايادمكل ......

امضاء الم را امضاء المواف ة

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Appendix R: the English version of the request.

Faculty of literature and languages Adrar in:………….

Topic: request for an interview

After greeting and peace:

I am Kaci Mahammed Lynda, master two student at the English department. I am honored to submit this request to you (dear husband and wife) for a personal interview to conduct a scientific research.

We would like you to agree to the following conditions:

1) The interview will take place at any location of your choice (home, university, coffee

shop).

2) The interview will recorded after your agreement.

3) We hope that the husband and the wife would attend the interview.

4) The interview can be repeated for a second time.

If approved, we ask you to leave the phone number below or call for further inquiries and to set the date of the interview.

This research depends on your support and participation.

The numbers

06 74 30 51 58 or 07 70 73 45 73

The phone number: ……………………………..

Signature of the supervisor signature of the approval

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ملخص

يهدف البحث الحالي ﺇلى التحقيق في االتصال والتكيف طويل األمد بين اللهجات. في هذا الصدد, يأخذ هذا البحث منظو ًرا

لالستكشاف في الموقف من خالل البحث لمعرفة مدى تأثير الزواج على استخدام اللغة في أدرار, مع التركيز على التقارب

والتباعد المعجمي. يستخدم هذا المشروع كالً من األساليب الكمية والنوعية للتحقيق في اختيارات الكلمات لتسعة أزواج

وأرملتين باستخدام ثالث تقنيات لجمع البيانات: المقابالت, المقابالت الجماعية المركزة, ومالحظة المكالمات الهاتفية من

أجل استخالص الكلمات المستخدمة من قبل المشاركين أيضا لفهم األسباب االجتماعية واالجتماعية النفسية وراء التنقل من

لهجة ﺇلى أخرى. تظهر النتائج أنه ليس كل الزوجات يتبنين تعابير وكلمات من أسلوب كالم أزواجهن. كذلك, عندما تتحدث

الزوجات ﺇلى أحد من أفراد مسقط رأسهن, فإنهن يتحدثن بلهجتهن األم مع اختالف في بعض الكلمات التي تبنينها من محيط

الزوج. عالوة على ذلك, تتبنى الزوجات الالتي يعود أصلهن من مناطق بعيد عن منطقة أدرار ألفاظا أقل من الزوجات من

مناطق قريبة من أدرار. أخي ًرا, ي ظهر البحث أن القوة, الهيبة, الهوية واألحكام المسبقة هي العوامل الرئيسية للتقارب

والتباعد المعجمي بين األزواج. يعرض هذا البحث تباي ًنا في اللهجات الجزائرية, باإلضافة ﺇلى نتائج اتصال اللهجات

والتكيف فيما بينها في حالة األباعدية (exogamy(.

الكلمات المفتاحية: االتصال اللهجات, التكيف طويل المدى, التقارب والتباين المعجميين, التكيف والتبني, األباعدية.

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