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The Hannibal Route Question of 218 Bc: a Forensic Exercise Relative to Historical Archaeology View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ZENODO Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry, Vol. 18, No 3, (2018), pp. 45-62 Copyright © 2018 MAA Open Access. Printed in Greece. All rights reserved. DOI: 10.5281/zenodo.1323871 THE HANNIBAL ROUTE QUESTION OF 218 BC: A FORENSIC EXERCISE RELATIVE TO HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY William C. Mahaney Quaternary Surveys, 26 Thornhill Ave., Thornhill, Ontario, Canada, L4J 1J4, and Department of Geography, York University, 4700 Keele St., Toronto, Ontario, Canada, M3J 1P3 e-mail: [email protected] Received: 29/06/2018 Accepted: 05/08/2018 ABSTRACT Following a long and protracted survey of all targeted approach routes, cols of passage and exfiltration pathways projected to have been followed by Hannibal and his generals when they crossed into Italy in 218 BC, the physical evidence points to the Col de la Traversette, first identified by Sir Gavin de Beer in the 1960‘s. The first attempts to identify the route out of a dozen possible transits, focused not only on historical interpretations using the evolution of place names but on physical evidence possibly resident in hearths, al- luvial terraces and rock rubble masses along the various approach routes. The primary argument following ten years of investigating every approach route from the Col Agnel in the south to the Col Mt. Cenis in the north, was that if the only blocking rockfall described by Polybius was present below the Traversette col, then mires or fans on either side in France and Italy might contain a record of Hannibal‘s passage. Beyond their key positions as water sources and foraging areas, the French mire and coalescing alluvial fan sediment in the upper Po, might carry evidence of the ecologic disturbance that could be radiocarbon dated to the Hannibal time line of 2168 cal yr BP or 218 BC. It is this long quest to unlock the Hannibalic invasion route that opened up key areas for historical archaeological exploration. This forensic cross/discipline exercise might serve to highlight a valuable method useful in solving other elusive ancient historical archaeological problems. Keywords: Hannibalic invasion route; forensic analysis of mire sediment; Po plains; Polybius; environmen- tal 46 W.C. MAHANEY 1. INTRODUCTION the three routes, historic speculation aside, might be closest to the actual route traveled by the Punic Ar- The question of the route followed by Hannibal my. and his army in 218 BC, 2168 cal yr BP (BP=before Despite the thinking of some workers that the present, 1950 AD) has rankled and irked historians landscape has changed greatly since the time of and classicists for millennia (Freshfield, 1886, 1899; Hannibal‘s invasion, it is clear from environmental Dodge, 1891; de Montholon, 1905; Wilkinson, 1911; summaries published by Sodhi et al. (2006), Ma- Walbank, 1956, 1990; Brown, 1963; de Beer, 1956, haney (2008a) and Mahaney et al. (2008a, b, c; 2016a, 1967, 1969, 1974; Seibert, 1993) amongst others. No 2018a) that the landscape we see today, despite less than seven books were written about the inva- many slight modifications by stream erosion and sion in Hannibal‘s time (Proctor, 1971), the last avalanche activity over the last two millennia, is the known of which (by Silenus, Hannibal‘s historiog- same as that seen by Hannibal and his army when rapher) was destroyed by the great fire that con- they crossed into Italia in 218 BC. The landscape was sumed the library at Alexandria in 300 AD. Since set in place during the Late Pleistocene (the last ice then a number of workers have posited possible age as it were), the final touches taking place during routes (Fig. 1), basically dependent upon previous the Bølling and Allerød interstades that marked the sources including the texts of Livy (trans. de Sélin- first warming time since the retreat of ice, followed court, 1965) and Polybius (trans. Paton, 1922; Scott- by a cosmic airburst of 12.8 ka (12,800 yrs) that fired Kilvert, 1979), but few have visited the sites in ques- the surface leaving a carbonized record in the land tion making their target cols all based on second- surface now resident in paleosols (ancient soils) and hand information. While some have tried to correlate rock rinds (Mahaney and Keiser, 2013; Mahaney et descriptions in ancient texts to the actual landscape al., 2013, 2014, 2016a, 2017d, 2018b). This airburst and flooding times of rivers (de Beer, 1969), none event, termed the black mat is also defined as the have coupled the present environment with major YDB-Younger Dryas Boundary-that marks the tran- topographic features in the ancient texts, let alone sition into a cold period called the Younger Dryas searched hearths, likely campgrounds, possible rock- (YD, 12.8-~11.5 ka), a term resulting from earlier pol- fall impediments to the exfiltration of the mountains. len work that identified variable pollen concentra- It is the purpose of this summary to outline the tions of the cold loving plant (Dryas octapetala) in thinking that went into trying to elicit an environ- many alpine regions. The distribution of this plant mental matrix from the ancient texts, one that could increased during the Younger Dryas event, a glacial be tested against the present landscape, a forensic resurgence that resulted from a cold time, similar to exercise if you will (Mahaney, 2004, 2008a; Mahaney a nuclear winter, projected to have been caused by et al., 2008a, b, c). the black mat airburst. Assessing the Hannibalic Route one is faced with The black mat event is known to have affected countless authorities arguing for one of the three North, Middle and South America, Greenland, west- principal routes (Fig. 1) over the other and most key ern Europe, Central Asia, (Wolbach, 2018a, 2018b), authorities (Proctor, 1971; Lazenby, 1998; Lancel, and is thought to have reached Antarctica (Mahaney 1999) opting for the northern route principally be- et al., 2018c). Its effect on the Western Alps, particu- cause of lower elevation and ease of access. Only de larly the area around the Mt. Viso massif was pro- Beer (1967, 1969, 1974), Prevas (1998), and Bagnall found, burning the land surface and creating the (1999) favor the southern route principally because largest accumulation of soot recorded so far in West- times of flooding, place name matches, and view ern Europe (Allen West, personal communication, onto the Po plains closely align with Polybius and 2016). Portions of bedrock and much exposed glacial Livy. The middle route outlined by Connolly (1981) sediment were carbonized and melted by tempera- pitches indecision into Hannibal‘s thinking that once tures topping 2000 oC. The event presumably melted along the Isère and near Grenoble he would have all or most glacial vestiges of the ice age, to be short- shifted priority to finding the Col de Genèvre, the ly replaced by a resurgence of ice forming during the most unlikely deviation of travel plans. To enter into ensuing nuclear winter which produced revived this historic mix, a daunting task as it were, required positive glacial mass balances for more than a mil- a test of environmental parameters elicited from the lennium. ancient texts of Livy and Polybius, forming a matrix of interconnected variables to determine which of Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry, Vol. 18, No 3, (2018), pp. 45-62 THE HANNIBAL ROUTE QUESTION OF 218 BC: A FORENSIC EXERCISE IMPORTANCE TO HISTORICAL ARCHAEOLOGY 47 Fig. 1. Invasion routes as proposed by several classicists. Figure reprinted after Mahaney et al. (2017a). Hannibal’s Rhône crossing point is not known with certainty but is probably near Arles south of Avignon. The ‘Island’, Hannibal’s resupply point is not known exactly but is probably near present-day Orange. Major tribes – Insubres and Ligures, al- lied with Hannibal are shown within their nomadic areas; the Taurini refused overtures from Hannibal and were deci- mated in late 218 BC. The Boii tribe, allied with Hannibal, occupied an area to the east near present-day Bologna. The YD event lasted for ~1.3 kyr, ending by ~11.5 of elevation mentioned in ancient texts, the study ka when glaciers worldwide went into recession, soon morphed into a forensic test requiring the use nearly disappearing in some cases by the Holo- of methods from diverse disciplines to answer ques- cene/Pleistocene boundary (~10 ka). By this time the tions related to camping places, foraging areas, de- landscape through which Hannibal passed had been posit impediments, river crossings and other envi- set in place, all further change attributed to minor ronmental targets as they might have affected time amounts of air-influxed material into soils and pale- motion analysis of the Punic Army. osols and mass wasted sediment additions to valley Polybius provides us with specific day-indicators side locations (e.g. the younger rockfall sheet identi- of the invasion which allow for a total time travel of fied by Polybius) in local valleys). Losses of sedi- five months for the march from New Carthage to the ment accrued in valleys by stream erosion and de- Po plains, with four days from the Rhône crossing to velopment of Holocene terraces only slightly modi- the island, ten days from the island to the beginning fying the landscape in the area of the Col de la of the ascent of the mountains, followed by fifteen Traversette. The impediments to exfiltration faced by days to reach the col. The assumption is that the fif- Hannibal are the very same as exist today on both teen days are included in the five months but Polyb- the French and Italian sides of the Western Alps. It is ius is not certain about this.
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