Pluralism and Democratic Participation: What Kind of Citizen Are Citizens Invited to Be?
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One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents Jane Rutherford
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Law Review 1998 One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents Jane Rutherford Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Rutherford, Jane, "One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents" (1998). Minnesota Law Review. 1582. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mlr/1582 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Law Review collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. One Child, One Vote: Proxies for Parents Jane Rutherford* Introduction .............................................................................1464 I. Autonomy as a Source of Rights ...................................... 1467 A. A Power-Based Critique ........................................... 1468 B. A Communitarian Critique ...................................... 1474 H. Preserving the Right to Vote for Insiders by Focusing on the Incapacity of Outsiders ......................... 1479 III. Children's Rights ............................................................. 1489 A. Greater Autonomy for Children .............................. 1490 B. Substantive Entitlements for Children ................... 1493 C. The Value of the Vote for Children .......................... 1494 IV. One Child, One Vote: Proxy Voting For Children .......... 1495 A. Political Power -
From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy
Fast Capitalism ISSN 1930-014X Volume 1 • Issue 2 • 2005 doi:10.32855/fcapital.200502.003 From Participatory Democracy to Digital Democracy Mark Kann Tom Hayden posted on his website, http://www.tomhayden.com, an article he coauthored with Dick Flacks to commemorate the fortieth anniversary of the Port Huron Statement. The two SDS founders concluded, “Perhaps the most important legacy of the Port Huron Statement is the fact that it introduced the concept of participatory democracy to popular discourse and practice.” The concept of participatory democracy encompassed values such as equality, decentralization, and consensus decision-making. It provided direction for “all those trying to create a world where each person has a voice in the decisions affecting his or her life.” [1] In this article, I suggest that Port Huron’s concept of participatory democracy included some ideas that were potentially antithetical to democracy and that potential, unfortunately, is being fulfilled in contemporary theories of digital democracy. The Port Huron Statement Revisited The Port Huron Statement contained two underlying themes that potentially subverted democratic equality. One was the notion that the American people were fundamentally flawed, most apparently, by their apathy. The other was that the best means to eliminate this flaw was to follow the lead of rational, deliberative activists. Both themes could be (and would be) used to justify political inequalities. Port Huron’s student-authors expressed a dim view of American citizens. The American people had closed minds. They exhibited a foolish confidence that the nation could muddle through its problems. They harbored a false sense of contentment, “a glaze above deeply felt anxieties,” arising out of loneliness, isolation, and estrangement. -
The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy
Pluralism Betrayed: The Battle Between Secularism and Islam in Algeria's Quest for Democracy Peter A. Samuelsont I. INTRODUCTION ...................................................... 309 f1. BACKGROUND TO THE ELECTIONS AND THE COUP ................................ 311 A. Algeria's Economic Crisis ......................................... 311 B. Algeria's FirstMultiparty Elections in 1990 for Local Offices ................ 313 C. The FIS Victory in the 1991 ParliamentaryElections ...................... 314 D. The Coup dt& tat ................................................ 318 E. Western Response to the Coup ...................................... 322 III. EVALUATING THE LEGITIMACY OF THE COUP ................................ 325 A. Problems Presented by Pluralism .................................... 326 B. Balancing Majority Rights Against Minority Rights ........................ 327 C. The Role of Religion in Society ...................................... 329 D. Islamic Jurisprudence ............................................ 336 1. Islamic Views of Democracy and Pluralism ......................... 337 2. Islam and Human Rights ...................................... 339 IV. PROBABLE ACTIONS OF AN FIS PARLIAMENTARY MAJORITY ........................ 340 A. The FIS Agenda ................................................ 342 1. Trends Within the FIS ........................................ 342 2. The Process of Democracy: The Allocation of Power .................. 345 a. Indicationsof DemocraticPotential .......................... 346 -
Workplace Democracy: from a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back
The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 19(1), 2013, article 3. La Revue de l’innovation : La Revue de l’innovation dans le secteur public, 19(1), 2013, article 3. ___________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________ Workplace Democracy From a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back Markus Pausch Head of the Centre for Futures Studies University of Applied Sciences, Salzburg, Austria Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Sociology, Paris Lodron University, Salzburg, Austria 1 The Innovation Journal: The Public Sector Innovation Journal, Volume 19(1), 2013, article 3. La Revue de l’innovation : La Revue de l’innovation dans le secteur public, 19(1), 2013, article 3. ___________________________________________________________________ _________________________________________________________________________________________ Workplace Democracy: From a Democratic Ideal to a Managerial Tool and Back Markus Pausch ABSTRACT In different political theories, democracy is not reduced to state institutions, but includes the democratization of the whole society, its organizations and enterprises. This idea goes back to the beginnings of modern democratic theory and to Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s Social Contract. It was adopted by different socialist thinkers, later on by trade unions and, in the 1960s and 70s, by political scientists such as Carole Pateman and other promoters of participatory democracy. According to this tradition, workplace democracy is considered to be necessary for the realization of democratic ideals like individual autonomy, freedom, voice and participation in all relevant questions influencing citizens’ lives. Parts of this normative idea were realized by trade union movements and laws, especially in Western European countries. Nevertheless, workplace democracy in the sense of the above-mentioned theories remained far from becoming reality. -
Participatory Democracy in Chávez's Bolivarian Revolution
Who Mobilizes? Participatory Democracy in Chávez’s Bolivarian Revolution Kirk A. Hawkins ABSTRACT This article assesses popular mobilization under the Chávez gov- ernment’s participatory initiatives in Venezuela using data from the AmericasBarometer survey of 2007. This is the first study of the so- called Bolivarian initiatives using nationally representative, individ- ual-level data. The results provide a mixed assessment. Most of the government’s programs invite participation from less active seg- ments of society, such as women, the poor, and the less educated, and participation in some programs is quite high. However, much of this participation clusters within a narrow group of activists, and a disproportionate number of participants are Chávez supporters. This partisan bias probably reflects self-screening by Venezuelans who accept Chávez’s radical populist discourse and leftist ideology, rather than vote buying or other forms of open conditionality. Thus, the Venezuelan case suggests some optimism for proponents of par- ticipatory democracy, but also the need to be more attuned to its practical political limits. uring the past decade, leftist governments with participatory dem- Docratic agendas have come to power in many Latin American coun- tries, implementing institutional reforms at the local and, increasingly, the national level. This trend has generated a scholarly literature assess- ing the nature of participation in these initiatives; that is, whether they embody effective attempts at participatory forms of democracy that mobilize and empower inactive segments of society (Goldfrank 2007; Wampler 2007a). This article advances this discussion by studying popular mobiliza- tion under the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, referred to here as the Bolivarian Revolution or Chavismo. -
Playground of Violence: Mennonites and Makhnovites in the Time of War and Revolution
International Relations and Diplomacy, July 2015, Vol. 3, No. 7, 439-447 D doi: 10.17265/2328-2134/2015.07.001 DAVID PUBLISHING Playground of Violence: Mennonites and Makhnovites in the Time of War and Revolution Mikhail Akulov The Kazakh-British Technical University, Almaty, Kazakhstan Focusing on the relationship between the German Mennonite colonists and the self-professed followers of Nestor Makhno, this paper attempts to present a view of the Revolution in which participants are seen primarily through the framework of competition, rather than through binary narrative structures of victims vs. perpetrators, bourgeoisie vs. proletariat, revolutionaries vs. counterrevolutionaries, etc.. Always with an eye at a real or an imagined opponent, the Mennonites and the avowed adherents of the fabled bat’ko ended up profoundly influencing one another, conditioning one’s moves and limiting one’s latitude as does the omnipresent other vis-a-vis the unfolding self. In that light, violence, which both sides had on their record, functioned to cement such ongoing dialects, carrying the protagonists of these turbulent times well beyond their original intentions. Keywords: Russian Civil War, violence, Makhno, Mennonites, revolution Introduction The Russian Revolution, a subject relegated from the top priorities of the scholarly scrutiny in the late 1990s and early 2000s, is now making a comeback. The multiple jubilees are certainly working in its favor. Thus, pouncing upon the opportunity proffered last year by the centennial anniversary of the Great -
Re-Theorizing Politics in Water Governance
water Editorial Re-Theorizing Politics in Water Governance Nicole J. Wilson 1,* , Leila M. Harris 2,3 , Joanne Nelson 2 and Sameer H. Shah 2 1 The Peter A. Allard School of Law, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z1, Canada 2 Institute for Resources, Environment & Sustainability, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4, Canada 3 Institute for Gender, Race, Sexuality & Social Justice, The University of British Columbia, Vancouver, BC V6T 1Z4, Canada * Correspondence: [email protected] Received: 22 June 2019; Accepted: 26 June 2019; Published: 16 July 2019 Abstract: This Special Issue on water governance features a series of articles that highlight recent and emerging concepts, approaches, and case studies to re-center and re-theorize “the political” in relation to decision-making, use, and management—collectively, the governance of water. Key themes that emerged from the contributions include the politics of water infrastructure and insecurity; participatory politics and multi-scalar governance dynamics; politics related to emergent technologies of water (bottled or packaged water, and water desalination); and Indigenous water governance. Further reflected is a focus on diverse ontologies, epistemologies, meanings and values of water, related contestations concerning its use, and water’s importance for livelihoods, identity, and place-making. Taken together, the articles in this Special Issue challenge the ways that water governance remains too often depoliticized and evacuated of political content or meaning. By re-centering the political, and by developing analytics that enable and support this endeavor, the contributions throughout highlight the varied, contested, and important ways that water governance needs to be recalibrated and enlivened with keen attention to politics—broadly understood. -
The Publicness of the Curriculum and the Ambiguity of the Shift to Participatory Politics: the Intersection of Politics and Education Regarding “Representation”*
Educational Studies in Japan: International Yearbook No. 12, March, 2018. pp. 135-151 The Publicness of the Curriculum and the Ambiguity of the Shift to Participatory Politics: The Intersection of Politics and Education Regarding “Representation”* Shigeki Izawa† translated by Nadezhda Murray‡ This paper considers the functions and effects of “representation” in poli- tics and education. The voting age for public elections in Japan has been low- ered from 20 or older to 18 or older, calling for a shift in the curriculum to the basics of political participation and competence. In this paper, while focus- ing on the political issues concerning the publicness of the curriculum up until now in particular, I will demonstrate experimentally that considering this prob- lem means radically reconsidering the struggles contained in the meaning of participatory politics itself, not only the situation of representative democracy in modern society, and that it clarifi es once again the covertly confi gured edu- cational problems of competency. Keywords: Curriculum; Publicness; Representation; Democracy; Participatory politics 1. Where the problem lies: increasingly transparent politics and education On June 17th, 2015, Japan’s Revised Public Elections Act passed the Diet Upper House, and the age of suffrage, previously “20 or older”, joined that of much of the world at “18 or older”. While various issues remain, based on the meaning of the concept of “publicness” as “openness, Öffentlichkeit” allowing access by anyone (Habermas 1994; Saito 2000), the meaning reported by various media of some 2.4 million new voters is very important. In par- ticular, given the issue of the generation gap in Japan as it faces a shrinking and aging soci- ety, encouraging the participation of young people in politics and revitalizing democracy are * This article was originally published, in Japanese, in The Japanese Journal of Educational Research Vol. -
Redalyc.Myths and Realities on Islam and Democracy in the Middle East
Estudios Políticos ISSN: 0121-5167 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios Políticos Colombia Cevik, Salim Myths and Realities on Islam and Democracy in the Middle East Estudios Políticos, núm. 38, enero-junio, 2011, pp. 121-144 Instituto de Estudios Políticos Medellín, Colombia Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=16429066007 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative Myths and Realities on Islam and Democracy in the Middle East* Salim Cevik** Abstract There is a strong body of literature that claims that Islam and democracy are essentially incompatible. However, Islam like all other religions is multivocal and it has strong theorethical elements that can also work for a basis of a democratic polity. Throughout the Muslim world there are certain countries that achieved a considerable level of democratization. It is only the Arab world, not the Muslim world, that so far represents a complete failure in terms of democratic transition. The failure of Arab world should be attributed to more political reasons, such as oil economy and the rentier state model than to Islam. Lack of international support for pro-democracy movements in the region, under the fear that they might move towards an Islamist political system is also an important factor in the democratic failures in the region. However, democratic record of Turkey’s pro-Islamic Justice and Development Party challenges these fears. With the international attention it attracts, particularly from the Arab world, Turkish experience provides a strong case for the compatibility of [ 121 ] democracy and Islam. -
Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left Wing Alternative Media
Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left Wing Alternative Media A dissertation presented to the faculty of the Scripps College of Communication of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy Nune Grigoryan August 2019 © 2019 Nune Grigoryan. All Rights Reserved. This dissertation titled Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left Wing Alternative Media by NUNE GRIGORYAN has been approved for the School of Media Arts & Studies and the Scripps College of Communication by Wolfgang Suetzl Assistant Professor of Media Arts & Studies Scott Titsworth Dean, Scripps College of Communication ii Abstract GRIGORYAN, NUNE, PhD, August 2019, Mass Communication Mediated Political Participation: Comparative Analysis of Right Wing and Left Wing Alternative Media Director of dissertation: Wolfgang Suetzl Democracy allows a plural media landscape where different types of media perform vital functions. Over years, the public trust towards mainstream media has been eroding, limiting their ability to fulfill democratic functions within the American society. Meanwhile, the Internet has led to proliferation of alternative media outlets on digital space. These platforms allow new outreach and mobilizing opportunities to the once peripheral alternative media. So far, the literature about alternative media have been heavily focused on left-wing alternative media outlets, while the research on alternative right-wing media has remained scarce and fragmented. Only few studies have applied a comparative analysis approach to study these outlets. Moreover, research that examines different aspects of alternative media such as content and audience reception is more rare. This study aims to demonstrate the heterogeneity of alternative media by highlighting their history and functions within the American democracy. -
Global Satisfaction with Democracy Report 2020.” Cambridge, United Kingdom: Centre for the Future of Democracy
REPORT Global Satisfaction with Democracy 2020 This report was prepared at the Bennett Institute for Public Policy at the University of Cambridge and forms part of the work of the new Centre for the Future of Democracy. Suggested citation: Foa, R.S., Klassen, A., Slade, M., Rand, A. and R. Collins. 2020. “The Global Satisfaction with Democracy Report 2020.” Cambridge, United Kingdom: Centre for the Future of Democracy. Report published January 2020 The Bennett Institute for Public Policy at the University of Cambridge aims to become a world leader in achieving successful and sustainable solutions to some of the most pressing problems of our time. Our goal is to rethink public policy in an era of turbulence and growing inequality. Our research connects the world-leading work in technology and science at Cambridge with the economic and political dimensions of policy making. We are committed to outstanding teaching, policy engagement, and to devising sustainable and long lasting solutions. www.bennettinstitute.cam.ac.uk The Centre for the Future of Democracy was launched in January 2020 to explore the challenges and opportunities faced by democratic politics over the coming century. Based at the Bennett Institute for Public Policy, the goal of the Centre is to understand the prospects for democracy in broad historical and international perspective, getting beyond the immediate crisis to identify different possible trajectories for democracy around the world. This means distinguishing what is essential to democracy, what is contingent and what can be changed. That requires taking the long view, drawing on the big picture and expanding our imaginative horizons. -
CURRICULUM VITAE - Michael W
CURRICULUM VITAE - Michael W. Howard 5/20 Department of Philosophy 112 Birch St. The Maples Bangor, ME 04401 University of Maine (207) 947-0607 Orono, ME 04469 [email protected] (207) 581-3861 https://umaine.edu/philosophy/meet-the-faculty/howardm/ Education and Honors Ph.D., Boston University, 1981 M.A., Boston University, 1977 Teaching Fellowships, 1974-1977 Senior Teaching Fellowships, 1977-1979 B.A., with honors, University of Chicago, 1974 Phi Beta Kappa Academic Appointments and Affiliations University of Maine Chair, 1993-1998, 2008-2009 Professor, 2000-present Associate Professor, 1987-1999 Assistant Professor, 1981-1987 (History of Ancient Philosophy, Logic, History of Modern Philosophy, Social and Political Philosophy, Honors, Theories of Justice, Global Justice, Foundations of the Human Sciences, Topics Courses on Power, Freedom and Equality, Love and Friendship, Socialism, and Democracy) Institute for Futures Studies, Stockholm, Sweden, visiting scholar, Spring 2017 Catholic University of Louvain, Belgium Hoover Fellowship in Economic and Social Ethics, Fall 2004 European University Institute, Florence, Italy Visiting Fellow, Department of Political and Social Sciences, Spring 1991 Stanford University Visiting Scholar, Spring 1988 University of Lowell Adjunct Faculty Member, Fall 1978-Spring 1981 Boston University Senior Teaching Fellow, Metropolitan College, Fall 1977 Instructor, Summer 1977 Books Self-management and the Crisis of Socialism: The Rose in the Fist of the Present, Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. Socialism, Humanity Press, Key Concepts in Critical Theory Series, 2001. Alaska’s Permanent Fund Dividend: Examining its Suitability as a Model co-edited with Karl Widerquist, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012. Exporting the Alaska Model: Adapting the Permanent Fund Dividend for Reform around the World, co-edited with Karl Widerquist, Palgrave Macmillan, 2012.