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Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects
2002
Living on the Periphery: A Study of an Eighteenth-Century Yamasee Mission Community in Colonial St Augustine andrea Paige White College of William & Mary - Arts & Sciences
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Recommended Citation White, andrea Paige, "Living on the Periphery: A Study of an Eighteenth-Century Yamasee Mission Community in Colonial St Augustine" (2002). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects. Paper 1539626354. https://dx.doi.org/doi:10.21220/s2-whwd-r651
This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LIVING ON THE PERIPHERY: A STUDY OF AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY YAMASEE MISSION COMMUNITY IN COLONIAL ST. AUGUSTINE
A Thesis
Presented to
The Faculty of the Department of Anthropology
The College of William and Mary in Virginia
In Partial Fulfillment
Of the Requirements for the Degree of
Master of Arts
by
Andrea P. White
2002 APPROVAL SHEET
This thesis is submitted in partial fulfillment of
The requirements for the degree of
aster of Arts
Author
Approved, November 2002
n / i i WJ m Norman Barka
Carl Halbirt City Archaeologist, St. Augustine, FL
Theodore Reinhart TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS vi
LIST OF TABLES viii
LIST OF FIGURES ix
ABSTRACT xi
CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 2
Creolization Models in Historical Archaeology 4
Previous Archaeological Work on the Yamasee and Significance of La Punta 7
PROJECT METHODS 10
Historical Sources 10
Research Design and The City of St. Augustine's Archaelogical Program 10
Proj ect Locations and Environs 12
Survey T esting 13
Methodology for Excavations at 161 Marine Street 15
Artifact Methodology 17
CHAPTER 2: HISTORY 19
FOUNDING OF ST. AUGUSTINE AND THE MISSION SYSTEM 20
History of the missions in La Florida 21
YAMASEE CULTURAL BACKGROUND 23
Development of the Yamasee 24
Charles Towne and English Challenge in the Southeast 26
Yamasee War of 1715 31
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ST. AUGUSTINE AND ITS PERIPHERAL MISSION COMMUNITIES 32 Historical Background on the Mission of La Punta 36
Life at La Punta 43
CHAPTER 3: ARCHAEOLOGY 49
ARCHAEOLOGICAL FEATURES 49
General Midden 50
Well 50
Structures 56
Daub Pits 59
Miscellaneous Pits 59
Agricultural Ditches 65
Trash Disposal 67
MATERIAL CULTURE 68
Kitchen 70
Kitchen/Non-Ceramic 91
Activity 94
Architectural 95
Arms 97
Clothing 99
Furniture 102
Personal Items 102
Tobacco 104
SUBSISTENCE 105
SUMMARY 110
CHAPTER 4: INTERPRETATION AND CONCLUSION 114
Cultural Disruption and the Decline of Peripheral Missions 120 iv Recommendations for Future Research
APPENDIX
BIBLIOGRAPHY ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
First and foremost, I would like to thank Carl Halbirt, City Archaeologist for St. Augustine, for without him this thesis would never have been written. He was instrumental in convincing me of the importance of the La Punta site and he has served as a mentor, boss, and a dear friend.
I would also like to thank my committee chair Ted Reinhart for his patience and encouragement for dealing with an absentee student. Norman Barka, Director of Graduate Studies at William and Mary, not only served on my committee and provided good input, but also furnishing a positive learning environment in the field and in the classroom.
This project grew out of the City of St. Augustine Archaeological Program. It was in response to the construction of a new nursing home facility (BDAC 95-02303) triggered by the City’s archaeological ordinance. Funding for the Archaeology Program is provided by the City of St. Augustine and the archaeological fees collected by the Planning and Building Department. Program volunteers spent countless hours in the field at La Punta and serve as the backbone of the program. They are George Allen, Judy Allen, Paul Giser, Helen Gradison, Tom Kahn, Pauline Lavarey, Bobby McKinney, Margret Perkins, Betty Riggan, and Richard Todd. A special thanks goes to Helen Gradison, a fixture in the St. Augustine Archaeology Program. She was never short on hugs and a sympathetic ear. She and Pauline Lavarey deserve kudos for the laborious lab analysis of the La Punta collection. In addition, students from the 1997 University of Florida Historical Archaeology field school also lent a hand when the bulldozers were looming.
Research carried out by the City’s Archaeology Program has been supported in many ways by the staff at the Florida Museum of Natural History. Those deserving special mention are Kathleen Deagan and A1 Woods. They provided work space, use of the historical archaeology datebase program, and employment (as well as time off) during the final stages of the writing process.
Several individuals offered expertise about the material culture recovered from La Punta. Chester DePratter, who has shared an interest in this study from the get-go, took time to look at aboriginal ceramic samples and contribute his thoughts. Betsy Carlson offered critique to the faunal assemblage data. Kathleen Deagan not only extended her knowledge about the material cultural, but also engaged in discussions concerning St. Augustine and interpretations of the material remains recovered from La Punta. John Powell identified ambiguous buttons and was kind enough to take the artifact photos free of charge.
St. Augustine has a rich wealth of resources and individuals that contribute to the understanding of the town’s history and heritage. Maps contained in this thesis appear
vi courtesy of the St. Augustine Historical Society. Jason Bums and Billy Ray Morris of the St. Augustine Lighthouse Archaeological Maritime Program, allowed for the use of their various office and lab equipment, maps, computers, and overall general support.
In a quest for a quiet workspace, George Letts and Jeanie Harris answered the call. Not only did they give me an office but they also supplied encouragement and the finest dog sitting service around. Annie Ferran, Queen of Summerhaven, always made sure I had a roof over my head and a full belly; hospitality she is famous for. Gabriella Vigo took precious timeout to help edit and polish the final draft.
I have been blessed with a myriad of friends who have listened to endless phone calls, checked out books for me, put me up at various times, and served as a surrogate grad school family. Those that deserve special mention are my quadmates: Jason Bums, Debby Mullins, and Jennifer McKinnon, as well as Betsy Carlson and Marianne Franklin.
My family has been a source of continuous support and encouragement. They nursed me through many computer crashes and furnished a lot of patience and love. Matanzas kept my feet warm and protected me during many all-nighters.
Finally, this work is dedicated to Rozene Stallings. Her untimely death during the completion of this manuscript forced me to put things in perspective.
Any errors or omissions in the information contained in this thesis are solely my responsibility. LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Historic Population Estimates for La Punta 41
2. Pit Features from La Punta 61
3. Artifact Groups without Subsistence Material 70
4. Distribution of Artifact Types in the Kitchen Group 71
5. Aboriginal Pottery Types and Counts Found at 8SJ3499 74
6. European Tablewares Identified at La Punta 84
7. European Utilitarian Vessels Identified at La Punta 89
8. Artifacts Recovered from the Activities Group 94
9. Artifacts Recovered from the Architecture Group 96
10. Artifacts Recovery from the Arms Group 97
11. Artifacts Recovered from the Clothing Group 100
12. Artifacts Recovered from the Personal Group 102
13. Taxa Represented at 8SJ3499 107
viii LIST OF FIGURES
Figure Page
1. Project Location 14
2. Native American Groups in the Southeast during the Sixteenth-Century 25
3. The Splintering of the La T ama Groups: 1665-1684 27
4. The Yamasee Migration to South Carolina: 1684- 1705 29
5. 1730 Palmer Map 38
6. The 1737 Antonio de Arredondo Map 39
7. The 1763 Pablo Castello Map 47
8. Test Unit Locations and Excavated Features at 8SJ3499 51
9. Walk-in-Well North Profile Wall 53
10. Proposed Structures and Excavated Features at 8SJ3499 57
11. Daub and Miscellaneous Pits at 8SJ3499 60
12. North Profile of Feature 36 66
13. Types of San Marcos Design Motifs 77
14. Poorly Executed San Marcos Pottery 78
15. Red Filmed Rims 81
16. Colonowares 83
17. English and French Tablewares 86
18. Spanish Tablewares 88
19. Utilitarian Wares 90
20. Glasswares 93
21. Arms Group 98
ix 22. Clothing Group 101
23. Personal Group 103
X ABSTRACT
As a consequence of the rapid decline in the Native American population and English encroachment along the Spanish Boarderlands during the 18th century in what is now the southeastern United States, the Spanish Mission Chain was reduced to a handful of newly established missions within the vicinity of St. Augustine, Florida. Nuestra Senora del Rosario de la Punta was one such mission settled primarily by displaced Yamassee. Archaeological investigations at La Punta were carried out under the auspices of the City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program in 1997. The excavation at La Punta sheds light on the Yamasee and constitutes the first archaeological study of them in the period after 1715, when they migrated from South Carolina to St. Augustine after the Yamasee War.
This thesis has two objectives. The first is to describe the Yamasee occupation at La Punta based on the archaeological and historical record. The second is to address Yamasee cultural continuity and change by making general comparisons of La Punta’s archaeological record to an early Yamasee site in South Carolina and to the Spanish living in St. Augustine during the same time period.
The material culture uncovered at La Punta offers insight into the Yamassee as a cultural group and their assimilation into the Spanish community of St. Augustine. It could be argued that the Yamassee who migrated into St. Augustine during this time were a product of culture contact and depict a creole culture. The archaeological record indicates that the Yamasee were attempting to preserve their culture in St. Augustine. European goods and ideas modified certain Yamasee practices, but did not erase them all together.
Even though the Yamasee were struggling to maintain their traditional lifeways, they were also undergoing internal and external pressures as population declined and the settlement shifted, reconstituting its members. Change is evident by a decrease in the population, a “concertina” style migration of the settlement, and the deterioration of the Yamasee ceramic tradition that is suggested from the material culture.
This mission community represents not only the last vestiges of the Spanish mission system in the Southeast, but also the last traces of a once thriving Native American population in Florida, coastal Georgia and South Carolina.
XI LINVING ON THE PERIPHERY: A STUDY OF AN EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY YAMASSEE MISSION COMMUNITY IN COLONIAL ST. AUGUSTINE CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
At the end of the seventeenth and start of the eighteenth centuries, the English and
Spanish, along with their Native American allies, were vying for control for what is now the southeastern United States. By 1704, the once extensive Spanish mission chain in the province of La Florida was reduced to a handful of newly established settlements on the periphery of St. Augustine. Some of these mission communities were soon to be settled by displaced Yamasee Native Americans fleeing coastal South Carolina and Georgia after the fallout of the Yamasee War of 1715. These missions represent not only the last vestiges of the Spanish mission system in the Southeast, but also the last traces of a once thriving Native American population in Florida, coastal Georgia, and South Carolina.
In 1997, the City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program conducted archaeological investigations on a property containing evidence of the eighteenth-century
Spanish mission of Nuestra Senora del Rosario de la Punta. Located on the southern outskirts of the original colonial town of St. Augustine, La Punta was occupied between the late 1720’s to the late 1750’s and was primarily comprised of Yamasee Native
Americans. Little is known archaeologically about the Yamasee who were a multi ethnic confederation that relocated from the lower coastal plain of South Carolina and
Georgia (Green 1992).
2 3
This thesis has two objectives. First, through the discipline of historical archaeology, this thesis will use the archaeological and historical record to describe the
Yamasee occupation at La Punta. Secondly, by making a general comparison of La
Punta’s archaeological record to an early Yamasee site in South Carolina and the Spanish in St. Augustine during the same time period, we can begin to address Yamasee cultural continuity and change. This comparison will be limited because research on the Yamasee is a fairly new topic and excavated Yamasee sites are few. It is hypothesized that by the time the Yamasee reach St. Augustine in the eighteenth century they had become a creolized population. While they incorporated some European ideas and material culture into their lifestyle, they attempted to maintain their cultural traditions. External and internal forces reduced the Yamasee population, thus continuing to disrupt their native culture. This disruption and change resulted in cultural discontinuities, which should also manifest itself in the historical record and archaeological remains recovered from La
Punta.
Building on the work of Henry Dobyns (1983), Marvin Smith (1987) illustrates that depopulation of the interior southeast during the sixteenth-century caused the decline of chiefdoms and subsequent culture change. His work is relevant since depopulation of the sixteenth-century interior tribes “gave way to the eighteenth-century tribal units of refugees” (Smith 1987:6), which included the Yamasee.
The Yamasee, as an ethnic group, are first referred to in Spanish documents circa
1675 (Green 1992) while they were living among various mission settlements. Whether they thought of themselves as Yamasee or not, the name was probably more a product of 4
European perception than of Native American identification (Green 1992). Close contact with the Spanish, English, Scots, and various other native groups eventually led to the formation of the Yamasee as a cultural identity. This identity was fluid and was often being renegotiated as the geographical, political, economic, and social climates changed.
Thus, the Yamasee that migrated from South Carolina and lived at La Punta were in essence creolized or had undergone the process of culture change known as creolization.
While they still maintained aspects of their previous native culture, they also combined other cultural traits and material goods to form a unique Yamasee society.
Creolization Models in Historical Archaeology
Archaeologists have often been interested in culture contact studies and the cultural change and continuity that result in these contacts. This is of especial interest to many historical archaeologists in the Americas where the results of the Colombian exchange brought many diverse ethnic groups together in different social, economic, environmental, geographical, and political realms. Although subject to debate, creolization builds on acculturation processes and can be viewed as another facet f culture contact studies. During the 1970’s and 80’s, acculturation and assimilation theories dominated the field as models to explain the results of culture contact and cultural change. Too often acculturation studies in archaeology focused more on the adoption of material goods of the “dominate” European group by “subordinate” indigenous groups. Not all archaeologists viewed the process of acculturation through
“dominate” and “subordinate” cultures. Kathleen Deagan (1974, 1983, 1996) has 5 contributed much to the discipline with her examination of mestizo and criollo households in Spanish St. Augustine.
Spawned from linguistic studies, creolization first became formalized with the study of pidgin and creole languages (Ferguson 1992; Franklin 1997). Folklorist and historian Charles Joyner (1984) applied linguistic concepts to material culture in his study of nineteenth century slaves in Down by the Riverside. He argues that artifacts and the meanings behind them are analogous to grammar (rules of usage) and lexicon (words)
(Joyner 1984; Ferguson 1992). The words (artifacts) might be the same but the way they are put together and used (meaning) is different.
Several pioneering works by historical archaeologists began to apply the creolization model to material culture, especially involving African-American societies
(Dawdy 2000; Ewen 2000; Ferguson 2000). In 1992, Leland Ferguson adopted the term for historical archaeology in his book Uncommon Ground , postulating it as a theory to helps explain how African-American culture developed. Using the linguistic model,
Ferguson furthers Joyner’s application of creolization to the material culture found at
African-American sites in the southeast. His publication had a profound effect on the field because he applied the creolization concept to groups not traditionally identified as creole (Dawdy 2000). James Deetz (1996:213) in his revised addition of In Small Things
Forgotten, defines creolization as “the interaction between two or more cultures to produce an integrated mix which is different from its antecedents.” The concept of creolization was also applied to seventeenth-century Virginia by Dan Mouer (1993). His work addresses the emergence of a new American culture in seventeenth-century 6
Virginia claiming that “ethnic groupings are situational, historical, cultural relative, fluid, negotiable, multi-dimensional” (Mouer 1993:110). Material culture would play an important role in the creation and negotiation of identities and Mouer discusses the material evidence for the process of creolization occurring in the colonial Chesapeake.
Since these early works, creolization has become widely embraced as a model for culture change in historical archaeology. “With the move away from acculturation as a paradigm, creolization theory understood culture as a dynamic phenomenon. Process is emphasized, as something ‘new’ is ‘created’ through creolization, not ‘lost’ and ‘gained’ as typified by acculturation” (Franklin 1997:9). The concept gained such popularity that the Society for Historical Archaeology produced an entire journal issue devoted to the topic (Dawdy 2000). In the introduction, Ferguson states “ the readers will find neither a uniform definition of creole and creolization, nor a well-developed paradigm - most of the authors (of the papers) do not aspire to such regularities, some even celebrate the ambiguity of the concept” (Ferguson 2000:5).
Incorporating creolization as a facet of culture contact studies, James Cusick
(2000) applies the concept into the borderland framework. It can be argued that the east coast of Florida, Georgia, and South Carolina can be called a borderland since it served as a border area for Anglo and Spanish America for most of the eighteenth-century
(Cusick 2000). “Social identities in border areas are constantly in flux because borderlands are constantly subject to ever changing conditions. Negotiations between peoples of different cultural background is a daily fact of life in border areas, and leads among other things, to the emergence of groups that are often termed creole ’ (Cusick 7
2000:46). Although his work is in reference to the Minorcans of Spanish Florida, it is also applicable to the Yamasee in the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries.
Previous Archaeological Work on the Yamasee and Significance of La Punta
Previous archaeological investigations on Yamasee sites have been few. Most of this work has been concentrated in South Carolina near Port Royal Sound. The Yamasee occupied this area from 1684 to 1715. William Green (1992) was one of the first to identify a Yamasee site in South Carolina. He notes that due to the enormous amount of previous research in the area, Yamasee sites were probably misidentified “due to the lack of a well established Yamaseee material inventory” (Green 1992:81-83). Green’s early research on the Yamasee has spawned interest and awareness about this group. There are now at least 32 recorded sites in South Carolina. Most documentation has occurred in the form of cultural resource management survey reports (Southerlin et al. 2001). In addition to Green’s work at Altamaha Town (38BU1206), substantial data recovery work has been conducted on Chechesy Old Field I (38BU1605) (Southerlin et al. 2001). Green’s research coupled with Bobby Southerlin’s work at Old Field I provide a foundation to understanding the archaeological remains of the Yamasee. A key research objective for
Yamasee sites has been to recognize and refine the “archaeological signature” of the
Yamasee utilizing artifact assemblages (Green 1992; Southerlin et al. 2001). This
“signature,” at least in South Carolina, includes Yamasee ceramics, in combination with
Spanish and English trade goods (Green 1992). Additionally, work was conducted at Santa Maria de los Yamases (Hemmings and
Deagan 1973; Saunders 1993, 2000) on Amelia Island, Florida. Although the initial occupation dates are uncertain, the Yamasee were known to be living here until 1683, prior to their defection to South Carolina (Bushnell 1986). In 1684, certain native Guale groups moved to the abandoned site and Mission Santa Catalina de Santa Maria was established (Saunders 2000). Hemmings and Deagan (1973) conducted limited testing in the vicinity of a Yamasee aboriginal structure in 1971. The remains of the church structure have been excavated by Rebecca Saunders (1993). Saunders (2000) also has extensively studied stability and change in Guale ceramics. Both the Guale and Yamasee are of the Muskhogean tradition and produced San Marcos/Altamaha ceramics. Although the Yamasee and the Guale are two distinct groups, this work can provide insight to the pottery traditions of the Yamasee as discussed in Chapter 3.
Archaeological research on the Yamasee has been limited due to various reasons.
One main reason, especially in South Carolina, is the ephemeral nature of the sites.
Southerlin (2001) claims that sites have been difficult to identify with any degree of accuracy, since they were occupied for brief periods of time and often have few artifacts.
The Yamasee were displaced from their homeland in interior Georgia, relocated to the missions of La Florida, then migrated to Port Royal Sound in South Carolina, and finally moved to St. Augustine. Secondly, development has often destroyed archaeological remains. This is especially the case near St. Augustine where urbanization has taken its toll on cultural resources. Lastly, the Yamasee often resided among various other Native
American groups during their migrations and were often confused with these other 9 groups (Greene 1992). Often Yamasee components to these sites are difficult to recognize, misidentified, overlooked, or overshadowed.
Since archaeological investigations on Yamasee sites are scarce, especially in
Florida, the information recovered from La Punta presents an exceptional opportunity to investigate this cultural group. The excavations at La Punta contribute to a growing database on the Yamasee. As it stands now, there has been little archaeological investigation into the Yamasee after their migration into La Florida following the
Yamasee War of 1715.
La Punta furnishes an excellent opportunity to examine the Yamasee during this time period of transition and decline. The significance of studying La Punta also has ramifications for mission studies. While there is a wealth of information concerning seventeenth-century mission settlements, little research has been conducted on eighteenth-century mission communities. These communities are also of importance to our understanding of St. Augustine and Spanish -Native American interaction and syncretism during this time period. Specifically, La Punta represents one of the last identifiable occupations of the Yamasee as an ethnic entity. This information can contribute to our overall understanding of societies undergoing a rapid population decline. On a larger scale, the Yamasee are a prime example of a product of culture contact. As archaeologists continue to address issues of cultural interaction and the reorganization and manipulation of ethnic identities, especially along border areas, information gleaned from this research can make significant contributions to culture contact studies. 10
PROJECT METHODS
Historical sources
Although primary sources relevant to the community of La Punta are not abundant, there is a substantive body of secondary resources that are available which can tell us about the establishment of La Punta, the population that lived there, and what life was like within the mission infrastructure. Documentary evidence pertaining to La Punta comes primarily from historic maps and censuses from the time period. Maps illustrate the location of the mission, how the mission settlement might have shifted through time, the surrounding environment, the size of the settlement, and what types of structures might have been present. Most documents available about St. Augustine during the eighteenth-century are concerned with religious or military affairs. Some reports written by governors, local officials, and friars pertaining to the status of the missions provide a sense of what mission life was like for the dwindling native populations. Personal records, such as probates, wills, and deeds, were carried with the La Florida evacuees in
1763 and most likely lost (Parker 1999). Parish records provide a wealth of information on individuals; however, like the majority of personal documents, these sources would only provide information on individuals that had fully integrated into Spanish society, not the residents of La Punta.
Research Design and The City of St. Augustine’s Archaeological Program
In August 1996, the City of St. Augustine received an archaeological permit application (BDAC # 95-0232) for new construction related to the development of the 11
Bayview Nursing and Assisted Living Facility (BNAF). This new project was to replace the Samantha R. Wilson Nursing Home and the Therapeutic Learning Center located at
169 and 161 Marine Street, respectively. Neither of these existing buildings impacted archaeological deposits (Halbirt 1996). Archaeological integrity was maintained due to the large amount of fill brought onto the property prior to construction. The new complex would encompass an area of approximately 4.3 acres of the roughly 30 acre historical mission community (Halbirt 1996). In addition to the La Punta mission, other historical documents indicate that portions of the area were adjacent to a second Spanish
Period Powder Magazine occupied from 1789 to 1823. Once Florida was ceded to the
United States in 1821 the lot remained under the jurisdiction of the U.S. War Department until 1911. During the 1920-1940’s the lot was used as a ballfield. The county eventually acquired the land and in the 1960’s constructed the Samantha R. Wilson
Nursing Facility and the County Health Department, both which were still in existence at the time of excavations. In addition, the project area was adjacent to portions of the late nineteenth-century Alicia Flagler Hospital site (Halibirt 1996).
The archaeological investigations of La Punta were conducted in response to the
City of St. Augustine’s Archaeological Preservation Ordinance. Since St. Augustine is the oldest continuously occupied European settlement in the United States, the city has taken a proactive approach to preserving its cultural heritage by establishing an
Archaeological Preservation Ordinance (Halbirt 1999). Its purpose is “to document and preserve the archaeological heritage of this Ancient City prior to construction activities and/or any ground-penetrating disturbances that require a City permit” (Halbirt 12
1993:101). The City requires that all properties be reviewed for potential archaeological resources prior to development. This insures that all new construction is evaluated for its potential impacts to cultural resources (Halbirt 1999). “The review assessment is based on three criteria: location, depth of excavation, and size of excavation” (Halbirt 1993:
101). Only those found to be within designated archaeological zones and where construction is greater than 100 square feet and over 3 inches in depth are slated for investigation. Investigations involve reviewing historical documents as was as limited excavation (i.e., survey and testing). The city’s overall aims are to “1) understand the nature of the archaeological remains that are buried on the property, 2) determine how those remains will be impacted by construction, and 3) integrate the data into research goals that are intended to address St. Augustine’s growth and development, ethnic affiliations and interactions, cultural history, and past lifeways” (Halbirt 1999:60-61).
Once evaluation and, if necessary, investigation are completed, construction proceeds.
Project Location and Environs
Nuestra Senora del Rosario de la Punta (8SJ3499) lies south of the colonial walled city of St. Augustine (Figure 1). Historic maps from this era illustrate that the mission was situated on a low sandy peninsula, bordered on the east by the Matanzas
River, on the south and west by the Maria Sanchez Creek. The surrounding environment would have supported a variety of plant and animal resources. Nearby forests would supply wild terrestrial animals such as deer and turkey. Beyond the settlement lie pine flatwood, occasional swamps, and freshwater streams. Rich estuarine environments 13 include the inner bay, salt marshes, tidal creeks, and mud flats. Since the mission was surrounded by water on three sides, these estuarine environments could provide abundant fish and shellfish for subsistence (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983).
Survey Testing
Realizing the potential for archaeological remains in the proposed project area, a posthole survey was conducted to evaluate the property for intact archaeological deposits.
Testing for BNAE (161 Marine Street) was carried out over three weeks from August 26 to September 17, 1996. A total of 300 postholes were excavated, 58% of which contained artifacts. By far the majority of the artifacts were aboriginal ceramics (76.5%) followed by European ceramics (14.6%) (Halbirt 1996). Most of these artifacts appear to be associated with the Native American occupation of La Punta.
The outcome of the survey supports documentary evidence provided by early maps that the remains of La Punta were located within the project area. The posthole survey results also indicated areas with a high potential for containing intact subsurface deposits and features. Differences in soil elevations provided strati graphic information about the historic topography of the area and about the nature of the archaeological deposits. This information was used to determine areas of priority during data recovery efforts (Halbirt 1996). Stratigraphic data from the posthole survey delineated the existence of a historic north-south low-lying dune ridge that once paralleled the waterways. The majority of artifacts associated with La Putna are found along the crest of this ridge and excavation would be concentrated in this area. Figure 1: Project Location Map
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Methodology for Excavations at 161 Marine Street
The investigation of the property followed standard city policies for archaeological inquiry (Halbirt 1999). Excavations were carried out through the utilization of stripping areas. The community of La Punta was ephemeral and in constant flux. The Native American settlement would move closer or further away from the walled city depending upon the threat of attack. This would mean that the archaeological evidence would be scattered over a greater distance. Large stripping areas would prove the most useful in locating any remaining archaeological deposits of the mission community as individual archaeological test units would prove time consuming and may or may not yield features related to the mission occupation.
Due to time constrains, the overall size of the project area, and the existence of a paved parking lot over much of the site, a backhoe was brought in to remove 22 cm of modem overburden. Based on the initial assessment of soil stratigraphy from the posthole survey, these deposits include 7 cm of an asphalt parking lot, 10 cm of fill sand brought in for the construction of the nursing home, and 15 cm of a dark gray sandy loam mixed cultural midden deposit (Zone 1). The Zone 1 deposit contained late nineteenth and twentieth century material. Underneath Zone 1 was fine rich brown sand, Zone 2.
This soil was 10-25 cm thick and predominantly represents the cultural midden deposit associated with La Punta. The depth of Zone 2 varied according to subsequent activity on the property that removed or deposited soil. Features were too difficult to see at this level; thus Zone 2 was removed down to sterile sands by shoveling. At this interface the 16 features could be clearly defined. As Zone 2 was excavated it was screened according to individual test units within each striping area for proveniencing purposes.
Areas to be stripped for excavation were divided into five sections. These large areas were numbered Stripping Area 1, 2, 4, and 51 and were from 16 to 54 sq. meters in size. Each stripping area was then gridded into 2 meter by 2 meter or 1 meter by 2 meter test units to maintain horizontal control. These test units were numbered sequentially within each Stripping Area. A total of 150 sq. meters was excavated. After the initial asphalt and top soil removal, each unit was brought down to approximately 50 cm below an established datum point. The cultural midden deposit was then removed to expose sterile sands, allowing for the recognition of archaeological features. Features were outlined and mapped on a general site map. Each feature was then assigned a number and bisected, and one half was hand excavated. Features were numbered sequentially across the site. Once the first half was excavated, a profile of the feature was drawn to determine the nature and characteristics of the feature. After this step, the remaining portion of the feature was then excavated according to stratigraphy. All soils were water screened through 1/4 mesh, with some features also being screened through 1/16 mesh.
If a deposit was found to contain organic material, a float sample was taken. Each distinct soil deposit was assigned a distinct field specimen number (FS#) that indicated its provenience. Artifacts were rough sorted in the field based on artifact material, such as aboriginal ceramics, European ceramics, bone, metal, glass, and construction material.
Most shell, mainly oyster, was weighed and discarded in the field.
1 Stripping Area 3 only contained archaeological evidence of the Second Spanish Period Powder House and is not included on the maps since it is located elsewhere on the property. 17
Artifact Methodology
Artifacts were taken back to the City’s Lab for processing. All artifacts were thoroughly cleaned and placed in plastic bags indicating provenience and artifacts category. Trained volunteers of the City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program carried out the analysis. All artifacts were counted and weighted except for charcoal, daub, shell, coquina, tabby, mortar, plaster, brick, rocks/pebbles, rust/iron fragments, and wood, which were recorded by weight only. Program volunteers identified attributes, such as artifact type, count, weight, composition, color, fragment form, decoration, shape, and modifiers.
Ceramics comprised a majority of the collection. To facilitate the accuracy of identification, a type collection was used. During analysis, aboriginal sherds that were smaller than 2 cm in size were recorded as aboriginal discards. An attempt was made to determine vessel count, when possible. If certain sherds could be attributed to the same vessel, or cross-mended, then the total sherd count was recorded as one for analytical purposes. Often the size and type of sherds recovered made it difficult to conduct an accurate vessel count, especially for low fired aboriginal ceramics. While comparison of sherd count versus vessel count might produce different results, the fragmentary nature of the sherds made this task unfeasible.
All artifacts are currently housed at the City of St. Augustine Archaeology
Program Lab. After analysis was completed, artifact data was entered into the Florida
Museum of Natural History’s Historical Archaeology Database using Microsoft Access
97 program. Through use of this program, data was easily manipulated to address trends 18 in the material culture such as spatial relations, availability of goods, consumer choices, as well as cultural continuity, and change.
This thesis is aimed at furthering our understanding of the Yamasee as a creolized group and investigates their tenure in the St. Augustine area. Shaped by the beliefs of their ancestors and the social, political, and economic forces that surrounded them, a
Yamasee culture emerged. Chapter 2 addresses the history of the Yamasee, discusses the historical background of St. Augustine and the Spanish mission system, and reviews the documentary information pertinent to the mission. A backdrop for early eighteenth- century life in St. Augustine is set from which comparisons to La Punta can be made.
The archaeological record is a tangible connection to the past and gives a glimpse of daily life for those left out of the historical record. In Chapter 3, data collected through archaeological investigations at La Punta is presented. Included in this chapter is a discussion of the archaeological features, artifact assemblage and subsistence information. Material items lost and discarded by the occupants of La Punta are clues that allow archaeologists to address issues of demography, economy, cultural preference, social organization, subsistence, and probably social attitude.
Lastly, in Chapter 4, general comparisons are carried out to begin to address issues of continuity and change through the Yamasee’s history. They strove to maintain a cultural continuity in their traditional lifeways while incorporating elements from other surrounding ethnic groups. The historical documentation, archaeological evidence and material culture of La Punta can provide insight to the Yamasee as a creole Native
American group living on the periphery of colonial Spanish St. Augusitne. CHAPTER 2
HISTORY
Throughout the First Spanish Period (1565-1763) St. Augustine served as a military outpost for the Spanish Crown. In addition to being a presidio, it also functioned as the administrative hub for mission related activity. It was through the mission system that the majority of Spanish contact among indigenous Americans took place. It was not until the start of the eighteenth century, however, that many Native
Americans moved in the vicinity of the colonial town for protection, after the decimation of the mission chain in 1704. The influx of native populations settled in newly established mission communities. As a result, Native American and Spanish relations and interactions were altered. Intermixing of different native groups also impacted each tribe’s cultural traditions and identities as each group underwent change and stress in a new political, economic, and social milieu.
Chapter 2 addresses the history of the Yamassee, the political arena surrounding the Yamassee, and the cultural environment in St. Augustine during the occupation of the
La Punta settlement. A brief history of St. Augustine and the mission system in La
Florida are discussed to provide background information related to Spanish influence upon Native American groups in the region. Next, a history of the Yamassee is provided.
This section incorporates the Yamassee’s tenure with the British and the political events that led them to seek haven in St. Augustine. Lastly, an overview of eighteenth-century 19 20
St. Augustine and the historical information pertaining to the settlement of La Punta is presented.
FOUNDING OF ST. AUGUSTINE AND THE MISSION SYSTEM
Throughout the initial exploration of the Americas, the Spanish made several attempts to colonize North America. However, these ventures were unsuccessful due to various reasons, including Native American hostility toward the Spanish, natural disasters, and poor planning on the part of the Spanish. In 1562 the French established a fort at the mouth of the River May (near present day Jacksonville, Florida). In response, the King of Spain entered into a joint venture with Pedro Menendez de Aviles to oust the
French and establish a colony (Lyon 1976).
In 1565, Menendez sailed from Cadiz, Spain, bound for La Florida. Upon his arrival on the East Coast, Menendez came ashore via a small inlet where the Matanzas and the Tolamato Rivers meet. It was here that he encountered the Timucuan Natives, with whom they initially sought refuge and established a town. He was successful in founding St. Augustine on September 8, 15651 and eliminating the French threat. The
Spanish Crown now had a foothold in North America as a means to protect shipping interest along the Straits of Florida. As a reward, Menendez was to receive titles and riches for the governorship of the Florida colony (Lyon 1976; Deagan 1990).
While the town of St. Augustine during the First Spanish Period (1565-1763) was a garrison town serving military interests, it also served as the administrative center for
1 Known as the oldest continuously occupied European city in the United States. 21 the mission system. It is from St. Augustine that the missionization endeavor in the colony would be launched. The missions were bound to St. Augustine since it served as ecclesiastical, economic, and military hub for Spanish La Florida, a claim which was loosely defined by the mission settlements themselves (Deagan 1993).
History of missions in La Florida
The first efforts to missionize the indigenous population came from the Jesuits beginning in 1566. Menendez had called for them to come Christianize the Native
Americans. Due to the migratory nature of the natives and their resistance, the Jesuits were unsuccessful and withdrew in 1572. The Franciscans came in 1573 and large-scale conversion efforts began in 1595 (Gannon 1965).
The Spanish Crown felt that conversion among the indigenous was of extreme importance, even stipulating in Mendendez’s contract the need for such efforts (Lyon
1976). The mission system was not only a means to “Christianize” the Native Americans but also a method of controlling and exploiting them and the hinterland of La Florida
(Chatelain 1941; Thomas 1990a; Deagan 1993). At the missions natives were required to support the friars and provide tributes mainly in the form of labor and food staples.
Labor repartimiento required work on public works and defensive structures at the mission and also in St. Augustine. Aboriginal groups would also serve as a defensive buffer to the Spanish holdings. This effective mechanism for conversion had a profound effect on the Native American cultures by the Spanish in the Southeast (Hann 1988;
Thomas 1990a; Deagan 1993). 22
The success of the mission system is largely due to the acceptance of the system by the Native Americans. It is this “process of mutual accommodation” (Deagan
1993:88) that allowed the friars to enter into unknown territory and work within existing political systems and establish mission communities (Hann 1988; Thomas 1990a, Weber
1990). This strategy resulted in the least amount of disturbance in cultural traditions and lifeways (Deagan 1993). Native groups realized the benefits of partnering themselves with Spanish friars. European technology, domestics, both plant and animal, and trade goods all furnished incentives. The Spanish also provided, initially, military and political assistance to allegiant native groups (Deagan 1993).
Missions were small communities. If a resident friar lived at the mission it was called a doctrina and if the friar visited the mission on Sundays and holy days it was referred to as a vista (Gannon 1965). A typical mission would consist of wattle and daub structures topped with palmetto thatched roofs. These structures would include a church, a convento or the priest’s quarters, a cocina or kitchen, and a plaza opposite the Native
American village (Weisman 1992; Marrinan 1993).
Although missionization efforts were not without set backs and hardships, greatest success was reached with the semi-sedentary Timucuans, Appalache, and Guale.
Attempted were made to convert several Native American groups in the southern portion of the peninsula; however, the absence of sedentary populations made this more difficult
(Milanich 1995).
By mid-seventeenth century, the mission system encompassed over 40 missions and 70 friars (Griffin 1993). This mission chain stretched west from St. Augustine to modem day Tallahassee, Florida and northward up to modem day Savannah, Georgia. 23
The course of history was about to change, however, and the results were to have profound effect on the mission system and the Spanish and Native American groups who participated in it.
YAMASEE CULTURAL BACKGROUND
Tracing the history of the Yamasee presents a complicated problem. Early contact between the Native American and Europeans created upheavals and influx among tribal groups in the southeastern region of what is today the United States. Initially
Europeans came in contact with Native Americans in Florida, coastal Georgia, and South
Carolina. Even though there was little or no direct contact with Europeans, their effects were felt throughout the Southeast’s interior. Little is known about the cultures in the interior Southeast from early Spanish documents. As Native American groups adapted to the presence of the Europeans, group boundaries were constantly moving and changing often resulting in dramatic culture adaptation and change (Dobyns 1983; Smith 1987).
Surviving groups would band together to gain strength in numbers (Hudson 1976). The
Yamasee nation formed out of this type upheaval by several groups banding together.
Europeans often assigned names based on the cacique or geographical location of different Native American groups. These Europeanized labels many times had nothing to do with what these groups really called themselves. Confusion is further compounded when historians attempt to make sense of the written historical record. For instance the
Yamasee have lived with the Guale, Yamacraw, and Creek and have often been confused for these groups (Greene 1992). All of this makes the Yamasee a difficult Native
American group to study. 24
So who really were the Yamasee? William Green (1992:1) has best described them as “a loosely formed mulitethnic confederation that lived in the coastal plains of
South Carolina from 1684 - 1715.” It is quite possible that the Yamasee name was actually a name used by the English and Spanish and the people they referred to as
Yamasee were actually a group of several different tribal entities sharing the same land.
These groups do not form in a vacuum and are often a result of extenuating forces. The
Yamasee became caught in the power struggle between the Spanish and the British during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Positioned along the borderland, a creole Yamasee group emerged. Unfortunately, it was this struggle that eventually led to the decline of the Yamasee as a cohesive ethnic population.
Development of the Yamasee
Precursors to the Yamasee include the people of Tama. Green (1992) has suggested that the Yamasee formed out of fragmentation of the sixteenth-century Georgia chiefdoms of Altamaha, Ocute, and Ichisi (Figure 2). These names are traced back to villages encountered by Hemado de Soto’s trek into the interior in 1540 (Green 1992).
“The depopulation and decentralization of sixteenth-century chiefdoms.... led to increased recombinations of refugee groups. This process was accelerated during the second half of the seventeenth-century” (Smith 1987:142). La Tama was the name the
Spanish gave the province of Altamaha/Ocute, and this term began to include the unfamiliar territory of interior Georgia. The people of La Tama, the coastal Guale, and the Salchiches of the Coastal Plain were drawn closer together due to the actions of the Figure 2: Native American Groups in the Southeast during the Sixteenth Century
Tuscarora
Cherokee
Cofitachequi .. ' Santee
- Sewee /
Ocute Kiawah Altamaha Cosapoy Ichisi Orista Escamacu * Santa Elena
Guale Capachequi
Timucua m „ . Apalachee • St. Augustine
*t 0 50 100 miles
Adapted from Green 1992 26
Spanish that were changing politics among the Native Americans living in the Southeast, forming the beginning of the Yamasee (Green 1992).
During the early part of the second half of the seventeenth-century, the Westo
(also referred to as the Chichimeco) from the region of Virginia began to attack the Guale and eventually Tama in 1662 (Hann 1988). This eventually led to the splintering of the
Yamasee in the interior and coastal Georgia (Figure 3). By 1675, the Yamasee had dispersed to several missions, residing in western La Florida with the Apalachee (Hann
1988), further south along the Georgia coast with the Guale (Saunders 2000), and among the Timucuan (Bushnell 1990) and the Lower Creek in western Florida (Hann 1988;
Green 1992). This is supported by the first mention of the Yamasee living at the missions in the Spanish documents in 1675 (Green 1992).
Charles Towne and English challenge in the Southeast
In 1670, a group of English settlers disembarked at the mouth of the Ashley River and established Charles Town. Lying less than 250 miles from the presidio of St.
Augustine, this new settlement called into question Spanish hegemony in the Southeast.
The course of events that were to follow would cause a tremendous amount of change in the region that would effect not only the Spanish and English but also Native American groups in the vicinity.
In fact, the interior North American rivalry centered on competition for Native
American alliances and trade (Crane 1929). Spain’s system that relied upon the mechanism of missionization to influence Native Americans came into fatal collision Figure 3: The Splintering of the La Tama Groups: 1665-1684
Ocute
Altamaha Charles Town
Guale
4 Lower Creeks Yamassee
Apalachee St. Augustine
Timucua
4 0 50 100 miles
Adapted from Green 1992 28 with the English system based solely upon trade. The encroaching English settlements threatened the Spanish territory challenging the mission system and its Native American allies. For various reasons, the Yamasee left the missions of La Florida and migrated to
South Carolina (Figure 4). The majority of the migration was from the Guale missions along the Atlantic coast. English excursions into Guale territory increased in frequency during the 1670’s. The governor of St. Augustine ordered northern Guale missions to retreat further south. Many of the Yamasee mission natives refused to go and a revolt ensued (Gannon, 1965). Upon their moving to Carolina between 1684 and 1685, many
Guale went with them, thus completely abandoning the Guale coast by 1686 (Green
1992; Saunders 2000). Those that did not side with the British retreated to Amelia
Island.
The English had been successful in enticing the Yamasee because they were not against furnishing firearms, alcohol, and other goods that the missionaries had been opposed to. Debates between priests and Spanish officials over injustices, both real and contrived, were played upon by the British to win the allegiance of native groups
(Gannon 1965).
The Yamasee first began trading with the Scots living in Stuart Town, established at Port Royal Sound (Southerlin et al. 2001). After the destruction of Stuart Town in
1686 by the Spanish and their allies, the English living in Charles Town took up trade with the Yamasee. The Yamasee became expert deer skin and slave traders. It was not long before the English were arming and encouraging the Yamasee to go on slave-raiding expeditions into Spanish-held territory. Realizing the benefit of trade and alliance, the Figure 4: The Yamasee Migration to South Carolina: 1684-1705
Apalachee Lower Creeks ^ # Yamassee Charles Town
Lower Creeks
Gu^le / Yamassee
Apalachee • St. Augustine Yamassee
«t 0 50 100 miles
Adapted from Green 1992 30
English set up ten towns for the Yamasee (Green 1992). These towns were divided up into lower and upper towns. The lower towns consisted of Altamaha, Oketee, Chechesee, and Euhaw. The upper towns consisted of Pocoaligo, FEuspaw, Saupalau, Sadketche,
Pocosabo, and Tomaley (Green 1992). Green (1992: 25-26) has interestingly pointed out that “it appears the lower towns, Altamaha, Oketee, Chechesee, and Euhaw, are all descendants of the interior Georgia chiefdoms encountered by De Soto in 1540. While the upper towns, Ehispaw, Saupalau, Sadketche and Tlafina, Pocoaligo, Pocosabo, and
Tomaley were comprised of remnants of the Guale, Yamacraw, and other groups of less certain origin. That these groups remained distinct, yet were all called Yamasee by the
English, may indicate that the concept of a ‘Yamasee Nation’ was more a product of
European perception than of Native American identification.”
As the seventeenth-century came to a close, it was the beginning of the end of the mission system in La Florida. In 1702, war broke out in Europe over the succession of the Spanish throne. Pitting France and Spain against England, this war also came to the colonies in North America (known as the Queen Anne’s War). Seizing an opportunity to take the offensive, Governor James Moore of Charles Towne, allied with Yamasee and
Creek warriors, raided and wiped out the Guale provinces along the eastern coast. The raid also destroyed a majority of the City of St. Augustine. The city was burned while the local population huddled inside the Castillo de San Marcos until the English retreated.
In 1704, Moore led a raid into the Apalachee wiping out the mission system in the province. For those Native Americans who escaped death or enslavement and who remained loyal to the Spanish, the ensuing decades were ones of uncertainty and 31 displacement. Many natives once loyal began to doubt if the Spanish could protect them.
By 1708, the remains of what was once a flourishing system now ceased to exist, thus forcing those remaining at the missions and their allies within the safety of St.
Augustine’s defenses (Gannon 1965). By the end of the Queen Anne’s War (1702-1714), there was little hope of re-establishing the Spanish mission chain. This once extensive
Spanish mission system was never to be built back up to its former glory, and this was probably the lowest point of the Spanish’s influence over the Native Americans (Tepaske
1964). The Spanish were soon to experience resuscitation, however brief, that would swing native allegiance back their way.
Yamasee War o f 1715
The Yamasee War of 1715 broke out due to conflicts over trade abuses and
British encroachment on Yamasee lands. The English had lavishly traded rum, muskets, and foodstuff with the Yamasee in return for assistance in fighting the Spanish. Now the
English, finding it too costly to maintain native allies during peacetime (TePaske 1964) demanded payment for the goods they had supplied them. English settlers impinging on
“Indian land” was another source of conflict.
The slaughter of Thomas Naime, an Indian agent, and his companions by the
Yamasee triggered the start of the war. The Yamasee War actually incorporated several
Native American groups, including the Creek and Cherokee. Fallout of the war not only resulted in the disbursement of the Yamasee to the protection of the Spanish in La
Florida, but also had long term effects on the rest of the south. Crane (1928) has even suggested that the Yamasee War and the removal of the Yamasee away from Carolina eventually led to the formation of the Creek Confederacy.
On May 27, 1715, four Yamasee chiefs, representing 161 villages, came to St.
Augustine asking for protection (TePaske 1964; Gannon 1965). The current Governor,
Francisco de Corcoles y Martinez, agreed to protect the Yamasee and hoped that his new native allies would help defend the colony’s northern frontier (TePaske 1964). The following year, “the governor of St. Augustine declared the Yamasee to be subjects of
Spain and would be under Spanish protection” (Headlam in Green 1992:37). Once again the Yamasee were displaced and the exodus to Spanish St. Augustine begun.
EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY ST. AUGUSTINE AND ITS PERIPHERAL MISSION
COMMUNITIES
As a result of the decimation of the mission chain in 1704, the number of Native
American inhabitants in St. Augustine rose sharply. A second population boom occurred in 1717, as an influx of refugees from the Yamasee War fled to the settlement.
Incidentally, the Native American groups that helped destroy the mission system played a large part in St. Augustine’s population growth, creating new missions on the periphery of town. By 1717, three main settlements had been established by the Yamasee: Nuestra
Senora de Candelaria de la Tamaja, Pocotalaca, and Pocosapa (Green 1992). In 1726,
2 When the Yamasee fled from the English, some moved into the abandoned Apalachee area. Covington (1970:122) claims that the Yamasee in this area requested and received Franciscan missionaries. 33 population increase reached its zenith of 1,011 people dispersed into eleven doctrinas or vistas communities around the walled town (Hann 1996).3
These newly formed mission villages were much different from their seventeenth- century counterparts. While they were still “a community under wardship of one of the mission orders” (Bushnell 1994:21-22), Franciscan influence over the natives residing at the mission was never strong. La Punta, for example, was probably a vista, meaning a friar did not live at the mission and only came for mass and on holy days. According to the 1763 Pablo Castello Map, La Punta did have a church structure erected during its existence for ecclesiastical purposes; however, it is unknown how much religious activity took place.
The dramatic change in the town’s population make-up at the beginning of the eighteenth-century impacted Spanish and Native American relations. Due to its function of as a garrison town, mestizaje or the marriage of Spanish men to Native American women ensued (Deagan 1973). In fact intermarriage among all ethnic groups was common in St. Augustine during the eighteenth-century (Deagan 1983). Renegotiating their identities, many Native American were successful in moving into the colonial walled city and securing military positions, participating in the town’s social and economic life. Becoming a vecino, a legal full member of society, meant the difference between independence or being a ward under the jurisdiction of the friars (Parker 1999).
3 By 1724, raids in Apalachee territory forced the migration of the natives back to the protection of St. Augustine. This could explain additional population increase since Hann (1996:317) points out that this was the demographic “high point” for the native villages in St. Augustine occurs several years just before 1726. 34
By becoming a vecino, Native Americans chose to leave the mission, thus abandoning some of their native traditions.
In addition to a population rise, the ramifications of Moore’s raids in 1702 and
1704 were reflected in other areas of St. Augustine’s society and material culture. One result was a shift in defensive strategy. As English encroachment escalated along the
English-Spanish borderlands, peripheral communities would serve as a first line of defense against invasion. These communities could take up arms to defend an enemy
(Halbirt 2002). One example is Fort Mose, a free black settlement that became part of a regular militia (Deagan and MacMahon 1995). Some of these mission villages had a strong house or casa fuente associated with them (Scardville and Bellmonte 1979).
Native Americans were an important part of St. Augustine’s defense network; however, the cornerstone of the system was the Castillo de San Marco. Completed in
1695, it was built entirely out of coquina stone and commanded the harbor entrance.
During the eighteenth century the town would be encompassed by two defensive lines, made of an earthen wall and moat, to protect the town against invasion. The Cubo line stretched west from the fort to the San Sebastian River and the Rosario line spanned south from the Cubo line encompassing the colonial town (Figure 7).
Inside the walled city, created by the defensive lines of the Cubo and Rosario, a lot-block pattern is reflected. St. Augustine was established like the traditional Spanish town on a north-south grid. It had a rectangular main plaza placed at the landing of the port (Crouch et al 1982). Houses were constructed of earthen clay, tabby, wood, and thatch. After Moore’s devastating raid in 1702, structures became more solid and 35 permanent in nature, many utilizing coquina stone (a naturally quarried stone native to the region) (Manucy 1962).
In 1570, St. Augustine became dependent upon a situado , a yearly subsidy, and eventually became a Crown colony (Bushnell 1981). This small colony was often neglected in the eyes in the Spanish Empire. It was in an isolated area with limited exports. It had no precious metals to export or large Native American populations to utilize for encomeinda. Due to the lack of exports, isolated location, and difficult to navigate inlet, it was non-profitable for Spanish traders to visit St. Augustine’s shores.
To make matter worse, situado ships were sometimes subjected to natural disasters and pirate attacks, thus delaying or never bringing monies and supplies. This forced the community to find subsistence locally and encouraged illicit trade from English and
French traders. Items entered the city through various means (Halbirt 2002). With the establishment of British Charles Towne and Savannah in the eighteenth-century, illicit and sanctioned trade became rampant (Harmon 1969). Archaeologically this is manifested in the material cultural.
The military formed the backbone of the cultural milieu of the town and its inhabitants. Due to the function of the colony as a presidio, the vast majority of the occupants was serving or affiliated with the military. Those that were not were either merchants, clergy, or royal officials. The other major focus of Spanish life in the town was the church. The church was the main source of entertainment and recreation, often found in events such as weddings, deaths, and accessions. These events were too few for the garrison soldiers who often fell victim to certain vices to past the time. Gambling and 36 lewd dancing in the taverns was reported (TePaske 1965) as well as drunken Indians in the streets (Gannon 1965; Deagan 1983).
Historical Background on the Mission of La Punta
The origins of La Punta are difficult to trace since the peripheral communities surrounding St. Augustine were constantly in a state of flux. It was tumultuous times for the Native Americans living in the vicinity of the colonial walled city. Attacks, population decline, and migration of mission inhabitants caused distress among peripheral villages. Instability resulted in an idea historian Susan Parker calls a
“concertina” (Parker 1999). Native American villages on the outskirts of town would migrate in response to raids or the threat of raids. Thus in times of strife, settlements would move in closer to the town’s defenses and spread back out as threats abated.
During this process villages would often be reconstituted during relocation, with members of different villages forming new communities or leaving areas all together.
Sometimes the name change of a village would occur. The process of reconstitution led to the formation of La Punta. During the 1728 Captain John Palmer raid, the Yamasee mission of Nombre de Dios Chiquito was raided and burned (Hann 1991), thus dispersing some of its population (Crane 1929).4 It is quite possible that some of the inhabitants of
Chiquito came to resettle within the village of La Punta.
4 This raid was a direct retaliation against the Yamasee for the trouble cause by the Yamasee War. Before dawn on March 9, Palmer’s party, consisting of about 100 white settlers and 100 to 200 natives, attacked Nombre de Dios. Around 30 Natives were killed, many wounded and 15 taken prisoner. “The rest of the Yamasee took refuge in the Spanish fort. For three days the little army lingered in front of St. Augustine, hoping to complete the destruction of the Yamasee... Before retiring, however, he laid Nombre de Dios waste, burning the chapel as well as the indian town” (Crane 1929:250). 37
The earliest known reference to the mission of La Punta by name appears in a 1736 document (Swanton 1922) also containing the names of other Native American towns at service to the Presidio of St. Augustine. La Punta, however, was probably established during the late 1720’s. In the 1730 Palmer Map (Figure 5), an “indian town’ is illustrated south of the colonial walled city. This town is located in the vicinity of La Punta, as identified on later historical maps. Thus we can deduce that the “indian town” located on the Palmer map most likely refers to the mission community of La Punta. This map is based on Captain John Palmer’s recollection of his 1728 raid on St. Augustine, so the settlement would have been already in existence circa 1728. The notion that the area of
La Punta was settled circa the late 1720’s is further supported by the fact that the village had been founded during the governorship of Antonio de Benavides, 1717-1734 (Hann
1996).
As mentioned above, La Punta was referred to in a 1736 document. This document is titled “List of Indians capable of bearing arms divided according to their towns who are at the service if the Presidio of San Agustin de la Florida” (Swanton
1922:104-105). It lists the cacique and 16 additional men. It also includes the men’s ages, the youngest being 12 and the eldest being the cacique who was listed as 80. One is listed as being Apalachee, indicating that the mission was not solely comprised of
Yamasee.
The population and location of La Punta is shown only a year later on the 1737
Antonio de Arredondo Map (Figure 6). The map was intended to illustrate the concept
Arredondo had for the defenses of St. Augustine; however, it is a detailed map of the Figure 5: 1730 Palmer Map
de San Marcos indian town
Courtesy of the St. Augustine Historical Society Figure 6: 1737 Antonio de Arrendondo Map
T *-— 40 town of St. Augustine and the surrounding environs. Six Native American villages are depicted on the peripheral of the walled city, La Punta being one of them (21 on the map). The community shows a large structure (presumably the mission church) and 20 farmsteads scattered across close to 30 acres. There are two clusters: one consisting of 16 farmsteads and another group of four farmsteads located within the project area. The map also provided population numbers of 17 men and 17 women and children combined.
In addition to the population estimates from the 1736 report and the 1737
Arrendono, we are provide with four other accounts to provide clues to the make-up of
La Punta’s people (Table 1). In 1738, Antonio de Benavides, who served as governor from 1718 until 1734, provides an accurate population count, based on his tenure. His indication of a count close to 41 is in agreement with that of Governor Manual
Moniano’s report of 43 during the same year (Table 1). While there is slight discrepancy between the number of men listed in each report, Benavides counts the number of warriors. A number that could very well included adolescent children, thereby explaining the higher number of men listed in his report. Giiemes y Horcasitas, writing a year later, in 1739, lists a population total of 51 within 14 families. These 14 families could possible correspond to the 16 structures surrounding the mission church denoted on the
1737 Arrendondo map as well as the 16 men listed by Swanton (1922). 41
Table 1: Historic Population Estimates for La Punta Source Year Population Total Reference Men Women Children Families
Anonymous 1736 16 not reported — 16 Swanton (1922:105) Arrendondo 1737 17 17* * 34 Arrendondo Map (1737) Benavides 1738 15 26* * 41 Hann (1996:316) Monti ano 1738 10 13 20 43 Hann (1996:316) Horcasitas 1739 14 51 Hann (1996:316) Gelabert 1752 25 34 3? 62 Archivo Gereral de — _ las Indios *- Indicates combined sum of women and children Adapted from Halbirt (1996)
There has been very little documentary information relating to population of the
mission villages during the 1740’s. James Covington (1970) mentions La Punta among
three other mission communities in 1742, but does not provide his source. He claims that
only four native towns remained two years after James Oglethorpe, governor of Georgia,
attacked St. Augustine in 1740 causing some Native Americans to flee into the woods
and others to relocated to Pensacola. La Punta is not mentioned in the documents again
until 1752. At this time La Punta was the largest of six remaining villages 5 with a
population of 25 men and 34 women, and three possible infants (Hann 1996). Their chief
was Antonio Juta6.
5 These villages included Tolomato, Pocotalaca, the Costa, Palica, Nombre de Dios, and La Punta (Hann 1996) 6 Hann has suggested that La Punta’s inhabitants were Yamasee because two Yamasee villages had chiefs with the name Juta (Yuta): Nombre de Dios Chiquito and Pocotalaca (Hann 1996). 42
While there is an increase in the total population over the course of La Punta’s existence, this is not a true reflection of the Native American demographics for St.
Augustine as a whole. As village populations were reduced, villages would band together. Many villages were subjected to raids and disease. Much of this decline among the Yamasee was due to the group being singled out for annihilation by the
English and their native allies (Covington 1967), as illustrated in Palmer’s 1728 attack on the group. They were “hated by the rest of the nations. And they made war on them so much that they were being exterminated little by little” (Bullones in Hann 1996:317).
Writing in 1728, the governor of La Florida stated that the Creeks have driven away four- fifths of the Indians who had sought shelter with the Spanish in 1715 (Covington 1970).
Disease also played a factor in population decline. The consolidation of the various native groups made them more susceptible to European disease (Deagan 1993).
A smallpox epidemic in 1727 (TePaske 1964) and a measles epidemic in 1732 exacerbated the population decline (Deagan 1993).
Reduction in the numbers also reflects those that no longer wanted to live with the
Spanish and abandoned St. Augustine to migrate to the hinterlands where they might have taken up with other groups. Another phenomenon often overlooked by historians and archaeologists is the integration of the Native Americans into Spanish society. Some
Native Americans were able to insert themselves into the mainstream economy by taking advantage of labor and defensive needs of the town, becoming a vecino. As a result of this process the Natives Americans would lose their Indian identity in the documents, thus no longer being accounted for among the peripheral native villages (Parker 1999). 43
By 1739, only nine native villages acknowledged allegiance to the Spanish, La
Punta being among them. In 1743, during the War of Jenkins Ear, the number of villages around St. Augustine dwindled to only four, Tolomato, Palica, Pocotalaca, and La Punta, as many natives left and as their populations were reduced through disease and warfare
(Covington 1970).
Life at La Punta
Very few documents have been found that provide us with knowledge of every day life for the Yamasee living in La Florida among the Spanish that would begin to explain the material remains located at 8SJ3499. Even less is mentioned in the documents about the daily activities conducted by women and children. Nevertheless, we know that they were an integral part of the social framework of Native American society.
The Grinan Report of 1756 is a document written by Don Pedro Sanchez Grinan based on his recollection of his stay in St. Augustine from 1731 to 1742 (Scardaville and
Belmonte 1979). He has this to say about the “Villages of the Christian Indians”:
There are five small villages of Christian Indians from the Yamasee Nation that are
inhabited by up to one hundred families. Their dwellings are small palm houses,
much distant from one another, and they plant com and legumes on their
respective plots. But because of their limited efforts at farming, for they do not put
much effort into this work, they produce only a very small harvest. They use most
of their time to hunt, for which they have more inclination, and also to wage war.
They are brave, but greatly inclined to inebriety, consuming in this vice whatever 44
they earn from their hunting and even from the fruits of their sowing (Grinan
Report translated in Scardaville and Belmonte 1979:11)
Grinan provides an insight to the subsistence strategies employed by the Yamasee.
While they did partake in some horticultural activities, they still relied on hunting and probably sold their meat in town. It also refers to the houses as being constructed of palm and gives additional information of settlement patterns. It is also of interest to note that
Grinan points out the Yamasee’s tendency to be intoxicated.
Consumption of alcohol among the Native Americans is mentioned on more than one occasion in the documents. Whether this phenomenon was exaggerated by the friars to mask shortcoming in conversion numbers, it is no doubt that usage of alcohol among the eighteenth-century mission population contributed to abandonment of their cultural traditions (Hann 1996). It is quite possible that the Yamasee’s taste for alcohol was cultivated during their tenure with the English traders. Edmond Atkins states “all the indians whatever are so passionately fond of Rum, as to be unable to withstand it”
(Atkins in Hudson 1976:441). Although written in 1755, this report reflects Atkins’s 20 year experience in deerskin trading in the southern colonial frontier. Father Alana, working with the Calusa claimed in 1743 that the natives had an “incredible passion” for rum and “without the rum, they neither can nor wished to be Christians” (Alana in Hann
1991:326). The friars, whose reports were used to comprise Governor Montinano 1738 report were eager to point out the decline in the Native America’s conduct and pronounce
all the adults were badly addicted to alcohol and that from their drunkenness
resulted a great looseness of customs, lack of obedience to the chiefs, and loss of 45
their fear of God. Drunkenness in some cases led to men to abuse their wives and
even kill them— The friars blamed much of the problem with alcohol on their
settlements’ proximity to St. Augustine, where it was available (Hann 1996:320-
321).
Historian James Covington wrote “that there was much drunkenness among the Indians and, since they were attacked whenever they ventured into the woods in search of deer or firewood, the Indians were issued supplies from the royal stores” (Covington 1970:125).
This statement not only reveals the Native American’s consumption of alcohol, but also mentions that they were receiving supplies from the royal stores.
The natives whom aligned themselves with the Spanish were awarded 6,000 pesos of goods annually (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979). This became standard
Spanish policy during the eighteenth-century in contrast to the mission system. This policy was employed in an attempt to compete with the English and their large trading network (TePaske 1964).
Michael Gannon (1965:81) claims the “most serious reason behind the failure of the mission revival was a bitter struggle for control of the Order that broke out in the
1720’s between the Creoles, colonial-bom, colonial-trained Franciscans, and the newly arrived recruits, or peninsulars, from Spain.” This conflict resulted in poor training of the new friars and their assignments to hostile villages (Gannon 1965). Furthermore, the migration of the Yamasee into La Florida might have presented a language barrier to many of the priests who understood the Timucuan language. Deficiency of instruction from the friars and the language barrier contributed to the Yamasee’s lack of “Christian” 46 beliefs and could explain why many of the Yamasee were not converted to the Christian faith (Covington 1970).
In addition to the claimed dependence on alcohol and inadequate instruction, the declining number of priests aided in the deterioration of the missions. With no funds to offer military protection or means to entice the Native Americans to stay, it forced missionaries and Native Americas to abandon settlements (Gannon 1965). The final blow was dealt to the Franciscans when the Crown declared ecclesiastical jurisdiction over all Christians living in the St. Augustine area in 1746 (Gannon 1965). This took away the Franciscans’ foster ship in the Natives American villages, including the
Yamasee at La Punta.
By 1759, La Punta is no longer mentioned in the historic records. The residents of the 1752’s six mission settlements were absorbed into the two remaining missions of
Puebla del Tolamoto and Nombre de Dios (Hann 1996). The 1763 Pablo Castello Map
(Figure 7) illustrates the ruins of the mission church (Y) near the area of La Punta
(“Yglesia arruinada que la file del Pueblo de Indios de la Punta”). That same year La
Florida was ceded to the British in exchange for Havana, at the end of the Seven Years
War. This marks the end to the First Spanish Period (1565-1763). The remaining Native
Americans living around St. Augustine moved to Cuba with the Spanish. Only 83, mainly Yamasee, were remaining to make this trip7 and they did not fare well in their
o exile to Cuba. The ones that stayed behind were absorbed into the regional tribes that
7 This number does not include 40 families of Yamasee Apalachino from Pensacola whom also left with the Spanish (Green 1992, Covington 1970). Nor include those vecinos whom had integrated into Spanish society (Parker 1993). 8 By 1766, just two years after their exodus, 36 of the 83 had perished (Covington 1970, Gold 1965). Figure 7: 1763 Pablo Castello Map 48
had migrated into the area.9 Thus as the last survivors of the Yamasee died out, so did their cultural traditions.
Chapter two provides a backdrop from which to understand the Yamasee. It places them in context with the surrounding political, economic, social and religious environment in the southeast, caught in the struggle between the English and Spanish. La
Punta represents one of the last places the Yamasee are documented as a cohesive cultural group. Historical sources, combined with the archaeological information presented in the following chapter provides a study of the Yamasee as one of the last vestiges of a once thriving native population in the southeast.
9 It is thought that some Yamasee fled to live with the Seminoles or the Lower Creek tribes (Swanton 1922). CHAPTER 3
ARCHAEOLOGY
Archaeological investigations at La Punta resulted in the excavation of 43 features
and the recovery of over 16,000 artifacts. Approximately 150 sq. meters were
investigated and this chapter provides a discussion of the features and the artifact
assemblage recovered. The La Punta collection represents the largest sample from an
eighteenth-century Yamasee site in Florida. Information derived from this data
contributes to our understanding of the Yamasee in Florida as they adapted to a new
cultural environment and augments our overall understanding of them as a cultural group.
Divided into three sections, this chapter addresses archaeological features, material culture, and subsistence practices. Interpretations and conclusions reached from the historical and archaeological investigations at La Punta are discussed in Chapter 4.
ARCHAEOLOGICAL FEATURES
During the 1997 field season, 43 features relating to the mission occupation were excavated (Figure 8). Documented were a well, with a supporting superstructure, at least one and possibly three structures, five daub processing pits (two of which were later used as trash pits), two parallel ditches relating to agricultural activity, and 18 miscellaneous pits. A sheet midden deposit also extends across the site that is a by-product of site occupancy.
49 50
Two periods of mission occupation are evident from feature placement and stratigraphy. These features illustrate both the Yamasee’s ability to maintain some of their traditional cultural practices as well as their adoption of certain Spanish traits. The features also provide information about disposal patterns, activities taking place on the site, architectural construction, settlement patterning, and agricultural customs.
General Midden
As discussed in Chapter 1, the cultural sheet midden deposit associated with La
Punta’s occupation was found in fine brown sand that was 10-15 cm thick across much of the site. A sheet midden is defined as a layer of refuse extending over all or portions of the site. The majority of the artifacts dating to the Yamasee occupation come from this cultural midden. The thickest portion of the midden was concentrated around the well in nine test units (SA 1- 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, and 9 and SA 5-4). It is in this portion of the site that artifacts and shell refuse are the most abundant (Figure 8). The accumulation of debris concentrated in this particular location indicates that this area was heavily used.
The general midden was removed in 10 cm levels and provenienced as such. Sterile soil underlies the midden. At this level, features intruding into the sterile sands became apparent.
Well
By far the most intriguing and complex feature excavated was a walk-in well
(Figure 8). Since historical wells extend into the water table, a system of well points Figure 8: Test Unit Locations and Excavated Features at 8SJ3499 52 attached to a pump was operated to lower the water table enabling excavation of the entire well (Figure 9). Once the well points were in place, the feature was bisected and the south half was excavated to understand the stratigraphy of the well’s construction, use, and abandonment.
An interesting aspect of the well is found in its construction. Typical Spanish wells during the First Spanish Period are made using wooden barrels (Deagan 1983). A
U-shaped pit from one to three meters in diameter is dug into the water table. Next, a barrel, with its ends removed, is shimmied further into the water table and the soil is removed from inside the barrel. Additional barrels are stacked on the original barrel to form a shaft. The construction pit is then back filled to the ground surface to solidify the well shaft.
The La Punta well illustrates a different construction method. It appears that when the well was first constructed, a large circular pit over 2 meters in diameter was opened up (Figure 9). It was then left exposed for a period of a few days to a few weeks, as indicated by the turbation of soil deposits found at the base of the pit and undercutting of the construction pit’s walls through erosion (Letter A in Figure 9). At this point a more conventional Spanish method utilizing a barrel was employed. A large barrel was then sunk into the water table and held in place by sand tossed around the barrel. The sand provided shoring of the barrel and a sturdy surface on which to stand while gathering water (Letter A1 in Figure 9). The barrel was in excess of one meter in height and 90 cm in diameter at its greatest width or girth. It was constructed of wooden Figure 9: Walk-in-Well North Profile Wall
Q_O “OCl) C T3-S &o O Q _ t *
"« 0 ,! 0 ) E C > , - 0 U)ro a)h, co g= 0)? QE 2 co ro CD — I — I 54 staves held together by withe hoops. The bottom of the barrel was left intact. Unlike traditional Spanish barrel wells, no shaft was created; rather a saucer shaped depression surrounded the barrel; thus the idea of a walk-in-well. To collect water one would have to descend down into this depression to the barreTs edge and collect water (as illustrated in Figure 8). Along the southern edge is what appears to be a footpath (Feature 10) leading down to the barrel.
Two episodes of use are apparent in the profile of the well shaft. At the very bottom of the well is a layer of fine sand that accumulated during the first episode of use
(B in Figure 9). On top of the sand is a layer of aeolian sands collected during a period of abandonment (C in Figure 9). Within this deposits are the remains of a bird
(Passeriformes) and a rat (Cricitidae), which suggests the well and, by extension the community of La Punta, was vacated for a period of time. Once the Yamasee moved back into the project area, the well was put back into service. A layer of clay and coquina stone separates the aeolian deposits from subsequent fill deposits (Letter D in Figure 9).
The stone and clay lens sealed the earlier deposits and enabled the well to be put back into use. The clay is 2-3 cm thick and is greenish gray in color, clearly coming from the adjacent marsh mud. The coquina stone may represent supports used while the clay was laid down. Once the well was put back into use for a second time, aeolian sand deposits again collected in the barrel (E in Figure 9).
La Punta was again abandoned in the late 1750’s. Left exposed to natural formation processes (Schiffer 1976), windswept and fluvial sands began to fill into the well shaft and around top of the barrel in the saucer-shaped depression (Letter F in Figure
9). Within this horizon in the well we find deteriorated wood (23.9 g) that resulted from 55 the decay of the barrel. This post-abandonment deposit represents the initial accretion of soil after the second abandonment of La Punta. The depression created from the well was eventually filled in with other soil deposits and denotes later colonial activity as well as natural formation processes: G consists of a light brown sand layer; layer H is designated by yellowish brown colored sands with heavy charcoal; I is an ashy sand; and J is denoted by a brown sand. Both deposits G and I include trash from a Second Spanish
Period guard house represented by creamware and pearlware ceramics. The last two soil strata (K and L) symbolize later modem deposits.
A superstmcture extending over the well is represented by four circular postholes
(Feature 8, 9a, 11, and 5) (Figure 8). Feature 8, 9a, and 11 are clearly defined gray charcoal stained postmolds within a larger posthole. All of the molds are straight sided with a tapered base that extends 74 - 92 cm below datum. The posts ranged in size from
16-25 cm in diameter. It appears that the posts were never removed and deteriorated in situ based on the darker organic stain encircled by mottled sands. The last posthole feature (Feature 5) is less defined than the other three postholes. Its profile consists of a mottled lens of sterile and mottled gray sands possibly indicating that the post was removed. Unfortunately, none of the artifacts recovered from these postholes provide a tight date range on the constmction of the superstmcture. 56
Structure
Besides the well feature, a series of postholes outlining at least one circular structure (Structure 1) were documented (Figure 10). Six posthole/postmolds (Feature
29/30, 46, 63a, 76, 77, and 92) form the perimeter of the structure, while Feature 50 forms the center support post. All postmolds are defined by gray sand surrounded by mottled sterile sands representing the posthole. There was no evidence of wall trenches.
While the posthole size is variable among the features, the actual post mold size was uniform ranging from 13 to 20 cm in diameter. All of the post stains, except for Features
76 and 77, had straight walls and rounded based. Depth of posts ranged from 73 cm to
102 cm below datum. Since Features 30 and 29 are next to each other, this indicates a probable post replacement and a repair of the dwelling. Features 76 and 77 most likely represent the two posts that make up the entrance threshold to the structure due to their alignment in a northeast direction and because they differ from the other posts in profile: the post molds have sloping walls and tapered bases. This could possibly reflect a difference in post style used for the entrance. A northeast entrance to the house is also supported by the fact that the prevailing winds are from the northeast off the Matanzas
River and would provide a cool breeze into the dwelling during the warm summer months. The breeze would also help keep the bugs away.
The presence of five daub pits adjacent to structures 1 and 2 suggests that the structure was made using a wattle and daub technique. Wattle and daub construction involves building a web of vertical poles and horizontal wattle laced together, possibly affixed by nails or cordage (Gordon 2002). Daub would then be plastered over the wattle on both sides of the walls, smoothed, then allowed to dry and harden (Boyd et al. 1951). Figure 10: Proposed Structures and Excavated Features at 8SJ3499 58
The roof would most likely have been thatched (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979) and the
floor would have been earthen. A heavily carbonaceous soil was encountered indicating a possible floor and areas of increased activity. The large posts in the La Punta structure lie roughly 3 meters apart from each other and the structure is approximately 6 meters in diameter.
Two other possible structures are delineated by postholes forming a circular pattern. Structure 2 is represented by three postholes (Feature 112, 110, and 115) located in Stripping Area 1 Test Unit 17. Feature 112 and 115 are clearly postmolds that rotted in situ based on the evidence of mottled gray brown sands containing some charcoal surrounded by mottled light brown sand deposits. The posts were 9 and 20 cm in width and had straight sides and tapered bases. Feature 110 did not contain a postmold, rather it was represented by an ovoid pit, 22cm wide, with sloping walls with a tapered depression at the bottom. The posts extend 68 to 79 cm below datum. Feature 115 intrudes into an earlier agricultural ditch (Feature 104 discussed below) post-dating it.
Two probable postholes were found in Stripping Area 4 that also could represent another circular structure (Carl Halbirt 2001, pers. comm.). These two postmolds were partially excavated on the last day of the field season. Unfortunately, due to the impatience of the contractor, the excavation of these two features was incomplete. Only a small section of each feature was exposed, with no artifacts recovered. The diameter of the posthole stains was comparable to those documented for Structure 1 and 2. 59
Daub Pits
A total of five daub processing pits (Feature 1,3, 14, 21, and 114) were excavated around the outside of structure 1 and 2 (Figure 11). Defined by daub residue on the bottom and sides of the pit, they represent material used in construction or repair of wattle and daub buildings. Clay mixed with water and sometimes fiber is processed together to form a daub mixture (South and DePratter 1996). Daub pits are a part of the architectural assemblage and indicate construction methods employed at La Punta.
In general, all five daub pits were circular, large and shallow in size, ranging from
67 cm to 1 meter in diameter and 24 to 40 cm deep (Table 2). Each pit was a U-shaped basin lined with unused daub along the base and the edges. The amount of daub contained in the pits varied from 204.7 g in Feature 1 to 2147.2 g in Feature 14. Once the daub pit had been used for processing it was cleaned out. Three daub pits, Features 3, 21, and 114, contain very little refuse and might have been intentionally filled after their primary function was complete. In contrast, Feature 1 and 14 contained an abundant amount of trash. These two features appeared to have been recycled for use as trash pits and are the only two features excavated at La Punta that were used intentionally for refuse disposal.
Miscellaneous Pits
The majority of the features excavated are miscellaneous pits (Table 2). A total of
18 pits were classified as miscellaneous and most of them were concentrated around the structures, especially Structure 1 (Figure 11). Miscellaneous pits are features containing Figurel 1: Daub and Miscellaneous Pits at 8SJ3499 Table 2: Pit Features from La Punta • 2 • 00 J3 CO X3 O O P in—i.G PH Q P P p t3 g - § a G o O O § S' CD J-H O CD & P! Gl B\ O 1 * r“^ '5o _G J3 'p u 'C o o PQ oo ■3 P 1 O O G ' H r'" >h G G G O G N X3 X3 N H—> G G to o P I-H to .- h X> co G § 1 § 2 ^ Q P PQ S * 0 P P • G “s ► ■ t*H P ► o o o o o o o o o oo ooH ooP ooP ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH ooH H — p H> H ■+-» pH H—> H—> pH D G G G CD w g c/3 g g g i •r-1 p g c/3 g g •r-1 g g c/3 g g g g c g ^ g g g < d G u < x 2 G G ^ T VG OV oo O O •§ in o G P 1 CN to C/3 CD G Q o > U 8 I ! h G X 1— 1 s, o CN t o i— n i m t o ^ o t CD 3 G 03 h i _G 'oo 3 h CJ U « r- r- N C vr- ov O t CO V O G — to V o X p h n t h G P P T^ s • —s P T™^ • d t O G G G X ’ 13 ^ 13 ^ 13 0 0 oo oo P S m S < G / C/3 C/3 / C C/3 C o P C/3 o w " G in G PQ CO 00 G r- in G N t o G in N C < G X to to G G 13 P P h d —> O o H - 0 ,G p G o N C G PQ in r- n c n i < G 1 G CD > CD G G /3 c X CD G > to O 0 h h P P G h » O — O H—> CO -» u t • U 3 M O O XS 13 jo CO o m G n i o o P >n - r *—( G G 3 O p o G ‘G O c G S < «) h h ° a ° a 03O O ° P P P O C/3 G G o £ v OO 0/] ‘G D c-HCDC/3 *G G ^ t—H H-JP cn CO OO G CO —I T— G m vo c\ O C/3 O h G3 P C/1 C/1 CD c/5 CO f" < G cn f-H ]--- 1 H—> r—H CO CO 4-H O G o CD o 3 , § (D 3 — j 3 PP ,G PP .cd p p M—I A h PP TO PP .cp CO CO CO C/3 C/3 C/3 C/3 CO G G G G G G G G O OO O O O O CD (D CD CD TP CD G .G ’h -> • 5 £ G G h O O u 3 CN (N o CN i n i n O n CN O n i n i n U P X ) i n IN o o NO NO NO NO m cxp ON IN i n cp -t—> S N" NO G O m O i n O ON ON IN G i n i n CO T f . i n XX A h CD _N X X XX TP X o O cp T* o o CN o •h—>. rH CN N- o o oo h-l OO ON m CO T f T f o o o N 1—1 CO O % G c 5 ^ G Po TP J3 H PP OO 3 i n i n i n UO c n CN G G G G G G G G G G G CD CD h G> g 5 CO CO <^> 3 o CN Tt" o oo o NO o g !z; r~- r ~ 00 oo ON O n ON 63 few artifacts and their function is unknown. They are viewed as being associated with areas of increased activity within an archaeological site. Features 2, 4, and 106 are all large miscellaneous pits that are located near structures. They are all U-shaped pits filled with mottle gay brown sand and few artifacts. The depth of the features ranges from 75 to 91 cm below datum. Containing 1250 g of shell, Feature 2 has an undulating bottom probably due to root disturbance and is 95 cm in diameter. Shallower in depth than Feature 2, Feature 4 is 88 cm in diameter and contains scant artifacts and shell. Lastly, Feature 106 is 100 by 94 cm and contains only five artifacts and no shell. Both Features 2 and 4 were intruded into and augmented by later postholes, which were installed for a nineteenth-century fence line. The function of Features 2, 4, and 106 is unknown; however Features 2 and 4’s close proximity to Structure 1 and daub pits 1 and 3, and Feature 106’s close proximity to daub pit 114 and Structure 2 (Figure 11) suggest they could be barrow pits used in the construction of the structures. A cluster of miscellaneous pits were documented within Structure 1 (Figure 11). Features 57, 62, 70, and 74 are shallow, saucer shaped pits 58-62 cm deep below datum and are filled with mottled brown and sterile sands. They vary in size but are all-circular to semi-circular in shape. Only Feature 62 contains shell (100g) and one glass fragment. The purpose of these shallow depressions is unknown, although they may represent places where baskets were placed or where one would kneel or sit. Feature 69 and 96 are probably postholes ranging from 84 to 89 cm deep, respectively, and circular in nature. They are aligned next to each other in the structure and could represent an interior partition wall or a frame built in the dwelling. 64 Four additional miscellaneous pits were excavated inside Structure 1. Devoid of artifacts, Feature 49 is represented by a basin-shaped pit 50 cm wide. Feature 51 is a slightly smaller basin-shaped pit with only three artifacts. Both Features 49 and 51 contained mottled gray sands and extend 70 and 67cm below datum respectively. Feature 72 is a deep basin pit. It is circular in plan view measuring 30 cm in diameter. Adjacent to Feature 72, Feature 71 is an irregular shaped basin 30 by 50 cm in size. Both Features 71 and 72 contained mottled brown sterile sands. All of the interior features represent a discrete activity area inside of Structure 1. A combination of shallow depressions and deeper pits make up this interior structure activity area. Activity appears to be heavy on the east side of the structure near the proposed entranceway, while the west side is void of features. This could be an indicator that the east side of the structure was an activity area and the west side was reserved for sleeping activities. No hearth or smudge pits were located during the excavations. Located outside and east of the structure, are five additional miscellaneous pits. They contained mottled gray brown sands. Features 91 and 116 are circular in size and are shallow saucer-shaped pits in profile. Similar to Features 57, 62, 70, and 74, these shallow depressions could be associated with basket and/or pot rests or other types of repeated use. Feature 80 is a basin-shaped pit, 40 cm in diameter, containing 11 artifacts and 150 g of shell. Irregularly shaped, Feature 88 is uneven in profile and is 84 by 40 cm in size. Finally, Feature 90 appears to be a small saucer shaped pit. Due to the excavation limits, only a quarter of this feature was exposed and its function remains undermined. 65 Lastly, Feature 12 is represented by a U-shaped pit 77cm deep that is ovoid in size. A carbonaceous layer, 5-10 cm thick covers the top of the feature possible indicating burned debris or the deposition of hearth remains although only 8.4 g of charcoal was recovered. The feature contained three aboriginal sand tempered sherds, two piece of amber glass, and less than 25 g of shell. Agricultural Ditches Two long agricultural ditches (Feature 104 and 36) ran across the excavation units at La Punta (Figure 11). Feature 36 measured at least seven meters in length and paralleled Feature 104 that was over 19 meters in length. They were spaced approximately 11 meters apart. A portion of Feature 104 was documented in Stripping Area 4, but was unable to be excavated due to time constraints. During excavations, more of Feature 36 was exposed and excavated that Feature 104. Feature 36 is U-shaped in profile (Figure 12), extends to 98 cm below datum, and measures between 80-90 cm across. The bottom of the ditch is undulating and contains evidence of shovel and digging stick marks created during the excavation of the feature. The bottom layer (Feature 36c) contains mottled sterile sands with few artifacts. This represents the accumulation of sands while the ditch was in use. Once the trench was no longer used for its intended purpose, natural formation processes occurred (Schiffer 1976). Gray brown mottled aoelian sand (represented by Feature 36b) collected in the trench during the first abandonment of La Punta and during the second occupation. Some artifacts and shell were located in this fill sediment; however, it does not appear that the ditch served as refuse disposal at any time during the mission occupation. While these Figure 12: North Profile of Feature 36 c/o X3 VO m Oti o o I S o s two deposits (Feature 36 b and c) filled in portions of the ditch, Feature 36 was still apparent even after the abandonment of the mission. It provided a depression in which to toss later refuse and construction debris from a Second Spanish Period (1783-1821) powder magazine located near the project area. Soil for this deposit (Feature 36a) consists of organic dark gray sand with charcoal, shell, and artifacts. This trash deposit denotes a later occupation and was not included in the artifact database. Feature 104 was very similar to Feature 36, except that it did not contain powder magazine construction debris. The lower fill deposits contain mottled sterile sands and scant artifacts that accumulated during use and abandonment of the ditch. When the Yamasee returned for a second phase of occupation, the ditch was intentionally filled in order to construct Structure 2. This sediment was gray brown sand containing some shell and more artifacts than Feature 36b. These ditches are thought to relate to the agricultural aspects of the mission; however, it is undeterminable if they were used for irrigation or cultivation. Cultivation of crops such as com and legumes was common among peripheral mission communities (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979). The Yamasee also were reported to have grown com, peas, and watermelons while living in South Carolina (Green 1992). Trash Disposal In general, there was a lack of refuse found in the study area. This could either indicate that trash was tossed into the marsh or placed in other areas of the site that were not the focus of archaeological investigations. Trash was not often found in large trash pits, which is in contrast to typical Spanish disposal patterning. Normal Spanish trash discard involved excavating pit for refuse purposes. Pits and wells are preferred for the disposal of refuse. These discard areas were concentrated toward the rear of living structures (Deagan 1983). A difference in cultural practices between the Yamasee and Spanish who lived in the same environment is illustrated by the archaeological record. MATERIAL CULTURE The La Punta collection contains artifacts that came from the sheet midden deposits and from features related to the type of activities taking place at the mission. The majority of these artifacts were recovered from the sheet midden deposit. Most of the features, except for the well, contained only scant artifacts making it difficult to determine function of the feature based on artifacts alone difficult. Midden deposits were excavated in general levels, and those that contained a large amount of artifacts from later temporal periods were not included in the sample. Even though proveniences selected for the sampling contain primarily artifacts associated with La Punta, a few intrusive artifacts were found. These include 12 creamware fragments, three pearlware fragments, two hand-painted pearlware fragments, a glass button, and a plastic comb fragment. These artifacts are not reported in the following discussion. As mentioned previously, the thickest cultural midden deposits occurred south of the well. This area, in turn, yielded the most artifacts. Spatial distribution of artifacts recovered from the general midden did not reveal concentrated areas of activity or refuse disposal across the site. 69 As discussed in Chapter 2, residents of St. Augustine had to secure items of subsistence and material goods from various sources due to the irregularities of the situado. Items “entered the life of the city for the most part through the transformations in economy that connected St. Augustine to a much larger economic world than before 1700” (Deagan 2002b: 6). Prior to 1740, trade with the English was illegal; but English goods were plentiful in the stores, many of which were operated by English merchants (Deagan 2002b). Mercantile activity and privateering offered a wide variety of European and Euro-American goods, usually at a lower price than their Hispanic counterparts (Deagan 2002b). The availability of goods in St. Augustine during the first half of the eighteenth-century is reflected in the material culture of the time period, including the archaeological record recovered from La Punta. The artifacts recovered from the mission are tangible clues to the lifeways of the occupants of the site. Quantification of the material assemblage is carried out for comparative purposes to address research questions of continuity and change. Identifiable material should be discussed in greater detail than just presence or absence. Abundance or deficiency of certain material items deserves explanation and reveals subtle clues that have broader implication in our understanding of the Native American cultural history. Artifacts will be discussed in functional groups designated by Stanley South (1977) and modified by Kathleen Deagan (1983) for Hispanic sites: Activities, Architecture, Arms, Clothing, Furniture, Kitchen, Personal, and Tobacco. South’s artifact patterning has come under critique (Orser 1989). Orser (1989:28) argues that the “pattern concept permits only synchronic, functional analysis” and provides no means for 70 investigating historic change on sites that have been occupied for long periods of time. While the use of South’s patterning is not without its critism, it was selected only as a means to discuss the artifact assemblage, not to determine Yamasee patterning. Percentages are presented in the tables for comparative purposes. Given the wide use of South’s artifact patterning in St. Augustine (Deagan 1983), it presents the information so that others may use it to make comparisons to the nearby community. It is also consistent with the method of organizing data from other Yamasee sites, mainly Old Field 11 (Southerlin et al. 2001). Due to the popularity of South’s method in South Carolina and the likelihood that many Yamasee sites are likely to be found in this state further supports the presentation of the material culture in South’s functional groupings. Table 3: Artifact Groups without Subsistence Material Artifact Group ______Count Count (%) Activity 85 1.69% Architecture 243 4.83% Arms 14 0.29% Clothing 19 0.40% Furniture 2 0.04% Kitchen 4546 90.48% Personal 12 0.24% Tobacco 102 2.03% Total 5023 100.00% Kitchen As on most eighteenth-century archaeological sites, the Kitchen group accounts for the majority of artifacts recovered. La Punta is no exception with 90.48% of the 1 Southerlin only discusses European trade goods in South’s functional groups (Southerlin et al. 2001). 71 collection consisting of artifacts related to the Kitchen group. By far the most abundant artifact type recovered from La Punta is Native American ceramics (69.71% of the total collection), followed by glasswares associated primarily with bottles (12.76% of the total collection). Also represented in the kitchen assemblage are European tablewares, European utilitarian wares, and metal cooking vessels. All of these artifacts relate to food preparation, service, and storage. These materials will be discussed in the following sections: Aboriginal ceramics, European tablewares, European utilitarian wares, Kitchen/non-ceramics (glass and metal cooking vessels). Table 4: Distribution of Artifact Types in the Kitchen Group Artifact Type Count Count(%) % of Total Collection Aboriginal 3502 77.03% 69.71% Hispanic Tablewares 84 1.85% 1.67% Non-Hispanic Tablewares 174 3.83% 3.46% Hispanic Utilitarian Wares 126 2.77% 2.51% Non-Hispanic Utilitarian Wares 17 0.37% 0.34% Glasswares and Bottles 641 14.10% 12.76% Metal Cooking Vessels 2 0.04% 0.03% __ Total ""^9048% Aboriginal Aboriginal ceramics account for 69.71% of the total artifact assemblage and 77.03% of the kitchen group. These ceramics are by far the most abundant artifacts recovered from the mission. It is assumed that the vast majority of the aboriginal ceramics represented in the collection were produced locally by the Yamasee either for 72 personal use or for sale in the town. Traditionally, the women carried out all aspects of pottery production (Saunders 2000). No other aboriginal site has been recorded in the area to contaminate the sample collected from La Punta, and it is thought that most of the ceramics recovered from La Punta were produced during the mission occupation. During analysis, aboriginal sherds that were smaller than 2 cm in size were recorded as aboriginal discards. These discards (11,499) accounted for 76.7% of the total aboriginal assemblage, but since they were too small to ascertain type and attributes, they were removed from the sample for discussion purposes. Ceramic types were identified according first by known types in St. Augustine, and if no known type existed, then by tempering agents. Known types are mainly based on tempering agents used in the paste, but also incorporate surface treatments as well. Once the type was identified, surface treatment and decoration were also recorded. Surface treatments include plain, stamped, incised, punctated, impressed, obliterated, and red filmed. Stamping was applied with a carved wooden paddle striking the soft clay, prior to firing. Recorded stamping designs include complicated, checked, curvilinear, rectilinear simple (also commonly referred to as line blocked), and simple. Obliterating occurs when the stamped design has been smoothed over. Incising and punctating designs were applied with shell, reeds, or other methods in the soft clay. Some ceramics were burnished on the interior and/or exterior. This attribute was recorded as a modifier. Sherds illustrating poor execution of stamping designs were recorded as eroded in the database due to the limitations of the program. Red filming commonly occurred on the interior rim of vessels. This technique is made by applying a red pigment or slip to the vessel (Southerlin et al. 2001). Due to the abundance of red filming on mission sites in Florida and the fact that they are a common 73 element at Yamasee sites (Chester DePratter 2001, pers. comm.), if a sherd illustrated signs of red filming, it was recorded as Mission Red Filmed Plain or Stamped, regardless of tempering agents used in the paste. However, the vast majority of Mission Red sherds were the San Marcos or sand-tempered types. If possible, the vessel type was also recorded. Vessel form was mainly gleaned from rim or base sherds. Certain aboriginal ceramics were manufactured incorporating European vessel forms. These locally produced forms have been called Colonoware (Deagan 1987). The local Native American populations (and sometimes other ethnic groups) made these wares for both Spanish and aboriginal use. Diagnostic forms include ring-foot bases and lug handles. As mentioned previously, an attempt was made to determine vessel count, when possible. Due to the fragmentary nature of this assemblage, however, vessel count proved difficult to determine. When possible to distinguish, ceramics attributed to the same vessel were counted as one in terms of count. There was an abundance of rim sherds recovered at La Punta. When present, rim and lip styles were recorded. Rim styles include curved, flared, folded, inverted, rolled, straight, tapered, and thick. Lip forms recorded included beveled, flared, flat, folded, rounded, and tapered. Fragment form was recorded for a few base sherds recovered in the assemblage. At La Punta, San Marcos was the most abundant aboriginal ceramic found (Table 5). San Marcos is distinguished as having a coarse sand, limestone, and/or shell tempering (Smith 1948; Otto and Lewis 1974). Otto and Lewis (1974:95) state that San Table 5: Aboriginal Pottery Types and Counts found at 8SJ3499 San Marcos Plain 813 San Marcos Eroded or Poor Execution 730 San Marcos Decorated 640 Check Stamped 361 Rectilinear Stamp 142 Complicated Stamped 105 Curvilinear Stamped 13 Simple 1 Impressed 1 Indeterminate 17 San Marcos with Shell Tempering 81 Sand-Tempered Plain 427 Sand-Tempered Eroded or Poor Execution 283 Sand-Tempered Decorated 205 Check Stamped 102 Rectilinear Stamped 69 Complicated Stamped 22 Indeterminate 9 Incised 1 Obliterated 1 Punctated 1 Sand and Shell Tempered 1 Mission Red Filmed Plain 202 Mission Red Filmed Decorated 48 Eroded or Poor Execution 19 Check Stamped 14 Rectilinear Stamped 5 Complicated Stamped 5 Indeterminate 4 Curvilinear 1 St. Johns Varieties 40 Plain 26 Checked 9 Simple 5 Grit and Grog Tempered 6 Grog Tempered Plain 5 Fiber Tempered 4 UID Aboriginal 3 Colonoware ______15__ Total ’.. 3502 75 Marcos is an “Indian ware with a variety of stamped as well as plain, burnished, or red- filmed surfaces, encompasses three satellite or sub-types: San Marcos Stamped, San Marcos Plain, and San Marcos Red-Filmed.” San Marcos wares fall within the Irene series of ceramics types and have also been identified under various other names, including Altamaha (Caldwell 1970; DePratter 1979), Sutherland Bluff (Larson 1978), and King George (Caldwell in Green 1992). Altamaha is the common type used to describe pottery recovered from Yamasee sites in South Carolina (Green 1992; Southerlin et al. 2001). Saunders (2000) suggests the two wares (San Marcos and Altamaha) should not be considered separate types, but rather the same type. San Marcos type pottery is affiliated with (and presumably produced by) the Guale and Yamasee (Otto and Lewis 1974; Deagan 1993; Sanders 2000). Both groups are Muskhogean groups that probably shared the same ceramic traditions. “The Yamasee who settled along the Georgia coast and into Florida made pottery indistinguishable, at least at the type level, from the Guale. In other words they made Altamaha/San Marcos pottery” (Saunders 2000:248). It is found abundantly in St. Augustine after the mid seventeenth century (Deagan 1990) when Guale populations moved into the area. In contrast to Saunders (2000), Deagan (Saunders 2000; Kathleen A. Deagan 2002, pers. comm.) differentiates Altamaha pottery from San Marcos pottery in St. Augustine based on certain design characteristics. Regardless of the current debate, San Marcos ceramics recovered from the La Punta excavations are thought to be produced by the Yamasee population residing there. San Marcos accounted for the highest percentage (62.3%) of ceramic type in the collection, totaling 2,185 sherds. Plain sherds were the most abundant with 813. Seven 76 hundred and thirty sherds were too poorly executed to discern the design element (Figure 14). The design was identifiable on 640 stamped sherds (Figure 13). Only two sherds were punctated and two sherds were incised. Several San Marcos sherds showed signs of burnishing or smoothing, especially on the interior of the vessel. Of the decorated San Marcos ceramics, check stamping was by far the most popular motif (Figure 13). Three hundred and sixty-one sherds, accounting for 56% of the stamped San Marcos type, illustrate evidence of check stamping. According to Otto and Lewis (1974), check stamping is the most common design. Other designs recorded include 142 rectilinear simple, 105 complicated, 13 curvilinear, 1 simple stamped, 1 impressed, and 17 indeterminate. In addition to the stamped ceramics, two incised and two punctated sherds were recorded. Sherds with identifiable decor (640), in combination with those whose stamping design could not be determined due to poor design execution (730), make up about two-thirds of the assemblage. This indicates that over half of the San Marcos sherds were decorated, making this the most abundant type of ceramic found at La Punta. A total of 200 San Marcos rim sherds were recovered. Curved (68) and flared rims (51) were the most common documented form. Other recorded forms include: straight (28), folded (4), tapered (3), everted (1), inverted (1), and indeterminate (44). Flat lips were the most popular lip treatment, followed by rounded lips. Due to high proportions of rim and lip forms, curved and flared rims often had flat and rounded lips. There appear to be very little correlation, however, between design elements and lip and rim form. Figure 13: Types of San Marcos Design Motifs a- rectilinear with applied rim, b-complicated rim, c- rectilinear, d- curvilinear rim, e- rectilinear, f- complicated, g- rectilinear rim, h- check-stamped, and i- complicated Figure 14: Poorly Executed San Marcos Pottery < *: ' I ® ' • ■ 79 San Marcos most commonly exhibits grit tempering, but also has been known to contain shell tempering in the clay as well (Otto and Lewis 1974). In addition to the San Marcos grit tempered ceramics discussed above, 81 sherds contained shell within the grit tempering. Twenty were plain and 61 were stamped. Stamped varieties include 10 checked, two complicated, and four rectilinear simple, but the majority of the stamping on the sherds, 45 total, was too poorly executed to discern the stamp design. The inclusion of shell into the temper could be a reflection of crushed shell that occurs naturally in the sand (Otto and Lewis 1974) or a deliberate tempering agent. The second most abundant ceramic type found at the mission was Sand Tempered with 911 sherds, accounting for 26% of the aboriginal ceramics (Table 5). Four hundred and twenty-seven were plain, 205 were decorated, and 283 had indiscernible design due to poor design execution or erosion on the ceramic surface. Stamping designs included check (102), rectilinear simple (69), complicated (22), punctated (1), incised (1), obliterated (1), and indeterminate (9). Of the recovered sherds, 100 were rims sherds. The most popular rim forms were curved rims with flat lips, and flared rims with a variety of lip treatments. Other documented rim forms included straight, tapered, and indeterminate. Several sherds were burnished, mainly on the interior of the vessel. One Sand Tempered sherd also contained shell as a tempering agent. As mentioned previously, if a sherd exhibited evidence of red filming, it was recorded as Mission Red Filmed regardless of temper. A total of 250 Mission Red Filmed sherds were found at La Punta (Table 5). Forty-eight Red Filmed sherds were stamped. Stamping designs include: 14 checked, five complicated, five rectilinear simple stamped, one curvilinear, and four indeterminate stamped. Following the trend 80 recognized with San Marcos pottery, 19 or 40% of the stamped Red Filmed sherds exhibited poor stamp execution. Red filming often occurred on the rim of the vessel (Figure 15). Thirty-eight percent of the Red Filmed ceramics recovered were rims: 79 plain and 17 stamped. Flared rims (57) dominate the assemblage accounting for 59.4% of the Red Filmed rims. Other rim forms include: nine curved, eight straight, five tapered, two folded, two beveled and thirteen indeterminate. The most common lip treatments were rounded and flat lips. There appears to be no correlation, however, between stamping design, rim form, and lip style. St. Johns is a ceramic type that was made by local Timucuan groups living in the St. Augustine area prior to and during European colonization during the sixteenth century. Its presence decreases as San Marcos becomes the dominant Native American ceramic in St. Augustine during the seventeenth-century (Piatek 1985). Recorded decorations include plain (26), checked stamped (9), and simple stamped (5) (Table 5). This could represent earlier, but limited, use of the property. Although small in numbers, there was a variety of other aboriginal ceramics recovered from the mission (Table 5). These types include four Fiber Tempered Eroded, five Grog Tempered Plain, three Grit and Grog Tempered Stamped, three Grit and Grog tempered Plain, and three indeterminate. Both the presence of St. Johns and other types of aboriginal pottery can also represent other ethnic groups that might have inhabited the mission at some point. As mentioned previously, vessel form was difficult to identify for the majority of the sherds due to the fragmented nature of the aboriginal ceramic assemblage. Only 11 Figure 15: Red Filmed Rims 82 bowls and three jars could be discerned from the La Punta collection. In addition to the identified vessels, four bases, three which were flat, and two shoulders were also recorded. Fifteen recovered sherds were considered Colonoware fragments (Figure 16). These include five footrings, one plate fragment, three body fragments, one flat base, and five handles, one of which was a lug style. As a whole, the majority of the aboriginal produced ceramics recovered from La Punta reflect a typical Yamasee ceramic assemblage (Chester DePratter 2001, pers. comm.). This includes grit tempered ceramics, red filmed wares, and broad variety among the assemblage. The overwhelming amount of ceramics that exhibited poor design execution and production attests to the idea that the Yamasee’s ceramic tradition was being altered. Either the practices were not being passed down, there was a lack of care in the ceramic tradition, there was a reduction in the women in the community who produced the pottery, or a combination of these factors. Additional evaluation and samples from other peripheral mission sites could help understand this phenomenon. European Tablewares Tablewares account for 5.68% of the kitchen group and 5.13% of the total collection. The majority of the tablewares were coarse earthenwares traditionally decorated with tin enamel. Varieties recovered include Spanish majolicas, British delftwares, slipwares, stonewares, French faience, and porcelain (Table 6). European produced ceramics have been thoroughly examined by historical archaeologists and often provide clues to the period of occupation at a site (Armstrong 1990). The majority of the Figure 16: Colonowares a a- handles, b- ringfoots Table 6. European Tablewares Identified at La Punta Artifact Type (Total % of Tablewares) Counts Count (%) SpanishT ablewares Abo Polychrome 2 0.8% (32.6%) A ran am a Polychrome 6 2.3% Faenza White 1 0.3% Huejotzingo Blue on White 1 0.3% Mexico City White 1 0.3% Puebla Blue on White 20 7.8% Puebla Polychrome 20 7.8% Reyware 1 0.3% San Agustm Blue on White 2 0.8% Sevilla Blue on Blue 2 0.8% San Luis Blue on White 4 1.5% San Luis Polychrome 11 4.3% Santo Domingo Blue on White 1 0.3% UID Majolica 9 3.5% UID Mexico City 3 1.2% English Tablewares Delft 50 19.4% (63.1%) Delft Blue on White 22 8.5% Nottingham 2 0.8% Slipware 83 32.1% White Salt Glazed Stoneware 7 2.7% French Tablewares Faience 1 0.3% (1.6%) Faience Blue on White 3 1.2% Oriental Tablewares UID Porcelain 7 2.7% Totals 258 100.0% 85 recovered European tablewares provide a date range that is contemporaneous with the believed mission occupation. Collectively, English tablewares clearly are more abundant than any other group. English ceramics include Delft (50), Delft Blue on White (22), Nottingham (2), White salt glazed stoneware (7), and Slipware (83) (Figure 17). Stonewares account for two types of tablewares: white salt glazed and Nottingham. Nottingham is thin and metallic brown in color. It is represented by two sherds in the assemblage. Seven sherds of White salt-glazed stoneware were also recovered. On English sites, White salt-glazed stoneware, which is found on archaeological sites as early as 1740, began to replace Delft as the tableware of choice (Noel Hume 1969). English ceramics become more abundant on middle eighteenth-century archaeological sites in St. Augustine. This has been most evident at sites similar to La Punta that are comprised of low-income, non-European residents like the Maria de la Cruz site (occupied by a mestizo family) and Fort Mose (occupied by free blacks) (Deagan 2002b). Trade, both illicit and sanctioned, brought in British ceramics. These goods were cheaper and widely available. Their abundance could reflect the fact that they were economical European tablewares or it could be a reflection of preference for English ceramics, a taste the Yamasee might have developed in South Carolina, or both factors. A total of 84 Spanish ceramics sherds are in the collection. Majolica, a distinct Hispanic pottery tradition, is wheel-thrown coarse earthenware coated in a tin enamel (Deagan 1987). There are several styles of majolica and their manufacture dates provide an easy means to date archaeological sites. Most of the majolica recovered from La Figure 17: English and French Tablewares a- White Salt-glazed Stoneware, b- Blue on White Faience, c- plain Delft , d- Blue on White Delft, e & f- Slipware 87 Punta was manufactured in Mexico for export to the circum-Caribbean region. All of the types recorded at the mission were common styles found at archaeological sites in St. Augustine during the first half of the eighteenth-century. By far, the two most abundant types in the assemblage are Puebla Polychrome (20) and Puebla Blue on White (20), both of which are present in significant quantities in eighteenth-century St. Augustine (Deagan 1987) (Figure 18). One Puebla Blue on White sherd was identified as a plato or plate form. Other majolicas present include Abo Polychrome (2), Aranama Polychrome (6), Huejotzingo Blue on White (1), San Agustin Blue on White (2), San Luis Polychrome (11), and 12 unidentified majolicas. The collection did contain a few sherds that were manufactured prior to the establishment of the mission: Faenza White, Mexico City White, San Luis Blue on White, Sevilla Blue on Blue, and Santo Domingo Blue on White. These sherds could have been in the area and were incorporated into midden trash; indicate redeposition of the soil; are a result of reuse; or least likely, could have been hand-me-downs. Only four French Faience sherds are present in the collection (Figure 17). While this number is small, it is reflective of a typical Spanish ceramic assemblage for the eighteenth-century. Due to the Spanish alliance with France during this time, some evidence of French goods could have found their way to St. Augustine. European Utilitarian Wares Utilitarian vessels were mainly used for storage, transportation, cooking, and washing (Deagan 1987). Utilitarian wares account for 3.14% of the Kitchen group and 2.85% of the total collection. Recovered types include Olive Jar (103), El Morro ware Figure 18: Spanish Tablewares a- Puebla Blue on White, b- Puebla Polychrome, c- San Luis Polychrome (16), black lead glazed coarse earthenware (3), Blue-Green Basin (1), Green Bacin (2), Marine ware (1), and stoneware (7) (Figure 19). Olive Jars are the most common type of Spanish storage container. Used mainly for the transport and storage of liquids, these jars were often coated with a glaze to make the vessel impermeable. Twenty-three sherds exhibited this glaze on the surface. El Morro is a lead-glazed, coarse earthenware that occurs in a variety of colors and in utilitarian forms. It is very common on eighteenth- century sites in St. Augustine (Deagan 1987). Marine ware, Blue-Green Basin, and Green Bacin are all majolicas that are usually very thick utilitarian vessels. As the name suggests, the three black-lead glazed coarse earthenware sherds recovered were coarse earthenwares coated in a black lead glaze. In addition to coarse earthenwares, seven utilitarian stoneware sherds were present. One was gray salt glazed stoneware and the others did not have a glaze. There were also 10 unidentified utilitarian coarse earthenware sherds. Table 7: European Utilitarian Vessels Identified at La Punta _ _ _ _ _ Artifact Type (Total % of Utilitarian Wares) Count Count (%) Spanish Utilitarian Wares Black Lead Glazed CEW 3 2.1% (88.1%) Blue-Green Basin 1 0.7% El Morro 16 11.3% Green Bacin 2 1.4% Marine Ware 1 0.7% Olive Jar 80 55.9% Olive Jar- Glazed 23 16.0% Other European Utilitarian Gray Salt Glazed Stoneware 1 0.7% (5.0%) Salt Glazed Stoneware 6 4.2% Unidentified Utilitarian UID Coarse Earthen Ware 9 6.3% (6.9%) UID Glazed Coarse Earthen Ware 1 0.7% ------Total 143 100.0% Figure 19: Utilitarian Wares a- Blue-Green Basin rim, b- Olive Jar body sherd, c- black lead-glazed coarse earthenware, d- green lead-glazed coarse earthenware e- El Morro, f- Olive Jar neck 91 Almost all of the utilitarian ceramics are Hispanic manufacture aside from the stonewares and the unidentified ceramics. The absence of other European utilitarian wares attest to the fact that San Marcos pottery, presumably produced by the Yamasee, were fulfilling the role of storage and cooking wares. When necessary, Spanish wares were acquired to augment the aboriginal utilitarian pottery assemblage. As a whole the ceramic collection consists predominately of Native American ceramics, with British and Spanish tablewares and some Spanish utilitarian vessels. The majority of the Native American ceramics are of the San Marcos type. Execution and vessel manufacture was poor as compared to other San Marcos wares found in St. Augustine (Carl Halbirt 2001, pers. comm.). Most of the European ceramics present in the collection, like Puebla Blue on White and Slipware, are abundant on all sites in St. Augustine due to their economic value. English tablewares, especially slipware (Noel Hume 1969) are more abundant because they were cheaper and of higher quality that Spanish Majolicas. Non-ceramic/Kitchen Various types of glasswares and containers and two iron cooking vessel fragments comprise the non-ceramic Kitchen group. Iron cooking vessels were used in the preparation of food items. Glass containers were used for storage and to serve beverages, medicine, and food. A total of 641 glass sherds were recovered from the mission. Glass wares account for 14.1% of the Kitchen Group and 12.76 % of the total assemblage. Due to the fragmentary state of much of the glass assemblage, vessel form was unable to be determined on 59.8% (383) of the sherds. Glass fragments illustrate a wide 92 variety of colors such as olive green (87), dark green (5), green (25), light green (4), dark blue (1), brown (5), dark brown (8), black (3), clear (33), amber (33), aqua (41), yellow (1), light yellow (6), gold (6), and solarized (amethyst) (11). Due to post-depositional activity, some glass was so heavily patinated that color was difficult to identify (125). Most of the patinated glass was thick bottle glass that was opaque in color. Upon closer inspection this glass was dark green or olive in color, the majority of which probably came from spirit bottles, although this can not be stated for certain. Of the identifiable glass vessel remains, the majority was from bottles and account for 37.9% of the total glass collection (Figure 20). Glass colors include olive green (137), dark green (8), black (2), Clear (1) Aqua (1), and heavily patinated (92). Olive green, black, and dark green fragments came from spirit bottles common in the early eighteenth-century. As mentioned above, in all likelihood the patinated/crizzled fragments also came from spirit bottles. The aqua and clear bottle fragments could represent pharmaceutical bottles. One fragment of molded solorized bottle glass probably dates to later occupations and was intrusive into an upper midden deposit. As a collective, beverage bottles account for a large majority of the assemblage. The high presence of bottles could point to alcohol consumption by some of the population at La Punta, but it does not necessarily equate to alcoholism among the Yamasee. As discussed in Chapter 2, the Native Americans’ addiction to alcohol was frequently discussed in the ethnohistorical record. However, this is speculative and the high percentage of bottle glass could well indicate reuse of the bottles for other means. Two other glass container types were recovered: tumblers (3 fragments) and a cup (1 fragment) (Figure 20), both of which were clear. Tumblers and cups were used for the Figure 20: Glasswares a- clear tumbler, b & c patinated glass bottle fragments, d- bottle base fragment 94 service of beverages. One of the tumbler fragments has a seam and is an intrusive artifact into the midden. Activity Several artifacts were recovered that indicate various activities at the mission. Artifacts recovered that belong to the Activity group comprise 1.69% of the total artifact collection. Table 8 lists the artifacts relating to the activities group. Table 8: Artifacts Recovered from the Activities Group Artifact______Count ______Count (%) ■ Chert 30 35.2% Coal 7 8.2% Copper Fragment 1 1.2% Chert Core 1 1.2% Flint 5 5.8% Gaming Disk 1 1.2% Iron- UID 2 2.4% Iron Strapping 6 7.1% Iron S-Hook 1 1.2% Lead Fishing Weights 2 2.4% Metal Alloy Fragment 1 1.2% Slag 25 29.3% Slate 2 2.4% Wire 1 1.2% Total 85 100.0% The most abundant items were 30 chert flakes. Five pieces of imported flint and one chert core were also recovered. Chert was often used for the production of projectile points, gun flints, and strike-o-lites. This evidence suggests knapping activity on site. Various metal objects were recovered from the mission. Identifiable iron artifacts include six pieces of iron strapping and an S-hook. Iron strapping could have been used 95 for a variety of duties. The S-hook might have been use to suspend a pot over a fire or to hang objects. Twenty-five clumps (144.1 g) of slag were found indicating that some type of metallurgy was occurring on site. Other recovered metal artifacts include one copper alloy fragment, one metal alloy fragment, two unidentified pieces of iron, and one piece of iron wire. Due to the fragmentary nature of the artifacts, function could not be determined. In addition to the metal artifacts, two lead fishing weights were recovered indicating that the Yamasee were netting to catch fish. Surrounding the mission are abundant estuary resources. This estuarine environment could have supplied fish to augment the Yamasee diet (discussed below under Subsistence Practices). A single gaming disk was recovered indicating reuse of materials. It was manufactured out of a discarded coarse earthenware sherd. Gaming disks are thought to have been used for games and gambling pastimes (South et al. 1988). The presence of coal and slate in the assemblage is thought to be intrusive. These date to the later Alicia Flagler Hospital present on the property during the Victorian era. Architecture The second most abundant group by artifact count is the Architecture group accounting for 4.83% of the total assemblage. This group is problematic and the results can be misleading for several reasons. First, several artifacts can be attributed to the Second Spanish Period powder magazine that existed on site after the abandonment of the mission. Secondly, many of the items related to architectural elements were only recorded as weights, not counts, and are thus not reflected in the total percentages. 96 Table 9: Artifacts Recovered from the Architecture Group Artifact ______Count ______Count (%) Eyebolt 1 0.4% Nails 194 79.8% Spikes 17 7.0% Tacks 9 3.7% Tile 22 9.1% Total 243 100.0% One hundred and ninety-four nails were recovered from the site. Due to the acidic soil, the majority of the nails are extremely fragmented and oxidized. This prevented the identification of most of the nails, although it is highly probable that most are wrought nails (Carl D. Halbirt 2002, pers. comm.). Eight nails were identified as square shanked nails. Due to the large number of nails recovered from the site it is likely that some Yamasee were probably using them in the construction of their structures. Spanish tiles are found consistently on Spanish colonial sites. Tiles were used for floor paving, and roof materials (Deagan 1987). Recovered tiles include three barrel roofing tiles or tejas, five glazed tiles, one black glazed roofing tile, and 13 unglazed orange paste tiles. The high amount of tile found on site is attributed to the Second Spanish Period powder house that is known to have a tile roof and probably does not reflect La Punta related activity. Several artifacts related to architecture and construction were only weighed. These weighed artifacts include 2569.8 g of coquina, over 2500 g of daub, 236.1 g of brick, 58.5 g of tabby, 22.9 g of mortar, and 12.2 g of plaster. In all likelihood, coquina, daub, and tabby were used in construction by the Yamasee. Brick, mortar, and plaster 97 probably date to later occupations on the site since they are in small amounts. It is interesting to note that there was no evidence of window glass found at the site. Arms The Yamasee possessed arms not only because they served as a first line of defense against an attacking enemy, but also for hunting wild game (discussed below). The British had provided firearms to the Yamasee; however, the Spanish had banned guns among the Natives. In an attempt to compete and gain alliances with the Natives, Spain eventually lifted this ban during the early part of the eighteenth-century (Brown 1980). When the policy changed is not recorded, although it is believed to have occurred ca. 1740 (Brown 1980). Artifacts recovered include eight lead shot, four gunflint fragments, and two sprues (Figure 21). Table 10: Artifacts Recovery from the Arms Group Artifact Count Count (%) Gun Flints 4 28.7% Lead Bird Shot 5 35.7% Lead Buck Shot 3 21.4% Lead Sprues 2 14.2% Total 14 100.0% All shot was manufactured out of lead. Five bird shot were for a small caliber barrel and the three larger buck shot were for a larger caliber barrel. One of the large buck shot has been fired and hit due to its flattened appearance. Another buck shot has Figure 21: Arms Group a & g- lead bird shot, d- lead sprue, b, e, & h- lead buck shot, c, i, & f- gunflints 99 teeth marks in the lead. Two sprues, the byproduct of bullet production, were also recovered. The evidence of four gunflints indicates that flintlock firearms were being used at the mission. One wonders if the Yamasee had brought firearms with them from South Carolina or acquired them under their tenure with the Spanish. The British had been using flintlock firearms regularly as early as 1690 (Noel Hume 1969), while the Spanish had not completely switched over from matchlock weapons until the War of Jenkins Ear (1739-1743) (Brown 1980). The superiority of flint to match ignition was apparent in the British inspired raids on the Spanish missions, often resulting in devastating effects (TePaske 1964). The British armed themselves and Native Americans with flintlock firearms. The Yamasee made up a large portion of the British allied Native Americans that participated in these raids (Covington 1967, 1968). Clothing As a visible object worn on the body, clothing has served to indicate status throughout history. The rise of the Bourbon regime in Spain influenced fashion and social presentation. Button and ornamental buckles, used to enhance appearance, became common in the colonial city during the early eighteenth-century. This was a marked change from clothing that fastened by lacing or wrapping (Deagan 2002b). Sought after by Native Americans, clothing thus became popular trade items. Cloth items were desired by Native Americans and were often given as annual gifts to secure their alliance (Parker 1999). Clothing items were also purchased or traded for in town. Items from the Clothing group represents 0.4% of the total assemblage (Figure 1 0 0 22), including six fragments of cloth that were preserved in the well. These cloth fragments await further analysis. Table 11: Artifacts Recovered from the Clothing Group Artifact______C o u n t ______Count (%) Buckle 3 15.8% Button 4 21.0% Button Back 1 5.3% Cloth 6 31.6% Grommet 1 5.3% Pin 4 21.0% Total 19 100.0% The collection includes three buckles, four buttons, and a button back. These metal objects were probably produced from a lost-wax casting method (John Powell 2002, pers. comm.). Two buckles are complete. One is a copper alloyed clothing buckle known to have been worn by the Spanish military (Figure 22) (Kathleen A. Deagan 2002, pers. comm.). The second is an ornamented shoe buckle made of copper alloy with an iron tang (Figure 22). Both of these buckles are ca. 1720-1750 (Deagan 2002a). The last buckle (Figure 22) is a copper alloy buckle fragment. Of the four buttons, three are copper alloy buttons. Two are plain, flat clothing buttons and have drilled wedged shanks. The third is an English or German coin button with a filed shank (John Powell 2002, pers. comm.). A locally made bone button fragment and a bone button back are also found in the assemblage. Primarily an eighteenth-century phenomenon, the bone button back could have served as a disposable backing for a more valuable French and English metal button top (Deagan 2002b). The bone button was broken and appears to have been burned post-deposition. Figure 22: Clothing Group a- Spanish military buckle, b & f- copper alloy clothing buttons, c- bone button, d- pin e- bone button back, g- coin button, h- shoe buckle , i- copper alloy buckle fragment 102 Rounding out the Clothing group is a wire-wound pin, three pin fragments, and a grommet. All are composed of brass. These items indicate that the manufacturing and/or repair of clothing items took place at the mission. Furniture Two furniture tacks were recovered belonging to the Furniture group. One tack was large (2.5cm) in diameter and had a gold wash overlying the copper alloy. These two artifacts account for 0.04% of the total assemblage. Personal Items Items of personal adornment accounted for 0.24% of the entire collection. These artifacts include eight beads, two bell fragments, one half-reale, and a jewelry piece (Figure 23). Table 12 lists the items recovered. Table 12: Artifacts Recovered from the Personal Group Artifact Count Count (%) Beads 8 66.7% Bells 2 16.7% Coin, Spanish 1 8.3% Jewelry Piece 1 8.3% Total 12 100.0% A total of eight glass beads are included in the La Punta assemblage. Recovered beads include: two blue barrel beads, one white glass faceted bead, one black faceted bead, one blue seed bead, one amber doughnut bead, and two doughnut beads that were Figure 23: Personal Group a & b- doughnut beads, c- jewerly piece, d- amber doughnut bead, e- white faceted bead, f- half-reale, g & h- copper bell fragments, i- black faceted bead, j- blue seed bead, k- blue barrel beads, 1- gaming piece too heavily patinated to determine the color of the glass. The number of beads from La Punta is smaller than those found at two other Yamasee sites, 38BU1605 and 38BU1609, in South Carolina (Southerlin et al. 2001). These other sites were occupied when trading was heavy with the British. Beads were used for a varied of purposes such as “gifts, purveyors of social messages and even human names” (Harmon 1986:105). Only one black glass faceted bead was recovered and it could possibly be a rosary bead (Kathleen A. Deagan 2002, pers. comm). This would be the only artifact specifically attributed to the Catholic faith from La Punta. Contained in the assemblage were two copper alloyed bell fragments. Although not recorded as trade items, bells have been found at several eighteenth-century historical Native American sites in the southeast (Harmon 1986), and bells also served a variety of uses throughout colonial times (Noel Hume 1969). One tin jewelry piece also was recovered at the site; the fragment has a hole in the center to suspend or fasten the item. In addition to decorative items, one silver half-reale was recovered. The weight of the coin determined its worth (Criag 2000). Due to extensive wear, the coin’s marking could not be identified. The presence of the coin indicates that the Yamasee were acquiring currency and probably used it to make purchases in the colonial town. Tobacco One hundred and two kaolin pipe fragments (117.6 g) were excavated at the site of La Punta accounting for 2.03% of the total assemblage. Pipe smoking in general was on the rise during the eighteenth-century in colonial St. Augustine provoked by English influence (Deagan 2002b). However, this percentage is higher than group mean 105 documented in eighteenth-century St. Augustine (Deagan 1983). This higher percentage probably reflects the Yamasee’s preference for pipe smoking as opposed to cigars, the typical Spanish choice. A preference that could have been acquired from British traders. During their tenure in South Carolina, pipes were a common trade item (Harmon 1986). It is interesting to note that no Native American manufactured pipe fragments were recovered, possibly indicating that kaolin pipes were readily available in St. Augustine. The vast majority of the pipestem bores provided a date range between 1720- 1750, which roughly corresponds to the occupation of the mission settlement (Harrington 1954). SUBSISTENCE “All people share a common need for nutrition; yet within the limits of resources availability, each group selects among the various potential food sources and utilizes them in ways that reveal basic elements of that culture’s make-up” (Armstrong 1990:209). Food habits reflect ethnic traditions (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). “In times of change, ‘cuisine’ is usually one of the last areas to be modified” (Deagan 1983:15). The preliminary subsistence results reveal the Yamasee’s preservation of their traditional dietary practices. Initial faunal analysis was completed by volunteers from the City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program. Analysis identified faunal remains to the lowest taxonomic level. Counts and weight were recorded and provide insight into the types of animals present and being consumed on the site. Minimum Number of Individuals (MNI) estimated were determined by paired elements with regard to sex. All analysis was lumped together and 106 did not distinguish remains found in features from remains recovered from the sheet midden. Due to their fragmented condition, there was a large amount of unidentifiable faunal remains. These were weighed (463 g) and are not included in the following discussion. Animals such as musk rat, song birds (both found in the well and not included in Table 13 or the faunal assemblage), and a household cat (Felis domesticus ) do not represent commonly consumed taxa and are not seen as a reflection of Yamasee aboriginal dietary activity (Southerlin et al. 2001). Overall, the faunal and botanical assemblage is sparse. This is partially due to the methods of disposal of refuse (discussed above). Therefore, this analysis is preliminary in nature and awaits a more comprehensive zoological examination. Given the limits of the sample size, analysis is best discussed in terms of presence and absence of certain species. Biomass analysis has yet to be conducted. The size of the assemblage was too small, therefore the computation of biomass would not have proven a useful method to use to make statements about dietary practices at the mission. Mammals, especially wild genera, represent the most abundant category of animals identified in this assemblage (Table 13). Domesticates are represented by only four species, only three of which are seen as contributing to the overall diet. By count and MNI, deer is the most abundant mammal in the assemblage. The Yamasee were skilled deer hunters and had been trading deerskins heavily during their tenure with the British (Green 1992). The presence of eight lead shot and four gun flints testify to the presence of weapons on site and were probably used more for hunting than for defensive Table 13: Taxa Represented at 8SJ3499 MNI TAXON COUNT Number Percent WEIGHT(g) UID Mammal 68 234.8 UID Artiodactyl 58 124.4 Sciuridae 1 1 5.9 0.2 (squirrel family) Felis domesticus 2 1 5.9 0.7 (domestic cat) Ursus americanus 1 1 5.9 9.9 (black bear) Sus scrofa 16 1 5.9 29.5 (domesticated pig) Odocoileus virginianus 37 2 11.7 71.1 (white-tailed deer) Bos taurus 7 1 5.9 104.1 (domestic cow) Gopherus polyphemus 2 1 5.9 4.5 (gopher tortoise) Serpentes 1 1 5.9 0.1 UID Bird 8 2.7 Cairaina Muscova 1 1 5.9 3.5 (muscovy duck) Gallus gallus 2 1 5.9 0.6 (domestic chicken) Meleagis gallopavo 1 1 5.9 6.1 (turkey) UID Fish 72 16.8 Squaliformes 4 1 5.9 2.2 (shark family) Bagre marinus 3 1 5.9 0.3 (gaffttopsail catfish) Ariidae 29 2 11.7 3.4 (sea catfish family) Sciaenidae 9 1 5.9 2.1 (Drum fish family) Total 322 100.1 617-5g 108 purposes. Also included in the wild mammal category was black bear (Ursus americanus ) and squirrel (Sciuridae family). It is interesting to note that there were few small mammals such as rabbit and raccoon, which are commonly a part of a traditional Native American diet. Fish are also well-represented in the collection, although they do not appear as significant to the diet as mammals (Table 13). Of the identifiable fish remains, Ariidae (sea catfish) account for the majority of bones based on count, weight, and MNI. Drums (Sciaenidae) and sharks (Squalifomes) also were identified in the assemblage.2 Drum and catfish are both common estuarine fish in the St, Augustine area (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). These marine resources were harvested from the surrounding estuarine environment. Based on the presence of two lead fishing weight, the Yamasee were netting to catch fish in the local waters. Birds present in the assemblage include turkey, muscovy duck, and domesticated chicken. Reptiles are represented by gopher tortoise and an unidentified snake. The snake appears to be inconsequential to the diet. It appears that the majority of the bones did not undergo modification. Less than one-seventh of the bones were burned and it is thought that burning occurred after discarding of the bone into a fire after the meat has been removed. During preliminary analysis, only two bones displayed cut marks on them. The portions, or cut, of meat procured at the mission was not investigated. More research should be conducted to 2 It is worth noting that catfish, drum, and shark are easily identified and their high abundance in the assemblage could be due to this fact. 109 address the “quality” — by eighteenth century standards- indicated by different carcass portions (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:165). Based on MNI, wild animals account for 83.3 percent of the total identifiable assemblage and domestic animals account for 16.7 percent. Based on weight, wild (43.5%) and domesticates (56.5%) are slightly more proportional, but domesticates prevail. It must be remembered that the weights of cow and pig bones (both domestic animals) are generally greater than that of other taxa and may not accurately reflect the percentage of meat in the diet. Nevertheless, the presence of domesticated animals such as cow (.Bos taurus), pig (Sus scrofa ), and chicken (Gallus gallus ) illustrate that the Yamasee were incorporating European foodways into their diet. The mission of La Punta was situated between the Matanzas River and the Maria Sanchez Creek. Based on the close proximity to these estuarine environments, one would expect the Yamasee to be exploiting them. However, the converse seems to be true. Fish are represented in the La Punta assemblage, though they only seem to be augmenting the overall diet. Estuarine species in the sample are lower in both count and MNI as compared to terrestrial species. This is especially striking when amount of edible meat from fish versus mammals is taken into consideration. There is also a lack of shellfish refuse. Only 114.59 kg of shell was recovered from the study area. It is undeterminable how much shellfish was contributed to the overall diet of the Yamasee. Shell refuse could have been deposited elsewhere on site or the small portions of shell remains could indicate that the Yamasee were not consuming invertebrates. 110 Due to lack of funding, botanical analysis remains to be completed. Cultigens, such as squash, com, and peaches, were present in the botanical assemblage, although these are the most easily recognizable. Based on the presence of the two agricultural ditches at La Punta we do know that some form of crop cultivation was occurring at the south end of town, but whether this was being conducted by the Yamasee for themselves, for sale, or for tribute remains unknown. Historical sources indicate that the Yamasee were cultivating com, legumes, peas, and watermelons (Green 1992; Scardaville and Belmonte 1979). It is highly recommended that botanical studies be carried out to further understanding of native subsistence practices and to learn more about the types of agricultural crops that were being tilled outside of St. Augustine. Overall the preliminary analysis illustrates that the Yamasee’s diet consisted primarily of wild mammals, especially deer. Estuary resources, such as drum and catfish, and domesticated animals, such as pig, chicken, and cow, supplemented their diet. This subsistence behavior reflects a more traditional aboriginal diet indicating that the Yamasee were maintaining their traditional foodway practices. Unfortunately, this analysis is preliminary in nature. Additional analysis and testing at Yamasee sites can contribute to our understanding of the Yamasee’s traditional diet. SUMMARY Chapter 3 examines the types of features and stratigraphy documented at La Punta. Based on the location of postholes, it appears that at least one and possibly three structures are represented at the mission. The presence of daub and barrow pits near these stmctures suggests that they were fashioned using wattle and daub techniques. Ill Numerous miscellaneous pits, especially concentrated in the east interior half of Structure 1, indicate areas of increased activity. Two agricultural ditches run across the site indicating the Yamasee were participating in some form of crop cultivation. A unique communal well also was excavated. This well did not follow typical Spanish well patterns since it was originally constructed without the use of a barrel. Later when the well started to fail, a barrel was added to stabilize the well walls. A gazebo-style covering appears to have been built over the well further supporting the notion that the well was communally used. Two episodes of use are seen in the well profile. Two separate occupations at the mission are also represented by the stratigraphic placement of an agricultural ditch (Feature 104) underlying Structure 2, indicating the mission was at one point abandoned and then reoccupied. Overall, the general characterization of the Yamasee’s material cultural at La Punta includes a high percentage of Yamasee ceramics coupled with the adoption of some European goods. In keeping with objectives of Yamasee site research in South Carolina, the artifact assemblage from La Punta confirms the “archaeological signature” first delineated by Green (1992). As one would expect, there is a higher occurrence of European goods at the mission. This is most likely due to the close proximity to and availability of goods in St. Augustine provided to the Yamasee. Historical documents claim the Yamasee would receive allotments from royal stores (Covington 1970; Scardaville and Belmonte 1979). The archaeological assemblage consists of 90.48% of items related to food production, storage, and presentation. This percentage is followed by 4.83% from the Architecture group, 2.03% from the Tobacco group, 1.69% from the Activity group, and 112 less than 1% for the remaining groups. Aboriginal wares, with the incorporation of mainly British tablewares and Spanish utilitarian wares dominate the ceramic assemblage. Glasswares are mostly represented by bottle glass. The Architecture group also reflects a high percentage, mainly due to the presence of nails recovered from the site. This supports the concepts that the Yamasee were constructing their houses out of wattle and daub and the nails would have been used to adhere the wattle together. The proportions of tobacco pipes recovered at the mission indicate prevalence for tobacco pipes over cigars. There is also a lack of religious and furniture items recovered. As a whole, the majority of the aboriginally produced ceramics recovered from La Punta reflect a typical Yamasee ceramic assemblage (Chester DePratter 2001, pers. comm.). This includes grit tempered ceramics, red filmed wares, and variation among ceramic types and decorations. An overwhelming amount of aboriginal ceramics exhibited poor design execution and manufacture. This is an indicator that discontinuities in the Yamasee’s ceramic tradition were occurring; either the practices were not being passed down, there was a lack of care in the ceramic tradition, there was a reduction in the women in the community who produced the pottery, or a combination of these factors. Preliminary subsistence analysis indicates that the Yamasee were maintaining a diet of wild game, especially deer. Fish and European domesticates supplemented their diet. The reliance on shellfish in the diet was either small or was misrepresented due to the nature of refuse disposal practices. Botanical samples, although collected, have not undergone full analysis and their importance to the diet of the Yamasee at La Punta can not be determined at this time. 113 The wealth of the data recovered from excavations at La Punta can be used to portray the Yamasee during their tenure outside of St. Augustine. Our understanding is further enhanced in combination with the historical record. Results from the archaeological investigations at La Punta can be compared with other archaeological assemblages to study certain aspects of cultural continuity and change in the Yamasee’s traditional lifeways. CHAPTER 4 INTERPRETATION AND CONCLUSION The excavation at La Punta sheds light on the Yamasee and constitutes the first archaeological study of them in the period after 1715, when they migrated from South Carolina to St. Augustine after the Yamasee War. It could be argued that the Yamassee who migrated into St. Augustine during this time were a product of culture contact and depict a creole culture. The archaeological record indicates that the Yamasee were attempting to preserve their culture in St. Augustine. European goods and ideas modified certain Yamasee practices, but did not erase them all together. For the Native Americans who chose to remain loyal to the Spanish, the eighteenth century was a tumultuous time. It was a time of uncertainty and change for the Yamasee as they once again had to adjust to a new environment. English-led raids, disease, and abandonment of the village, especially by those who'moved into the city to become vecinos, caused a decline in the Yamasee population. Faced with instability, it became difficult for the Yamasee to maintain their cultural identity, which can be seen by changes in the material culture. Archaeological research combined with the historic records illustrate that the Yamasee population at the village of La Punta was also in a state of flux, shifting its location and reconstituting its members. The end results are the final abandonment of the mission in the late 1750’s and the Yamasee disappearing 114 115 from the historical documents after 1763. As discussed in Chapter 1, there are several previously recorded Yamasee sites in South Carolina and one in Florida. Disappointingly, only a few have been subject to intensive archaeological inquiry for comparative purposes. Site 38BU1605, Old Field I, has provided the most information on a Yamasee site in South Carolina thus far (Southerlin et al. 2001). In addition to known Yamasee sites, the eighteenth-century component of St. Augustine has also been the subject of intense archaeological inquiry (Deagan 1983; Carl Halbirt 2001, pers. comm.). While a full comparison to La Punta is not the focus of this thesis, certain similarities and differences will be highlighted in order to study cultural continuum and change in the Yamasee and depict the Yamasee culture based on the historical and archaeological documentation. At least one and probably three Yamasee structures were documented at La Punta. These examples provide insight to housing construction and activity use for the Yamasee. Houses were approximately six meters in diameter and were built in a circular fashion. Based on the presence of a high percentage of nails, the Yamasee were incorporating some European materials into their construction techniques; however, indigenous architectural concepts of a structure remained in place. Based on the presence of five daub pits near the structures, it is suggested that a wattle and daub type construction method used. Nails and cordage were used as a means to affix the wooden framing. The roof was most likely constructed out of palm thatch according to the Grinan Report, which described their dwellings “as small palm houses” (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979:11). The circular nature of the structures and the wattle and daub construction 116 differs from the typical Spanish rectangular structure inside the walled city which consisted of coquina, tabby, and wood. A similar structure was located at Old Field I (Southerlin et al. 2001). It was an oval structure, 6 to 8 meters in diameter. It consists of irregularly spaced posts, without evidence of wall trenches, and the structure outline does not appear as distinct as the La Punta structures, particularly Structure 1. The presence of several pit features was concentrated around the perimeter of the Old Field I structure, and no hearth was identified, just like Structure 1. In contrast, there was no indication of daub or daub processing pits, leaving the method of construction undetermined. If the evidence of the other aligned posts represents two additional houses (Structure 2 and 3), then we can speculate that the Yamasee placed their house structures approximately only 5 to 7 meters apart. The location of a probable wellhouse, and the high percentage of midden debris surrounding it indicate that the well was highly trafficked and was probably a communal well. Several miscellaneous pits surrounding the structures indicate areas of increased activity. This settlement pattern does not mimic the typical mission pattern seen in earlier mission settlements (i.e., church, convento , cocina) (Marrinan 1993), again bolstering the idea that these missions were not missions at all but villages labeled as missions. No church structure was located during excavations, although the ruins of the church are documented on the Pablo Castello map of 1764. Settlement patterns revealed at La Punta also do not mimic those of the English or Spanish, and could reflect the layout of a traditional Yamasee community. Another architectural construction technique that differs from traditional Spanish building methods was the well. The walk-in nature of the depression, the supra-structure 117 covering the well, and the fact that only one barrel was used to create a shaft differs from typical Spanish well constructs. Although there are no known archaeological comparisons for Yamasee wells, the original construction method utilized at La Punta (i.e., an open pit without a barrel shaft) is seen as a deviation from typical Spanish behavior. When this system was found to be ineffective, Spanish methods were then adopted. The disposal of trash is “a patterned and predictable area of behavior reflected in the archaeological record” (Deagan 1983:269). One of the most surprising things about the La Punta excavations is the lack of refuse recovered. There was no associated shell midden located during survey or data recovery. As mentioned previously, refuse most likely would have been tossed off the dune ridge the mission was situated on and dumped in the marsh areas. The placement of the trash in this manner would keep odor and vermin away from the living area. The only concentrated trash deposits occurred in Features 1 and 14, both of which first functioned as daub processing pits and were subsequently filled with debris. A 10-15 cm cultural midden was found extending across the mission; however, this was relatively thin and not densely concentrated with refuse. In contrast, the Spanish, just a short distance away, commonly disposed of refuse in small pits and abandoned wells in the backyards of house lots (Deagan 1983). At La Punta there were only two documented trash deposits located in the abandoned daub processing pits. Although the Yamasee and the Spanish were both living in the same environment, they chose to dispose of their refuse in entirely different manners. While the reasons behind the differences in behavioral patterning are unclear, it indicates 118 variances in ethnic practices and in diet consumption that are manifested through the archaeological record. Preliminary faunal analysis suggests that while incorporating some fish and domesticate animals into their diet, the Yamasee were still relying on wild game, especially deer, as a main source of subsistence. Ethnographic information tells us that the Native Americans used most of their time to hunt (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979). European domesticates such as pig, cow, and chicken are present, but based on their low MNI numbers, they are thought to only partially contribute to the overall diet. Fish, especially catfish and drum, were well represented in the collection, although they are not as significant as mammals to the overall subsistence strategies of the Yamasee. The results from this faunal analysis is in contrast to other lower socio-economic mestizo households in St. Augustine, where archaeological evidence suggests there was a reliance on marsh and estuarine species and fewer food sources such as deer which were deemed expensive by city’s standards (Reitz and Cumbaa 1983). Deer hunting was associated with gentlemen, men who could participate in a leisure sporting activity such as hunting. Wealthier households in town could also afford to purchase deer from the Native Americans. The faunal assemblage from La Punta is comparable to the “traditional Yamasee diet” recovered from Old Field I (Southerlin et al. 2001:164). At Old Field I the Yamasee diet relied heavily on wild species, especially deer (Southerlin et al. 2001). Old Field I also had a high abundance of the catfish and drum families. Sharks were also present in the assemblage, but did not appear to contribute heavily to either the Yamasee’s diet in South Carolina or St. Augustine. In contrast, Old Field I illustrates a 119 heavy consumption of shellfish (Southerlin et al. 2001). The lack of shellfish remains at La Punta probably means that the Yamasee were not exploiting these resources, or more likely, that the refuse was being tossed into the marsh, and area that was not focused on during archaeological investigations. Preliminary botanical analysis and the presence of two agricultural ditches indicate that there was some crop cultivation occurring at the mission. While living in South Carolina the Yamasee were reportingly growing peas, com, and watermelons (Green 1992). According to the Grinan Report, the native villages around St. Augustine cultivated com and legumes but lack of effort yielded only small harvests (Scardaville and Belmonte 1979). It is thought that the Yamasee focused more on hunting wild life instead of cultivation. The presence of eight lead shot and four gunflints indicate that the Yamasee may have possessed arms although the Spanish did not officially arm the Native Americans until ca. 1740 (Brown 1980). Whether the Yamasee brought firearms from South Carolina, acquired them from the Spanish post-1740, or purchased them through illicit trading which was rampant, is unknown. Firearms at La Punta probably served two functions. They would be used to defend against attack, and the weapons were used for the hunting of wild game. Evidence at La Punta pertaining to religiosity is scarce. No artifacts were recovered that can be attributed to Yamasee cosmology. Little is known about Yamasee ritual and religion and they appear to have resisted Christianity by both Spanish and English missionaries (Southerlin et al. 2001). Although the community of La Punta was considered a mission, it is unknown how much religious activity took place. La Punta was a vista and probably had a friar assigned to it, although he would only come to 120 perform mass and on holy days. Illustrated on Castello maps is a church structure, so at least a church was erected during the settlements existence for ecclesiastical purposes. Only one rosary bead was recovered representing Catholicism. Whether it reflects partial adoption of the Catholic faith by the Yamasee or perhaps a rosary left behind by a friar is unknown. Historian James Covington (1970) believes the lack of conversion among the Yamasee was due to a language barrier. Deficiency of instruction from the friars and turmoil in the Franciscan order compounded to cause a decrease in conversion rates (Covington 1970). Cultural Disruption and Decline o f the Peripheral Missions Interaction with the Spanish, British, and other Native American groups resulted in psychological stress and population loss among the Yamasee living on the outskirts of St. Augustine in the eighteenth-century. As populations decline through time, we should expect that sites would decline in number and become smaller (Smith 1987). As a result, the peripheral mission communities surrounding St. Augustine during the first half of the eighteenth century decline from a zenith of ten settlements to only two in 1759 (Hann 1996). The increase in population at La Punta prior to its abandonment is not a true reflection of the native demographics during this time period. Historical documents indicate that there is a reduction in the Yamasee population as a whole in St. Augustine. The Native American population falls from 1350 (Benevides in Deagan 1993) in 1728 to only 86 reportedly leaving St. Augustine with the Spanish in 1763 (Deagan 1993). This decline is a result of a combination of factors. These factors include raids on the mission settlements, disease, the abandonment of the village to flee 121 into the hinterlands, and the assimilation into Spanish society via marriage or becoming a vecino. Historical accounts describe how the peripheral communities in constant flux. The La Punta population was constantly shifting and reformulating its composition from other deserted settlements. Both archaeological evidence and historic information illustrate that the settlement of La Punta was migrating as well. Throughout its 30 year tenure, La Punta had two episodes of occupation. The first phase of occupation is represented archaeologically by the two ditches and the well that were used for crop cultivation. A second phase of occupation is indicated by Structure 2 placed over the ditch. Stratigraphic information documented in the well profile (i.e., two periods of use) confirms two separate habitation periods. This supports historian Susan Parker’s idea that peripheral native villages were like a concertina, always in a state of flux and shifted closer and away from the colonial walled city based on the threat of English led raids (Parker 1999). These raids were causing some Yamasee to flee the protection of the Spanish and some were either killed or taken as slaves, further contributing to population loss at the villages. The instability of the Native American populations, especially the Yamasee at La Punta, is apparent in their material culture. For example, the Yamasee ceramic tradition and the quality of pottery being produced were affected. The San Marcos/Altamaha pottery of the Yamasee is very crude and illustrates poor design execution as compared to some pottery recovered from sites in South Carolina (Southerlin et al. 2001). Of the decorated Native American ceramics, on 53% of the sherds the design could not be discerned. For those ceramics that did have identifiable designs, the motif was often 122 indistinct. The stamping designs exhibited sloppiness and lack of concern for ceramic traditions. There could be several explanations including a reduction in the women in the community who produced the pottery, production techniques not being passed down to the next generation, finer wares were being sold to the Spanish in town, or a combination of factors. Clearly this phenomenon warrants additional investigation to fully address the issue. While it is unclear what effect alcohol had on the Native American population, the high percentage of bottle glass suggests consumption of alcohol at the mission. A total of 241 bottle glass sherds (4.8% of the total assemblage, the second highest percentage after Native American ceramics) was recovered from the La Punta excavations. Several ethnographic resources discuss the native’s passion for rum (Hudson 1976; Hann 1991) and drunkenness (Covington 1970; Hann 1996). In fact, the accumulation of rum debts was one of the reasons behind trade abuses that culminated in the outbreak of the Yamasee War (Southerlin et al. 2001). However, the abundant presence of bottle glass is not necessarily a sign of alcoholism and could reflect bottle reuse on site. Vessel count could not be determined during analysis due to the fragmentary nature of the glass assemblage. If vessel counts could have been determined, the percentages of bottle glass might have produced a different result. In contrast, few bottle glass fragments were recovered from Old Field I, even though rum was included among trade items (Southerlin et al. 2001). It is possible that consumption of intoxicating libations increased while the Yamasee resided near the Spanish due to an increased availability of goods, close proximity to St. Augustine, and increased cultural pressures; albeit this hypothesis needs more testing. The one gaming 123 piece recovered indicates that some form of gaming or gambling was taking place on site. Vices such as alcohol and gambling could be a means to pass the time and cope with anxiety. La Punta is abandoned by the late 1750’s. The few Native Americans still living in mission settlements were consolidated into two remaining missions (Tolamato and Nombre de Dios), and La Punta was deserted. This abandonment is reflected in soil deposits in the well indicating that the well was no longer in use. The lack of trash deposits and accumulation of aeolian and fluvial sands suggest that the well was left exposed and deserted. The 1763 Pablo Castello Map confirm the ruins of La Punta and the mission is no longer mentioned in historical documents. Soon after the desertion of La Punta, the Yamasee are no longer mentioned in Spanish and British documents. This indicates that the remaining Yamasee were either absorbed into Native American tribes that moved into the area post-1763 or left with the Spanish for Cuba. The last remnants of the once great southeastern interior chiefdoms was reflected in the Yamasee culture. This culture, faced with additional reduction in numbers, eventually disappears from the archaeological and historical record. The abandonment of La Punta marks the end of the Spanish mission system and the final demise of the Native Americans that came under the sphere of Spanish influence in the southeast. Recommendations for Future Research Archaeological investigations conducted at La Punta offer a comprehensive look into the Yamasee in La Florida after the Yamasee War of 1715. In an attempt to move beyond looking for a Yamasee “signature” as Green’s work (1992) did ten years earlier, 124 this study strives to go one step further and address topics such as subsistence practices, architectural styles, settlement patterns, and ceramic traditions. By studying the Yamasee at La Punta and comparing it to other data, we have begun to make suggestions about continuity and change in their culture. This information can be used as a building block for Yamasee studies. The Yamasee have only recently become the focus of archaeological inquiry in the past ten years (Chester DePratter 2002, pers. comm.). As our knowledge base of Yamasee sites grows, it is hoped that more sites will be available to use as comparisons and to further our understanding of the Yamasee as a cultural entity. Other topics of inquiry into the Yamasee’s culture can include cosmology, mortuary practices, subsistence, gender roles, social organization, as well as broader questions of culture contact studies, cultural interaction, and Native American syncretism. Unfortunately, since archaeology on the Yamasee is relatively new, we will have to build a larger database to adequately address these questions. Information can be extracted from the La Punta data to address research questions regarding peripheral communities in St. Augustine. Eighteenth-century peripheral missions (as mentioned before) were a result of the influx in population due to the collapse of the mission system elsewhere in La Florida. These missions formed on the outskirts of the town due to the protection offered by the Castillo and troops and played an important role as the first line of defense against an attacking enemy. These surrounding communities were usually of lower socio-economic groups, and the population did not live within the town itself. Due to the effect of urbanization on the archaeological deposits in St Augustine, little research has been conducted on peripheral 125 settlements, although they were an integral part of the community. Fort Mose, a free black settlement north of town, is one exception (Deagan and MacMahon 1995). A comparison of these two settlements could offer insight into the role that peripheral communities played in St. Augustine and the types of interactions conducted between the town, other settlements, and the ethnic groups residing in those settlements. Lastly, an in-depth analysis on the phenomena of San Marcos/ Altamaha ceramics should be carried out. Research on Yamasee ceramics such as those carried out by Saunders (2000) and Southerlin (Southerlin et al. 2001) can further our knowledge about the most easily characterized artifact produced by the Yamasee. Attributes such as minimum vessel counts, temper, and vessel form should be looked at to aid in understanding the San Marcos/Altahma phenomena. The La Punta ceramic assemblage holds potential for such studies even if the design execution and manufacturing is poor. By combining archaeological and historical evidence, a picture emerges of the Yamasee as a creolized society living in Spanish St. Augustine. The uniqueness and rarity of La Punta enables one to make an in-depth study of the Yamasee during their last days as a cohesive cultural group. The La Punta evidence indicates that the Yamasee attempted to maintain certain aspects of their culture such as ceramic tradition, refuse disposal practices, architecture, and possibly their cosmological beliefs while interacting with the Spanish, English, and other native groups. Certain aspects of their traditional lifeways were augmented by European products and ideas. However, these goods were often used in ways that still allowed the Yamasee to express their own cultural preferences, especially in technological ways (i.e. used nails, but still built in a traditional 126 style of circular structures; used firearms, but still hunted for traditional diet of wild game). Even though the Yamasee were struggling to maintain their traditional lifeways, they were also undergoing internal and external pressures as population declined and the settlement shifted, reconstituting its members. Change is evident by a decrease in the population, a “concertina” style migration of the settlement, and the deterioration of the Yamasee ceramic tradition which is suggested from the material culture. The last vestiges of the Yamasee are gone with the final abandonment of the mission. It is hoped that that as research on Yamasee sites increases, our understanding of them will continue to be refined, bringing to light a once forgotten group. 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C l II® CO CO Q Q *3 ■ a Q Q CD CD "O a > LU LU c a UJ LU CD: a : Q Q □ Q o o c O o CD O O O O CD a> _C ja oe oe cn DC sz m O O CL lu lu oe oe LU LU O o u. mc a> c q 9 9 E a) O) E 3 3 3 I—CO a> E UL. co E E IJL be be be CO CO CO CO CM CNJ CM CN LO lO LO LO CM CN CN CN 0 ) 0 0) 0) CO CO CO CO CD OO LU LU CL a Q Q Q_ LU Q_ i— 1— LU 1— 3 1—: 1— o P= LL*“ •“ LL fe CO co oe co LL: CO CO LU CO o_ CL Q O — J —I O CL o o o o 3 < o 2 O LU LU CQ 2 0 0 : ^ 0 0 _J 2 oo 3 LU 3 00 2 00 CO CO CL CL 2 Q Q < CO < CO < CO CO < 00 Q O < CO CO CO < cq ■«-; cq c d ; LO d- CM c q LO CO d ~- cn cq a> o CM CM csi -r— co V-^ c m O: o LO r-e o CO O CN r - CM CN CO CM m.c o O CO CN n CN CM : T- oo 'M- ■: T- r-~ CN CM ^ CN CN a> jQ E 3 C I T- T- T- T- T- T- T CO CO CO CO CO o o o cq cq o cq 0 cq cq cq cq cq cq cq cq cq cq IJL O):O)!O5;0VO>'0VO> 0 1 c ri ct> cd c o a> cd o i o o o CD CD CD CD CD O) LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO LO 183 BIBLIOGRAPHY ARMSTRONG, DOUGLAS V. 1990 The Old Village and the Great House. 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WORTH, JOHN E. 1995 The Struggle for the Georgia Coast: An Eighteenth-Century Spanish Retrospective on Guale and Mocama. Anthropological Papers of the Museum of Natural History No. 75. University of Georgia Press, Athens. 1998a Timucuan Chiefdoms o f Spanish Florida Volume 1: Assimilation. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. 1998b Timucuan Chiefdoms of Spanish Florida Volume 1: Resistance and Destruction. University Press of Florida, Gainesville. VITA Andrea Paige White Bom in Hampton, Virginia, February 2, 1975. Graduated from Lincoln High School in Tallahassee, Florida, June 1993. Attended the University of Florida in Gainesville and graduated June 1997 with a B.A. in Anthropology and a minor in History. In the fall of 1998, entered the M.A. program in the Department of Anthropology, College of William and Mary. The author has worked on both terrestrial and maritime archaeological projects in the southeast and the Caribbean including working for the City of St. Augustine Archaeology Program. She currently resides in New Orleans, Louisiana. > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > > as _0 _Q5 _0 0 _0 _0 _0 _0: _0 _0 _0 0 0 0 _0 _0. _0 0 0 _0 _0 _0: _0 _0 _0 _0 _0 _0 0