Wright Mills and "The Power Elite"

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY August 22, 1964 Wright Mills and "the Power Elite" Edwin Harwood Samir Dasgupta When C Wright Mills talks of the growing trend towards centralisation in the United States, the monopoli sation of power in the three major arenas of social leadership, the corporate, military and political, he chooses as his point of departure America of the mid-fifties. Oddly, not a word suggests that the New Deal thirties contributed the major impulse to these ominous developments. Is Mills' hypothesis a sound one? We are presented with the picture of the slow culmination of historical trends which reach their apogee in the mid-fifties. A fair appraisal of the historical situation, on the other hand, would lead to the conclusion that the power elite of the New Deal thirties was more centralised than the Republican administration of the fifties, the centralised administrative apparatus of which was, in any case, the legacy of the thirties. Apparently, not centralisation and growing consolulation of power are at issue, but rather the changed poli tical landscape, the decline of left centralisation and the emergence of a party more representative of bourgeois interests. MILLS once declared that the intel- work can leave no doubt but that this ... The American public is neither lectual's politics should be the was the case. There are a number of a sandheap of individuals each politics of truth. The intellectual should prominent instances where scientific making up his own mind, nor a search for the most adequate definition investigation became subordinate to the regimented mass manipulated by of reality.1 Not the politicization of tasks of Mills' ideological struggles. monopolized media of communica truth but rather the demystification of tion .. .But today it is still the politics, the creation of an atmosphere One good case of this appears if we case that the most effective and favourable to the scientific study of so compare one of Mills' earner essays immediate context of changing opi cial and political life is what Mills written in 1950 with the conclusions nion is people talking informally most certainly had in mind when he arrived at in 'The Power Elite", pub with people."3 lished six years later. The earlier arti penned this equation. Yet there are Changed Perspective certain connotations which leave an cle, which did not appear in print until Compare these findings with those unmistakable residue of doubt. The 13 years later, celebrated Truman's vic which appear six years later in "The idea ''politics of truth" implies a cer tory in the 1948 presidential election. Power Elite". They are so patently con tain activism against which the notion Mills expressed therein his strong oc- tradictory that one must assume either of scientific investigation, gradual and hel in the autonomy of public opinion mat American society had undergone laborious, appears as rather pusillanim in America. The American public ue- tremendous changes in the span of a ous counsel, unsuited to the needs of monstrates, according to Milis, its in few short years, or that Mills' science the intellectual engaged in social re dependence from the mass media and has taken its cue from changing politi construction. Truth' in Mills' usage is its ability to participate fully in Ame cal currents, namely, the Eisenhower tied, not directly by the meaning of the rican public and political life: victory in 1952. Mills has decided in equation, but indirectly by the conno- "no view of American public life 1956 that, tative overtones, to a more aggressive can be realistic that assumes pub task of social and political action. This lic opinion to be wholly controlled "the communications that prevail link appears very markedly in the title and entirely manipulated by the are so organized that it is difficult of the essay in which the phrase ap mass media ... The U S public has or impossible for the individual to pears, "On Knowledge and Power". an autonomy of judgment, and on answer back immediately or with many occasions makes up its own any effect. The realization of opini Politics and Truth mind, without direction from any on in action is controlled by au The question with which we are im center and without any authority thorities who organize and control mediately concerned is not the social but its own sovereignty".2 the channels of such action. The and political programmes of reconstruc mass has no autonomy from insti tion which Mills had in mind and which Mills goes on to provide scientific tutions—on the contrary, agents he brought together in a 'new left' ap evidence for the conclusion that the of authorized institutions pene- peal. That, after all, is a matter of poli mass media carry only diminished trate this mass, reducing any tical preference and neither here nor weight in the arena of opinion forma autonomy it may have in the there as far as the appraisal of a man's tion from the Decatur study, a Colum formation of opinion by discus scientific output is concerned. But we bia University project on which he col sion",4 must ask ourselves if political and ideo laborated. That study had pointed to This description characterizes Mills' logical criteria entered into the cons the preponderant influence of personal ideal-typical model of the "mass", truction of the scientific edifice. We relationships in the transfer and for which has begun to displace the older must determine the extent to which the mation of political opinion. Mills con 'publics' of American society, not as a equation of politics and truth was lop cludes : model of the future, but as a reality of sided, whether the truth, the objects of "... both mass media and person- the present. American public life has scientific study, and the conclusions to-person discussion are important more of the features of the "mass" than derived were assimilated to the patterns in changing public opinion. It is a of the community of publics. of political ideology. An examination of question of which is the more im This shift in Mills' scientific perspec the development of Mills' scientific portant in different areas of opinion tive can only be accounted for by the August 22, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY August 22, 1964 changes in the political fortunes of the roseate picture of all of this, and obtained. Notwithstanding their mani Democratic Party, the Fair Deal and makes it appear as though the Levia fold defects, they present the more New Deal offshoots of which Hills had than awakes after the 1952 electoral empirical side of political sociological allied himself with and actively sup tally. The rancorous rhetoric which work in the United States.8 ported. How, in the face of. rising edu pervades "The Power Elite" is tied to No Evidence cational and cultural standards, could a historical theory which chafes at its so radical a change in America's social harness. Not centralization and all of These studies, in addition to under structure be accounted for otherwise? this business about the growing conso mining the generalizations which Mills When Mills talks to us about the grow lidation of power is at issue, but rather puts forth in regard to 19th century ing trends towards centralization, the the changed political landscape, the American democracy, also attack the monopolization of power in the three decline of left centralization and the problem of scientific investigation in a major arenas of social leadership, the emergence of a party more representa direct way, by examining the actual corporate, military and political, Mills tive of bourgeois interests. arenas of decision making, the context of power as il becomes manifested in chooses as his point of departure Ame Idealised Picture rica of the mid-fifties. Oddly, not a civic controversies. Mills rarely observes word, not a phrase, would suggest that Another example of Mills' 'science' the direct use of power and the flow the New Deal thirties contributed the is the idealized picture of 19th cen of social influence. He assumes that major impulse to these ominous deve tury American society, presented as a certain contours exist on the basis of lopments. But this is not at all strange contrast to the power pyramiding of data relating to the political percep when it is considered that Mills was a contemporary institutions. Mills reports tions of the samples he investigates and protege of the New and Fair Deal pro that the 'Jeffersonian scatter' and face- the social background data on the in grammes and in turn repaid the debt to-face publics of that earlier era af dividuals in the social strata under exa by exempting these programmes and forded a much greater opportunity to mination. Social background and mobi the 'elites' which sponsored them from the average citizen to participate in lity data allow of no scientific judg his critique. political decision making. The political ment of such sweeping claims as the domination unalloyed which Mills de following one, which appeared in an Legacy of the 'Thirties picts for us in an early study is assum early study: ed to apply to twentieth century eco Is his hypothesis a sound one? We "... the small businessmen, espe nomic organizations. These royalists of are presented with the picture of the cially in cities dominated by a few capitalism have taken possession of the slow culmination of historical trends 5 large industrial firms, are quite political organs of local communities. which reach their apogee in the mid- often fronts' for the larger busi fifties. A fair appraisal of the historical There are, however, a number of de ness powers... tailed empirical studies of local com situation would certainly lead to the "The organization of the Small munity power and historical trends in conclusion that the power elite of the Business Front is quite often in the composition of that power which New Deal thirties was more centralized the hands of the Chamber of Com appear to negate Mills' hypothesis and, than the Republican administration of merce; and many of the hidden in fact, argue the contrary.

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