Wright Mills and "The Power Elite"

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY August 22, 1964 Wright Mills and "the Power Elite" Edwin Harwood Samir Dasgupta When C Wright Mills talks of the growing trend towards centralisation in the United States, the monopoli sation of power in the three major arenas of social leadership, the corporate, military and political, he chooses as his point of departure America of the mid-fifties. Oddly, not a word suggests that the New Deal thirties contributed the major impulse to these ominous developments. Is Mills' hypothesis a sound one? We are presented with the picture of the slow culmination of historical trends which reach their apogee in the mid-fifties. A fair appraisal of the historical situation, on the other hand, would lead to the conclusion that the power elite of the New Deal thirties was more centralised than the Republican administration of the fifties, the centralised administrative apparatus of which was, in any case, the legacy of the thirties. Apparently, not centralisation and growing consolulation of power are at issue, but rather the changed poli tical landscape, the decline of left centralisation and the emergence of a party more representative of bourgeois interests. MILLS once declared that the intel- work can leave no doubt but that this ... The American public is neither lectual's politics should be the was the case. There are a number of a sandheap of individuals each politics of truth. The intellectual should prominent instances where scientific making up his own mind, nor a search for the most adequate definition investigation became subordinate to the regimented mass manipulated by of reality.1 Not the politicization of tasks of Mills' ideological struggles. monopolized media of communica truth but rather the demystification of tion .. .But today it is still the politics, the creation of an atmosphere One good case of this appears if we case that the most effective and favourable to the scientific study of so compare one of Mills' earner essays immediate context of changing opi cial and political life is what Mills written in 1950 with the conclusions nion is people talking informally most certainly had in mind when he arrived at in 'The Power Elite", pub with people."3 lished six years later. The earlier arti penned this equation. Yet there are Changed Perspective certain connotations which leave an cle, which did not appear in print until Compare these findings with those unmistakable residue of doubt. The 13 years later, celebrated Truman's vic which appear six years later in "The idea ''politics of truth" implies a cer tory in the 1948 presidential election. Power Elite". They are so patently con tain activism against which the notion Mills expressed therein his strong oc- tradictory that one must assume either of scientific investigation, gradual and hel in the autonomy of public opinion mat American society had undergone laborious, appears as rather pusillanim in America. The American public ue- tremendous changes in the span of a ous counsel, unsuited to the needs of monstrates, according to Milis, its in few short years, or that Mills' science the intellectual engaged in social re dependence from the mass media and has taken its cue from changing politi construction. Truth' in Mills' usage is its ability to participate fully in Ame cal currents, namely, the Eisenhower tied, not directly by the meaning of the rican public and political life: victory in 1952. Mills has decided in equation, but indirectly by the conno- "no view of American public life 1956 that, tative overtones, to a more aggressive can be realistic that assumes pub task of social and political action. This lic opinion to be wholly controlled "the communications that prevail link appears very markedly in the title and entirely manipulated by the are so organized that it is difficult of the essay in which the phrase ap mass media ... The U S public has or impossible for the individual to pears, "On Knowledge and Power". an autonomy of judgment, and on answer back immediately or with many occasions makes up its own any effect. The realization of opini Politics and Truth mind, without direction from any on in action is controlled by au The question with which we are im center and without any authority thorities who organize and control mediately concerned is not the social but its own sovereignty".2 the channels of such action. The and political programmes of reconstruc mass has no autonomy from insti tion which Mills had in mind and which Mills goes on to provide scientific tutions—on the contrary, agents he brought together in a 'new left' ap evidence for the conclusion that the of authorized institutions pene- peal. That, after all, is a matter of poli mass media carry only diminished trate this mass, reducing any tical preference and neither here nor weight in the arena of opinion forma autonomy it may have in the there as far as the appraisal of a man's tion from the Decatur study, a Colum formation of opinion by discus scientific output is concerned. But we bia University project on which he col sion",4 must ask ourselves if political and ideo laborated. That study had pointed to This description characterizes Mills' logical criteria entered into the cons the preponderant influence of personal ideal-typical model of the "mass", truction of the scientific edifice. We relationships in the transfer and for which has begun to displace the older must determine the extent to which the mation of political opinion. Mills con 'publics' of American society, not as a equation of politics and truth was lop cludes : model of the future, but as a reality of sided, whether the truth, the objects of "... both mass media and person- the present. American public life has scientific study, and the conclusions to-person discussion are important more of the features of the "mass" than derived were assimilated to the patterns in changing public opinion. It is a of the community of publics. of political ideology. An examination of question of which is the more im This shift in Mills' scientific perspec the development of Mills' scientific portant in different areas of opinion tive can only be accounted for by the August 22, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY August 22, 1964 changes in the political fortunes of the roseate picture of all of this, and obtained. Notwithstanding their mani Democratic Party, the Fair Deal and makes it appear as though the Levia fold defects, they present the more New Deal offshoots of which Hills had than awakes after the 1952 electoral empirical side of political sociological allied himself with and actively sup tally. The rancorous rhetoric which work in the United States.8 ported. How, in the face of. rising edu pervades "The Power Elite" is tied to No Evidence cational and cultural standards, could a historical theory which chafes at its so radical a change in America's social harness. Not centralization and all of These studies, in addition to under structure be accounted for otherwise? this business about the growing conso mining the generalizations which Mills When Mills talks to us about the grow lidation of power is at issue, but rather puts forth in regard to 19th century ing trends towards centralization, the the changed political landscape, the American democracy, also attack the monopolization of power in the three decline of left centralization and the problem of scientific investigation in a major arenas of social leadership, the emergence of a party more representa direct way, by examining the actual corporate, military and political, Mills tive of bourgeois interests. arenas of decision making, the context of power as il becomes manifested in chooses as his point of departure Ame Idealised Picture rica of the mid-fifties. Oddly, not a civic controversies. Mills rarely observes word, not a phrase, would suggest that Another example of Mills' 'science' the direct use of power and the flow the New Deal thirties contributed the is the idealized picture of 19th cen of social influence. He assumes that major impulse to these ominous deve tury American society, presented as a certain contours exist on the basis of lopments. But this is not at all strange contrast to the power pyramiding of data relating to the political percep when it is considered that Mills was a contemporary institutions. Mills reports tions of the samples he investigates and protege of the New and Fair Deal pro that the 'Jeffersonian scatter' and face- the social background data on the in grammes and in turn repaid the debt to-face publics of that earlier era af dividuals in the social strata under exa by exempting these programmes and forded a much greater opportunity to mination. Social background and mobi the 'elites' which sponsored them from the average citizen to participate in lity data allow of no scientific judg his critique. political decision making. The political ment of such sweeping claims as the domination unalloyed which Mills de following one, which appeared in an Legacy of the 'Thirties picts for us in an early study is assum early study: ed to apply to twentieth century eco Is his hypothesis a sound one? We "... the small businessmen, espe nomic organizations. These royalists of are presented with the picture of the cially in cities dominated by a few capitalism have taken possession of the slow culmination of historical trends 5 large industrial firms, are quite political organs of local communities. which reach their apogee in the mid- often fronts' for the larger busi fifties. A fair appraisal of the historical There are, however, a number of de ness powers... tailed empirical studies of local com situation would certainly lead to the "The organization of the Small munity power and historical trends in conclusion that the power elite of the Business Front is quite often in the composition of that power which New Deal thirties was more centralized the hands of the Chamber of Com appear to negate Mills' hypothesis and, than the Republican administration of merce; and many of the hidden in fact, argue the contrary. Rather, it the fifties, the centralized administra wires behind the scene are mani is in the 19th century that economic tive apparatus of which was, in any pulated by the local bank setup, domination of local community politics case, the legacy of the thirties. Re which is usually able to keep the appears to have been most pronounced. member: it was Roosevelt who attempt Front in line whenever this is This conclusion finds support in the ed to stack the Supreme Court with considered necessary by large in work of Robert Dahi, Robert Schulze, additional members in order to insure dustrial firms."9 the constitutionality of his legislation; Clelland and Form and others.6 In his it was Roosevelt who initiated the first study of the New Haven 'power elite' This claim may be true; it may be major incursions upon economic power Dahl finds the growth of "dispersed false. No evidence is offered in the in the United States. It was the Re inequalities" as over against the mono essay which would allow for some judg publican administration which attempt lithic organization of social influence ment. A good deal more is hidden than ed to loosen the control of federal or which prevailed in the 19th century just the 'behind-the-scenes' wires it ap gans over economic life. Mills is very and which was tied to economic power. pears. Mills' crusading epithets lack selective in the kind of centralization These hierarchies of 'dispersed inequa empirical substance and foundations, he objects to. We have no doubt that he lity' represent the pluralization of and Daniel Bell's observation that Mills would sanction socialist economic orga power and the emergence of contending "takes statistic after statistic and nization if it were undertaken in the factions, professional politicians on the clothes them with angry metaphors" 10 name of "the people"; his writings point one hand, and on the other the econo really misses the mark. The angry clearly in this direction. mic managerial elite and social nota metaphors clothe theoretical generali bles. Edward Banfield found the notice zations which often have no intrinsic With the exception of the military able absence of economic interests in relationship to the statistical data. which was not a prominent force in the the civic controversies of Chicago. He 1930s for obvious reasons relating to Consider one other of the not incon even goes so far as to conclude that the international position of the United siderable number of sweeping generali the failure on the part of the dominant States, the governmental apparatus of zations which emerge from "The Power economic overlords to interest them the 1930's was much more highly cen Elite". The 'Big Three' Mills claims, selves in local politics may have ne tralized than in the fifties and, in its the corporate, state and military elites, gative consequences from the stand desire to gain preponderant influence are increasingly 'shaping' the educa point of a balanced community demo over the judiciary and legislature on tional, religious and familial institutions. cracy.7 These studies of community the one hand, and the economic dynas Let us designate these latter the 'de power should be compared with Mills' ties on the other, had, if we may bor pendent three.' But the question natu work in order that a more balanced ap row a communist inspired epithet, 'so- rally arises: Shaped in what way? Some praisal of American civic life may be cial-fascistic' aspirations. Mills paints a hypothetical derivations about the con- 1391

THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY August 22, 1964 crete nature of this flow of influence to the twenty-one conditions of the social interests, the possession of for would be expected if the study were Comintern—in combination with the mal institutional positions, and the so scientific. Anyone familiar with current use of Marxist categories of analysis cial background of a stratum, not on demographic tendencies in the new na which justifies Mills' self-designation. the formal relations to the means of tions realizes that the explosive growth Populist Conception production. For Mills, to give one con rates have major implications for the crete example, it is much more import The use of the adjective 'plain' is Big Three—not just major implications ant to discover that high ranking offi characteristic of Mills. It underscores but revolutionary ones. Since procrea cers and civil servants attended the his individualistic political style and tion is certainly a 'family affair' and same elite schools and join the same populist conception of the ideal politi since these explosive rates of growth social clubs than to find that they own cal order. With him it means that may have far more impact on the social property. Since most members of these where political dogma is concerned, and political structures of these nations strata do not have considerable 'mate flexibility is more suitable, and where than the latter will have on these rates rial' interests in that sense, their bond organizational loyalty and obedience of growth, it may be claimed that one with the corporate elite must be sought are required, an individualistic rebuff of the 'dependent three', the family, is in another direction. This is why the may be expected. It means to be elec- shaping Mills' Big Three. The test of Weberian definition of social class tic where theoretical construction is in power has still proven unfavourable to (status) served Mills much better than volved. Where practical politics is con the power elites of those states which the economic definition of class as de cerned, it means to be in the spirit of have attempted to curb fertility. We fined by Marx. revolt, and not in the ranks of the mention this example only to illustrate aparatchiki. Antipathy to Capitalism the difficulty involved in sweeping ge neralizations about the flow of social The antipathy towards moralistic— From Veblen Mills gained, in addi cause and effect. On this point Mills Marx would have said "Utopian"—pro tion to a passionate rhetoric, the has departed from his 'plain Marxian' grammes of social action which lack a populists natural antipathy to the orientation because that orientation has foundation in theoretical understanding effete civilization of capitalism, its always pointed—and with indubitable of historical possibilities is probably the superfluous commodity production and validity—to the fact that major social clearest and strongest link between the superfluous stratum which managed revolutions (violent and non-violent) Mills and Marx. Mills fulminated aga the economic engine.11 But it is general come 'from below'. inst the kind of scientific research ly conceded that the most important which he felt characterized most of formative influence came from Weber; These and other related incon the important currents of American so Mills' central problem, the bureaucra sistencies and inadequacies in Mills' ciology, that which focused on delimit tization of contemporary society, had scientific work stem from the repeated ed "milieux" and therefore lacked a dominated Weber's thinking during the interference of political considerations broader historical perspective. The last years of the latter's life. The pro in the scientific blueprint. A hard in roots of scientific thinking should not blem of the social control of monoli dictment? The evidence is there for arise from moral and emotional impulse thic power is clearly not a Marxist con everyone to view for himself. It is but from the broader theoretical un ceptualization, since it leads to the one thing to permit ideology to de dertaking. It is this scientific realism implicit recognition that the import termine the topics of research—with which links Mills to the Marxist tradi ant impulses in modern life come from this kind of intrusion none can argue. tion, and, as far as American social 'above.' From the standpoint of ortho It is quite another thing to let ideolo science is concerned, would make him dox Marxists—whatever their orienta gy guide the research operations and appear as the representative of that tion in terms of practice, which is generalizations arrived at. Mills' arti tradition in the United States. usually a clear recognition of the im cles and obiter dicta on scientific pact of political power—this was a craftsmanship notwithstanding, we be Mills' favourable reception in Marx major heresy. If history moves 'from lieve that this indictment stands. ist circles, in particular among the below' then the political instrumentali young intellectuals of the new nations, ties of a given class, however cohesive, II is the result not of methodological or cannot alter the fundamental contours Mills and Marxism thodoxy in the use of Marxian theore of development. But Mills suggests the Mills has described himself as a tical categories—which Mills used very exact opposite. Of course, whether you 'plain Marxist'. This implies much loosely and mixed in with the blue care to include Mills in the Marxist more than the recognition of the value prints of bourgeois social scientists— tradition or not depends very much of the Marxist theory of history and but rather of his left-wing sympathies, upon how the boundaries are delimited. and his virulent criticism of capitalist social organization, a recognition Marx did not emphasize elite vanguards, economic power and American foreign granted generously by social and eco but Lenin did and Lenin's ideology of policy, or, as Marxists would say, of nomic thinkers who are politically con practice is compatible with Mills' posi servative. Indeed, the Marxist scaffold American neocolonialism. In any case, tion, if not with respect to methods, at ing has been retained as an analytic it would be most difficult to describe least as regards the social stratum best tool by some who, like Joseph Schum- Mills' approach as Marxist as far as suited to undertake social change. peter, were never sympathetic to the theory is concerned. His system was Marxist political struggle. Recognition never a closed one as was Marx's in the The well known American Marxist, of the value of the Marxian approach sense of a closely interrelated body of Herbert Aptheker, accused Mills of to history, or even the use of that propositions linking economic forces to failing to determine the ultimate locus framework in concrete scientific work, social and political processes. Mills re- of social power in his tri-partite divi are not alone sufficient to warrant the ceived from Marx the tools of class sion of the power elite, that is, of fail appellation. Rather it is the sympathy analysis but even here his notion of ing to note that in any final test of of a political and moral kind for the class is closer to Weber's. Mills' deter strength, real power must lie with the left wing swing of history—perhaps mination of who constitutes the 'elite' corporate dynasties.12 But the fact of more broadly conceived than allegiance and who the 'mass' depends on the the matter is, Mills does suggest that

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whiLe the power elite is not merely the themselves. They become what Mills principles which constitutes Mills' executive committee of bourgeois, cor and Gerth term 'political capitalists'. approach to and vision of the historical porate power, it is true that the cor This thesis goes against the proposition- process is no more Marxian than it is porate interests have relatively more al logic of Marxist theory in its tacit Weberian or Veblenian It is a com power than either the state or the mili recognition of the importance of pure posite of these and other patterns of tary. The unidimensional flow of power political power for the acquisition of thought. is difficult to observe primarily because economic power. But since Mills the moral climate creates a 'natural' a s s e r t s the preponderance of Notes alliance of interests and outlook. This economic power in the institutional 1 C Wright Mills, On knowledge is partly the product of similarities in triumvirate, at least in the long run, and Power,' in "Power, Politics social background, and of the recruit Aptheker's criticism would appear to and People," (ed) Irving L Horo ment of government personnel from be beside the point. witz, New York, Ballantine Books, the ranks of industry. A moral consen 1963, p 611. sus favourable to business interests has To be sure, other similarities be 2 Mills, 'Mass Media and Public the same ultimate consequences as tween Mills' model and Marx's appear. would format political power in the Both employ a kind of polarization Opinion,' in "Power, Politics and hands of the corporate elite—indeed, hypothesis which assumes the historical People", pp 577-578. it is much better because much more growth of a gap between the powerful 3 Ibid, p 586. conducive to a smooth operation of the and the powerless. With Mills the 4 Mills, "The Power Elite", New governmental apparatus. But for all antipodal social forces resolve them York, Oxford University Press, that the reservoir of power in the selves into 'elite strata' on the one 1959, p 304. hands of the industrial bourgeoisie re hand, and the 'masses' on the other; 5 mains. Mills strongly suggests this in with Marx. pauperized proletarians Mills, 'The Middle Classes in a number of articles.13 Consider the over against the remaining groups of Middle-sized Cities', in "Power, following: capitalists who have survived the com Politics and People", pp 274-291. petition of accumulation. Since, as we 6 Robert. O Schulze, 'The Bifurca "For by now everybody, definitely noted above, Mills' gives preponderant tion of Power in a Satellite City', including Big Business, knows that emphasis to the force of capital for the in "Community Political Systems", we must speak of the political and inrerests of the power elite, it might (ed) Morris Janowitz, Glencoe, The the economic in one breath, of a be concluded that the two models do Free Press, 1961, pp 19-80. Robert political economy. This means, in not differ radically, at least, on fun A Dahl ,"Who Governs?", New another set of terms, that 'business' damentals. But ownership of capital Haven. Yale University Press. and 'government' are more and could not possibly serve as the defining 1962. Donald A Clelland and Wil more becoming one. That their criterion of membership in Mills' liam H Form. "Economic Determi 'conflict.' has been institutionalized model. Into the 'mass' fall small nants and Community Power: A without the benefit of Congress... businessmen, farmers, professionals Comparative Analysis". American It: means that 'business' can and along with proletarians and celebrities. Journal of Sociology, March, 1964. well may become 'government.' Membership in the elite does not re 7 quire property. In the United States Edward C Banfield, "Political In " .. As government and business fluence", New York, the Free Press become increasingly interlocked, military and civil service officials qualify as members of the power elite. of Glencoe, 1962. economic questions will more and 8 more become: who is to staff the They are not capitalists if by that we A good discussion of the problems mean owners of the means of produc involved in the analysis of the flow points of political decision in the 16 governmental hierarchies and pin tion. Yet they might certainly be of power and influence can be nacles?...today 'the political said to serve the interests of corporate found in Morris Janowiiz's "Com freedom of free enterprise' means power at least, according to Mills thesis munity Power and 'Policy Science' the power of Corporations over —as well and very probably better Research," in The Public Opinion and within the State."14 than strata which are technically capi Quarterly, 26, (Fall. 1962), pp 398- talistic, farmers, small businessmen and 410. 'Political Capitalists' the like whose antipathy to centralized 9 Mills. "The Middle Classes in Even in the case where the political corporate power is a well known fact. Middle-sized Cities", ibid. elite recruits primarily from non-capita 10 list strata and Mills' theory about the Further, the historical dynamics Daniel Bell, 'Is There a Ruling Class effect of social backgrounds on politi involved in Mills' polarization lack the in America', in "The End of Ideo- cal interests would appear to break technical economic foundations which logy". New York, Collier Books, down, we find Mills asserting that these Marx provided for his model. For 1962, p 47. political parvenues will become 'co- Mills, as for Weber, this was more or 11 Mills was not personally adverse to opted' into the traditional elites of nota less an accomplished fact, the product the superfluous gadgetry of capita bles and property holders. In other of a variety of causes, technological lism as his interest in and posses words, capitalist interests will be serv and organizational rationalization being sion of racy sports autos and motor ed whatever the electoral outcome. This the most significant. Marx's laws of bikes demonstrates. See Harvey thesis is worked out by Mills in colla primitive accumulation and the process Swados' delightful discussion of boration with H H Gerth for the case of intra-capitalist expropriation are not Mills' personal life. "C Wright 15 of Nazi Germany. The rapproche to be found within Mills' framework. Mills: A Personal Memoir", Dis ment between the petty bourgeoisie and In summary. Mills' modified Marxism sent, 10. Winter, 1963. pp 35-42 the agrarian and industrial capitalists is amounts to a sympathy for leftwing 12 achieved by allowing prominent mem movements and principles plus the use Herbert Aptheker. "Power in Am bers of the Nazi hierarchy to gain pos of class categories in social analysis. erica", Mainstream, 9, September session of capital, to become capitalists. But the body of amorphous theoretical 1956, pp 1-16. 1395 August 22, 1964 THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY

13 Mills, 'Collectivism and the "Mixed- up" Economy', Ibid, pp 185-186. cade span, 1933 through 1952, up" Economy'; 'The Decline of the Gerth, Hans H, and Mills, 'A Marx came from the lower classes than Left', p 227; 'The Political Gargoy for the Managers', in "Power, from either the middle or upper les: Business as Power', all in Politics and People". classes. 'The American Political "Power. Politics and People". Mills found that a larger proportion Elite; A Collective Portrait*, in 14 Mills. 'Collectivism and the "Mixed- of the political elite of the two de "Power, Politics and People" p 199.

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