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‘We Are a Roma Nation’ Support for Romani Nationalism amongst Britain’s Romani Populations Emily Violet Webb Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds School of Sociology and Social Policy March 2017 - ii - The candidate confirms that the work submitted is her own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. © 2017 The University of Leeds and Emily Violet Webb The right of Emily Violet Webb to be identified as Author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988 - iii - Acknowledgements I would like to express my thanks to everyone who has given their time and support throughout this long, and often testing, journey. To the participants who shared with me their invaluable experiences, stories and knowledge. This thesis simply would not exist without you. To my supervisors Angharad Beckett and Shona Hunter who have given their time, support and instrumental advice. They did not lose faith in me, though I’m sure I made this very tempting at times, and have always believed in me even when I did not believe in myself. I first met Angharad as a twenty year old undergraduate when she kindly agreed to supervise my dissertation on Gypsies and Travellers. She was the first person to encourage me to apply for an MA and has followed my research with interest ever since. Thank you for seeing in me what I could not see in myself all those years ago. Your suggestion quite possibly changed my life. To the advisory panel and their many insightful comments and valuable advice from day 1 to day 1095 and beyond. I owe you my profound thanks and appreciation for your contribution. To Ian Law and Bobby Sayyid who have both, at various times, stepped in to the supervisory role and given me valuable feedback and advice. Thank you for filling in, often at short notice, and giving me your time and priceless expertise. To Matthew Wilkinson for always being on hand to answer my endless emails (and complaints). Thank you for your support and for submitting my thesis on my behalf. To the ESRC for funding my research. And last but not least, to my family and friends for their immeasurable love and support. Thank you Mum (for the intellectual genes and for inspiring my interest in sociology), Papa Matt (for loving me as if I were your own), Dylan (RIP my fur baby), Dad (and the angels), Sarah, Lucy, Charlotte, Matty, Joey, Emmy, Kyan, Elisabetta, Coby, Joshy (not Joshua), Sophia, Benny (for being insane) and Joseph (for keeping me sane). - iv - Abstract This study is a sociological analysis of Romani nationalism in Britain. It explores the extent to which Britain’s Romanies support, and identify with, the notion of a “Roma Nation”. It is guided by questions regarding how Britain’s Romanies negotiate otherness, home and belonging within the context of increasing Roma migration to Britain. It looks for instances of “groupness” or “collective identity” between previously disconnected Romani populations who have been brought together by migration. Fifty-two Romanies participated in this research. They belong to three waves of Romani diaspora: Romany Gypsies who arrived in Britain in the 15th century; Roma who arrived as refuges in the 1990s; and EU Roma migrants arriving post-2004. The primary aim of this study is to explore their experience of otherness, home and belonging and how their identifications with the Roma Nation are conditioned by their positions and experiences. The participants’ relationships to Britain are associated with both strong desires to belong and/or be recognised, and a bleak reality of exclusion and otherness. In their narratives there is no given homeland to which they all relate and with which they all identify. Roma maintain strong identifications with their countries of birth and Romany Gypsies assert a strong sense of British identity. The study shows that both Roma and Romany Gypsies have little interest in and limited knowledge of, an Indian homeland. The study also highlights the internal boundaries and contradictions that divide Britain’s Romani population. The analysis shows that they remain largely divided by country of origin, national identity, religion and lifestyle. The study concludes by considering the implications of these findings on the prospect of Romani nationalism in Britain. - v - Table of Contents Contents Acknowledgements .................................................................................... iii Abstract ....................................................................................................... iv Table of Contents ........................................................................................ v Chapter 1 How the Romanies Became White (and Black Again) ............ 1 Aims of the Research ............................................................................ 2 Excluding the “Gypsy” from Race Discourse ......................................... 5 The Invisibility of the “Gypsy” in Post-War Migration ............................. 7 Policy Responses to the “Gypsy Problem” .......................................... 11 Racialising the Gypsy .......................................................................... 15 ‘Chavs Who Choose’ ........................................................................... 20 New Europeans, New Prejudices ........................................................ 26 Conclusion .......................................................................................... 30 Chapter 2 Between Identity and Ideology: The Diasporic Politics of Romani Nationalism ..................................................................... 34 Territorial Diasporas ............................................................................ 35 Deterritorial Diasporas......................................................................... 36 Framing Collective Identity .................................................................. 40 Nationalism as an Apparatus of Groupness ........................................ 43 A Nation Without A State ..................................................................... 47 Diasporising the Roma Nation ............................................................. 50 Dispersal ..................................................................................... 50 Homeland Orientation ................................................................. 51 Boundary Maintenance ............................................................... 55 A Territorial or Deterritorial Diaspora? ................................................. 58 The Contemporary Politics of Diaspora ............................................... 61 Identity Politics .................................................................................... 65 In Defence of Identity Politics .............................................................. 73 Conclusion .......................................................................................... 76 Chapter 3 Methodology ............................................................................ 79 Others, Outsiders and Plastic Gypsies ................................................ 80 Confronting the Orientalist Legacy of Social Research ....................... 88 - vi - Focus Groups as Collective Testimony ............................................... 94 What is Sociological Intervention? ...................................................... 96 Research Design ............................................................................... 100 Table 1: Sample ........................................................................ 103 Sociological Intervention in Practice .................................................. 108 The Interviews ................................................................................... 115 Ethical Considerations....................................................................... 118 Informed Consent ...................................................................... 118 Privacy, Anonymity and Confidentiality ..................................... 119 Harm ......................................................................................... 122 Rapport and Reciprocity ............................................................ 124 Managing Expectations ............................................................. 125 Analysis ............................................................................................. 125 Concluding Remarks and Reflections ............................................... 128 Chapter 4 Belonging ............................................................................... 131 Encountering Otherness .................................................................... 131 The Other “Others” ............................................................................ 138 Strategies of (In)visibility ................................................................... 141 Concealing Otherness ............................................................... 141 Reactive Otherness ................................................................... 143 Migratory Motivations ........................................................................ 150 Otherness as Multiple.......................................................................
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