Arthur Eloesser (1870-1938)
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Nazi Germany and the Jews Ch 3.Pdf
AND THE o/ w VOLUME I The Years of Persecution, i933~i939 SAUL FRIEDLANDER HarperCollinsPííMí^ers 72 • THE YEARS OF PERSECUTION, 1933-1939 dependent upon a specific initial conception and a visible direction. Such a CHAPTER 3 conception can be right or wrong; it is the starting point for the attitude to be taken toward all manifestations and occurrences of life and thereby a compelling and obligatory rule for all action."'^'In other words a worldview as defined by Hitler was a quasi-religious framework encompassing imme Redemptive Anti-Semitism diate political goals. Nazism was no mere ideological discourse; it was a political religion commanding the total commitment owed to a religious faith."® The "visible direction" of a worldview implied the existence of "final goals" that, their general and hazy formulation notwithstanding, were sup posed to guide the elaboration and implementation of short-term plans. Before the fall of 1935 Hitler did not hint either in public or in private I what the final goal of his anti-Jewish policy might be. But much earlier, as On the afternoon of November 9,1918, Albert Ballin, the Jewish owner of a fledgling political agitator, he had defined the goal of a systematic anti- the Hamburg-Amerika shipping line, took his life. Germany had lost the Jewish policy in his notorious first pohtical text, the letter on the "Jewish war, and the Kaiser, who had befriended him and valued his advice, had question" addressed on September 16,1919, to one Adolf Gemlich. In the been compelled to abdicate and flee to Holland, while in Berlin a republic short term the Jews had to be deprived of their civil rights: "The final aim was proclaimed. -
German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919
German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares Darwin College Dissertation submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy August 2019 PREFACE I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my own work and includes nothing which is the outcome of work done in collaboration except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It is not substantially the same as any other work that I have submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for a degree or diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. I further state that no substantial part of my dissertation has already been submitted, or, is being concurrently submitted for any such degree, diploma or other qualification at the University of Cambridge or any other university or similar institution except as declared in the preface and specified in the text. It does not exceed the prescribed word limit for the Faculty of History. All translations are my own unless specified in the text. i ABSTRACT German Politics and the 'Jewish Question', 1914-1919 Lucia Juliette Linares The First World War confronted German politicians with a range of unprecedented, vital questions in the spheres of domestic as well as foreign policy. As the fortunes of war shifted, so did borders, populations and national allegiances. In a period of acute and almost constant political crisis, the German government faced issues concerning citizenship, minority rights, religious identity, nationhood and statehood. My dissertation analyses these issues through the prism of the so-called 'Jewish Question'. -
Republic of Violence: the German Army and Politics, 1918-1923
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2015-09-11 Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 Bucholtz, Matthew N Bucholtz, M. N. (2015). Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. doi:10.11575/PRISM/27638 http://hdl.handle.net/11023/2451 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Republic of Violence: The German Army and Politics, 1918-1923 By Matthew N. Bucholtz A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN HISTORY CALGARY, ALBERTA SEPTEMBER, 2015 © Matthew Bucholtz 2015 Abstract November 1918 did not bring peace to Germany. Although the First World War was over, Germany began a new and violent chapter as an outbreak of civil war threatened to tear the country apart. The birth of the Weimar Republic, Germany’s first democratic government, did not begin smoothly as republican institutions failed to re-establish centralized political and military authority in the wake of the collapse of the imperial regime. Coupled with painful aftershocks from defeat in the Great War, the immediate postwar era had only one consistent force shaping and guiding political and cultural life: violence. -
Abstammungslinien-Entwurf Zur Grafik 3
Abstammungslinien-Entwurf zur Grafik 3: Stand: 5. Juni 2010 Zusammenstellung: Arndt Richter, München am 23.12.2016 ergänzt von Wolfgang Bernhardt, Hoyerswerda Diese Zusammenstellung soll linienmäßig noch erweitert werden. Ergänzungswünsche erbeten an: [email protected] Quellen: AL Anna von Mohl, (Arndt Richter, handschriftlich) AL Kinder Rösch, (Siegfried Rösch, handschriftlich) AL Max Planck (Arndt Richter, WORD-AL) AL v.Weizsäcker-v.Graevenitz, Berlin 1992 ( F. W. Euler) AL Wilhelm Hauff: AT berühmter Deutscher, Bd. 2. und Ergäzung Bd. 4. Zu Seite 46 f.: Deutsches Familienarchiv (DFA) Bd. 58, 1973 (Gmelin-Stammliste!): Zu Seite 56 f.: F. W. Euler: „Alfred v. Tirpitz und seine Ahnen“; in: AfS (1989), 55. Jg., H. 114, S. 81-100). Zu Seite 57 f: Gero v.Wilcke: Caroline Böhmer und ihre Tochter – Zur Genealogie von Schellings erster Frau; in: AfS (1975), H.57, S.39-50; und Friedrich v. Klocke: Familie und Volk (1955, S. 169). ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Abstammungslinien A (zur Grafik 3) (AvM 10170/1) Aus der AL Anna von Mohl (Zusammenstellung Arndt Richter, München) entnommen: Die Ahnen-Nrn. beziehen sich hier daher auf die AL Anna von Mohl als Probanden. Quelle zur Dynastenabstammung: Deutsches Geschlechterbuch (DGB) Bd. 170 = Schwäbisches Geschlechterbuch, 9. Band, zur Famlie Dreher, Anhang B (AL Dreher/Volland), bearbeitet von D. Dr. Otto Beuttenmüller). 20342 v. Wirtemberg (Württemberg), Graf Eberhard V., „der Junge“, * 23.8.1388, + Waiblingen 2.7.1419, □ Stuttgart; o-o (uneheliche Verbindung) 20343 v. Dagersheim, Agnes, * (Stuttgart) um 1399, das „v.“ ist Herkunftsbezeichnung, die bereits bei Ihrem Vater üblich war; ihre Eltern waren Werner v. Dagersheim, Ratsherr zu Stuttgart 1402/31, und Katharina Machtolf (war seine 2. -
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy
Conservative Parties and the Birth of Democracy How do democracies form and what makes them die? Daniel Ziblatt revisits this timely and classic question in a wide-ranging historical narrative that traces the evolution of modern political democracy in Europe from its modest beginnings in 1830s Britain to Adolf Hitler’s 1933 seizure of power in Weimar Germany. Based on rich historical and quantitative evidence, the book offers a major reinterpretation of European history and the question of how stable political democracy is achieved. The barriers to inclusive political rule, Ziblatt finds, were not inevitably overcome by unstoppable tides of socioeconomic change, a simple triumph of a growing middle class, or even by working class collective action. Instead, political democracy’s fate surprisingly hinged on how conservative political parties – the historical defenders of power, wealth, and privilege – recast themselves and coped with the rise of their own radical right. With striking modern parallels, the book has vital implications for today’s new and old democracies under siege. Daniel Ziblatt is Professor of Government at Harvard University where he is also a resident fellow of the Minda de Gunzburg Center for European Studies. He is also currently Fernand Braudel Senior Fellow at the European University Institute. His first book, Structuring the State: The Formation of Italy and Germany and the Puzzle of Federalism (2006) received several prizes from the American Political Science Association. He has written extensively on the emergence of democracy in European political history, publishing in journals such as American Political Science Review, Journal of Economic History, and World Politics. -
Power Distribution in the Weimar Reichstag in 1919-1933
Power Distribution in the Weimar Reichstag in 1919-1933 Fuad Aleskerov1, Manfred J. Holler2 and Rita Kamalova3 Abstract: ................................................................................................................................................2 1. Introduction .......................................................................................................................................2 2. The Weimar Germany 1919-1933: A brief history of socio-economic performance .......................3 3. Political system..................................................................................................................................4 3.2 Electoral system for the Reichstag ..................................................................................................6 3.3 Political parties ................................................................................................................................6 3.3.1 The Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD).....................................................................7 3.3.2 The Communist Party of Germany (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands – KPD)...............8 3.3.3 The German Democratic Party (Deutsche Demokratische Partei – DDP)...............................9 3.3.4 The Centre Party (Deutsche Zentrumspartei – Zentrum) .......................................................10 3.3.5 The German People's Party (Deutsche Volkspartei – DVP) ..................................................10 3.3.6 German-National People's Party (Deutsche -
The German Currency Crisis of 1930
Why the French said “non”: Creditor-debtor politics and the German financial crises of 1930 and 1931 Simon Banholzer, University of Zurich Tobias Straumann, University of Zurich1 First draft July, 2015 Abstract Why did France delay the Hoover moratorium in June of 1931? In many accounts, this policy is explained by Germany’s reluctance to respond to the French gestures of reconciliation in early 1931 and by the announcement to form a customs union with Austria in March of 1931. The analysis of the German currency crisis in the fall of 1930 suggests otherwise. Already then, the French government did not cooperate in order to help the Brüning government to overcome the crisis. On the contrary, it delayed the negotiation process, thus acerbating the crisis. But unlike in 1931, France did not have the veto power to obstruct the rescue. 1 Corresponding author: Tobias Straumann, Department of Economics (Economic History), Zürichbergstrasse 14, CH–8032 Zürich, Switzerland, [email protected] 1 1. Introduction The German crisis of 1931 is one the crucial moments in the course of the global slump. It led to a global liquidity crisis, bringing down the British pound and a number of other currencies and causing a banking crisis in the United States and elsewhere. The economic turmoil also had negative political consequences. The legitimacy of the Weimar Republic further eroded, Chancellor Heinrich Brüning became even more unpopular. The British historian Arnold Toynbee quite rightly dubbed the year 1931 “annus terribilis”. As with any financial crisis, the fundamental cause was a conflict of interests and a climate of mistrust between the creditors and the debtor. -
Martin Luther and Women: from the Dual Perspective of Theory and Practice
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository Graduate Studies The Vault: Electronic Theses and Dissertations 2019-06-27 Martin Luther and Women: From the Dual Perspective of Theory and Practice Jurgens, Laura Kathryn Jurgens, L. K. (2019). Martin Luther and Women: From the Dual Perspective of Theory and Practice (Unpublished doctoral thesis). University of Calgary, Calgary, AB. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/110570 doctoral thesis University of Calgary graduate students retain copyright ownership and moral rights for their thesis. You may use this material in any way that is permitted by the Copyright Act or through licensing that has been assigned to the document. For uses that are not allowable under copyright legislation or licensing, you are required to seek permission. Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca UNIVERSITY OF CALGARY Martin Luther and Women: From the Dual Perspective of Theory and Practice by Laura Kathryn Jurgens A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY GRADUATE PROGRAM IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES CALGARY, ALBERTA JUNE, 2019 © Laura Kathryn Jurgens 2019 ii Abstract This thesis argues that Martin Luther did not enforce his own strict theological convictions about women and their nature when he personally corresponded with women throughout his daily life. This becomes clear with Luther’s interactions with female family members and Reformation women. With these personal encounters, he did not maintain his theological attitudes and often made exceptions to his own theology for such exceptional or influential women. Luther also did not enforce his strict theology throughout his pastoral care where he treated both men and women respectfully and equally. -
"... Wir Müssen Alles in Der Hand Haben."
MINISTERIUM UND GESCHICHTE „ ... wir mssen alles in der Hand haben.“ Justizpolitik in der SBZ und der DDR 1945–1954 „ ... wir müssen alles in der Hand haben.“ * Justizpolitik in der SBZ und der DDR 1945–1954 * Ulbricht, Walter (1945) zitiert nach Leonhard, Wolfgang: Die Revolution entläßt ihre Kinder, Köln 1955, S. 440. 5 Vorwort Zentralverwaltung der Justiz (DJV) in den Einsatz von Volksrichtern ebenso der SBZ und das Ministerium der wie die Verflechtungen zwischen Justiz Justiz (MdJ) der DDR allerdings ihr und SED. Weiterhin verdeutlicht die Justiz- und Justizverwaltungspersonal Broschüre, wie sehr die unterschied- gewannen, war nicht Gegenstand des lichen Vorstellungen der Alliierten den „Rosenburg-Projekts“. Diese Lücke Aufbau und die Ausrichtung der Justiz schließt die vorliegende Broschüre. und der Justizverwaltung in den beiden Teilen Deutschlands geprägt haben. Das Wissen um die unterschiedlichen Justizsysteme in beiden deutschen Die Veröffentlichung ist ein wichtiger Staaten und um den unterschiedlichen Beitrag zur historischen und politischen Umgang dieser Systeme mit der ge- Bildung. Ihrem Autor, Herrn Professor meinsamen NS-Vergangenheit ist vor Hubert Rottleuthner, spreche ich allem für Juristinnen und Juristen meinen Dank aus. Ich freue mich, wertvoll. Die politische Einflussnahme dass die Broschüre die von meinem auf das Justizsystem müssen gerade sie Ministerium herausgegebene mit klarem, historisch informiertem Broschürenreihe zur Geschichte des Blick zu beurteilen wissen. Unser Justizressorts um einen wertvollen Rechtsstaat braucht zudem die Unter- Beitrag zur Justizgeschichte ergänzt. Sie halten eine Veröffentlichung über die Aufarbeitung der NS-Vergangenheit stützung aufgeklärter und aufmerk- die Justizpolitik in der DDR und der in den Justizministerien geben kann. samer Bürgerinnen und Bürger. Das SBZ in den Jahren 1945 - 1954 in den Wissen um die Fehler und Versäumnisse Händen. -
Meet Martin Luther: an Introductory Biographical Sketch
Andrews University Seminary Studies, Spring 1984, Vol. 22, No. 1, 15-32. Copyright O 1984 by Andrews University Press. MEET MARTIN LUTHER: AN INTRODUCTORY BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH KENNETH A. STRAND Andrews University Introductory Note: The following biographical sketch is very brief, given primarily to provide the nonspecialist in Luther studies with an introductory outline of the Reformer's career. Inasmuch as the details presented are generally well-known and are readily accessible in various sources, documentation has been eliminated in this presentation. Numerous Luther biographies are available. Two of the more readable and authoritative ones in the English language which may be mentioned here are Roland H. Bainton, Here I Stand (New York: Abingdon Press, 1950), and Ernest G. Schwiebert, Luther and His Times (St. Louis, Mo.: Concordia Publishing House, 1950). These or any number of good Luther biographies may be con- sulted for a detailed treatment of Luther's career. Following the sketch below, a chronological listing is provided of important dates and events in Luther's life and in the contemporary world from the year of his birth to the year of his death. Just over 500 years ago, on November 10, 1483, Martin Luther was born in the town of Eisleben, in central Germany (now within the German Democratic Republic or "East Germany"). He was the oldest son of Hans and Margarethe (nee Ziegler) Luther, who had recently moved to Eisleben from Thuringian agricultural lands to the west. It appears that before Martin's first birthday, the family moved again-this time a few miles northward to the town of Mans- feld, which was more centrally located for the mining activity which Hans Luther had taken up. -
Helmut Schmidt Prize Lecture German Historical Institute at Washington
Helmut Schmidt Prize Lecture German Historical Institute at Washington DC December 10, 2015, 6 p.m. Austerity: Views of Chancellor Brüning’s and President Hoover’s Fiscal Policies from Across the Atlantic, 1930-32 Carl-Ludwig Holtfrerich John F. Kennedy-Institute for North American Studies Freie Universtät Berlin Contents: 0. Acknowledgements and thanks 1. Introduction 2. Fact and circumstance: similarities and differences 3. Chancellor Brüning’s fiscal policy in American public opinion 4. President Hoover’s fiscal policy as mirrored in a German newspaper 5. Conclusions 0. Acknowledgements and thanks Helmut Schmidt died exactly one month ago, on the tenth of November. As opinion polls show, he ranks as the most highly esteemed chancellor that the Federal Republic of Germany has ever had. The Helmut Schmidt Prize pays tribute to him for his part in transforming the framework of transatlantic economic cooperation. I would add that with his pragmatism and common sense he has been the most Anglo-Saxon of all chancellors in Germany’s history. I think that he would have appreciated the transatlantic perspective of my lecture today. My admiration for Helmut Schmidt has other roots as well. First, I was very impressed by the pragmatic and results-oriented instead of rules-oriented way he handled the flood in his city of Hamburg in February 1962, in his capacity as the city-state’s Senator of the police force and shortly thereafter of the interior. Second, ten years later, in the fall of 1972, I witnessed the skillful way Schmidt calmed down a group of very upset leading industrialists at a meeting of the 1 Federation of German Industry in Cologne. -
Elections in the Weimar Republic the Elections to the Constituent National
HISTORICAL EXHIBITION PRESENTED BY THE GERMAN BUNDESTAG ____________________________________________________________________________________________________ Elections in the Weimar Republic The elections to the constituent National Assembly on 19 January 1919 were the first free and democratic national elections after the fall of the monarchy. For the first time, women had the right to vote and to stand for election. The MSPD and the Centre Party, together with the German Democratic Party, which belonged to the Liberal Left, won an absolute majority of seats in the Reichstag; these three parties formed the government known as the Weimar Coalition under the chancellorship of Philipp Scheidemann of the SPD. The left-wing Socialist USPD, on the other hand, which had campaigned for sweeping collectivisation measures and radical economic changes, derived no benefit from the unrest that had persisted since the start of the November revolution and was well beaten by the MSPD and the other mainstream parties. On 6 June 1920, the first Reichstag of the Weimar democracy was elected. The governing Weimar Coalition suffered heavy losses at the polls, losing 124 seats and thus its parliamentary majority, and had to surrender the reins of government. The slightly weakened Centre Party, whose vote was down by 2.3 percentage points, the decimated German Democratic Party, whose vote slumped by 10.3 percentage points, and the rejuvenated German People’s Party (DVP) of the Liberal Right, whose share of the vote increased by 9.5 percentage points, formed a minority government under the Centrist Konstantin Fehrenbach, a government tolerated by the severely weakened MSPD, which had seen its electoral support plummet by 16.2 percentage points.