E-Mail: [email protected]

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

E-Mail: Spr@Africaonline.Co.Ke UGANDA GOVERNANCE & DEMOCRACY SURVEY REPORT COMMISSIONED BY: CONDUCTED BY: STRATEGIC PR&R BOX 7201, NAIROBI, KENYA TEL: 254-601005 FAX: 254-601839 e-mail: [email protected] 1 TABLE OF CONTENTS Executive Summary ……………………………………………….. 3 Section 1.0.0 Background ……………………………………………….. 12 Section 2.0.0 Introduction ……………………………………………….. 14 Section 3.0.0 Survey Objectives ……………………………………….. 15 Section 4.0.0 Survey Methodology ……………………………………….. 16 Section 5.0.0 Demographics Results ……………………………………….. 18 Section 6.0.0 Survey Findings ……………………………………….. 23 Section 7.0.0 Understanding of Democracy ……………………………….. 32 Section 8.0.0 Constitutional Reform ……………………………………….. 51 Section 9.0.0 Political Parties ……………………………………………….. 55 Uganda Governance & Democracy Poll ……………………………….. 73 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The International Republican Institute (IRI) is a non-profit organization based in Washington, D.C., dedicated to advancing democracy, freedom, self-government and the rule of law worldwide. IRI programs are nonpartisan and adhere to the fundamental principles of individual freedom, equal opportunity and the entrepreneurial spirit. IRI is working in 40 countries worldwide. IRI commissioned Strategic Public Relations & Research Ltd., to conduct the Uganda Governance and Democracy Survey on 21 May to 13 June 2003. The survey, which was national in scope, targeted Ugandans 18 years and above, and data was collected between 24 May and 29 May 2003. The primary purpose of the public opinion findings presented in this report was to gauge contemporary attitudes in Uganda toward democracy, leadership and participation. As Uganda undergoes a momentous transition from the Movement system of government to a more pluralistic system, these findings illuminate perceptions about the content and context of institutional rules that determine decision-making. Among all stripes of democracies, the routine engagement of broader public audiences is important for present and future leaders as they strive to achieve such rules. Highlighting the views gleaned from 3,000 respondents across the socioeconomic and demographic spectrums is an exercise in civic education that should inform Uganda’s political decisions for prosperity and posterity. The findings are broken into four categories: Understanding Democracy; Trust in the Leadership, Constitutional Reforms; and Perceptions of Political Parties. On the first scope, there is broad understanding of democracy as a system based on consensus and participatory decision-making, knowledge that derives from socialization in schools. Although the Movement is generally perceived as a democracy (68%), many respondents believe that Uganda is not free on most criteria universally associated with democracy such as the freedom to express political views (49%), the media (56%), freedom to assemble (56%) and freedom to practice religion (50%). On the dimensions of Trust in the Leadership, a majority trusts the President (54%), Parliament (51%), Local Council V (48%), Local Council III (48%), Local Council I (51%), Civil Society (57%) and Religious Leaders (62%). But the respondents express mistrust for the Electoral Commission (50%) and the Opposition Parties (49%). On Constitutional Reforms, 49% believe in the independence of the Constitution Review Commission of Uganda. Notably, 41% support the notion of a third term for President Yoweri Museveni, in contrast to 37% who oppose it. There are conflicting perceptions about the role of political parties in Uganda: 60% of the respondents believe that they are the source of political strife, yet the same number perceive political parties as essential to meaningful political choice. Moreover, an equally large number (69%) are of the opinion that legalizing political party activities will generate conflict, and should there be an expansion of the political space, 46% express the fear of worsening conflicts. Nevertheless, there is consensus both on the fact that political parties should be allowed to operate without restrictions (50%) and the need to limit the number of political parties (55%). Looking into the future, most respondents (72%) feel that the current political parties will continue to exist, while 63% desire the creation of new ones. In addition, 67% feel that the Movement will transform itself into a political party. Finally, there is also a consistent pattern in the choice of political parties with respondents basing their decisions on religion (38%), personality (23%) and party policies (8%). The salient findings are summarized in detail below: 3 PART 1: DEMOGRAPHICS Age: 18 to 25 (25.5%), 26 to 35 (30.4%), 36 to 45 (26%), 46 to 55 (11.3%) and above 55 (3.4%). Education: No education (3.9%), Pre-primary (5.9%), Primary (20%), Secondary (35.7%), Tertiary (14.2%) and University (15.5%). Religion: Catholic (36.8%), Protestant (35.2%), Anglican (7.9%), Muslim (13.4%), Hindu (1.7%) and Traditionalists (1.6%). Gender: Male (52%) and female (48%). Urban/Rural: Rural (58.7%) and Urban (41.3%). PART 2: SURVEY FINDINGS SECTION ONE: GENERAL 1. When asked how respondents identified themselves in addition to being Ugandans, about 56.9% of respondents identified themselves by their ethnic orientation while 27.2% identified themselves by economic orientation and 7.7% by religion. 2. As individuals, an overwhelming majority of 78.3% primarily identified themselves as Ugandans (high sense of patriotism), while only 8.7% identified themselves by ethnic orientation, 6.6% by religion and 6.3% by clan orientation. 3. Citizen participation is high with about 73% of respondents indicating that they often discussed politics with friends and neighbors while another 61.5% attended community meetings. 35.6% often met to raise issues and 24.3% often contacted area members of parliament to raise issues. 4. Radio is the most popular source of news with 75.1% of respondents indicating usage of the medium. Newspapers follow radio with 50.2%, television with 27.7% and local meetings with 20.4%. SECTION TWO: VOTING BEHAVIOR 5. An overwhelming majority of 86.1% of respondents (ages 18 years and above) indicated they were registered to vote compared to 13.9% who were not. 6. Those not registered to vote gave the following reasons: • Too busy 21.4% • Lack of interest in current candidates 17.7% • My vote does not matter 16.5% 7. An overwhelming majority of respondents (92.3%) thought their votes matter in deciding national issues as opposed to only 6.5% who thought otherwise. 8. Of those registered to vote, an overwhelming majority of respondents 86.3% voted in 2001 Presidential Elections as opposed to 7.3% who did not, while 6.4% did not respond to the question. 4 9. Those who did not vote in 2001 Presidential Elections gave the following reasons: • Lack of suitable candidate 48.1% • Unable to get to polling station 13.7% • Missing names on register 10.9% • Fear of intimidation 8.7% 10. About 65.1% of respondents voted for President Yoweri Museveni while 22.7% voted for Besigye and 6.1% Awori. 11. About 60.5% voted during the referendum in 2000 as opposed to 15.1% who did not. 12. Those who did not vote during the referendum gave the following reasons: • Name missing from register 23.7% • Referendum unfair 21.2% • Unable to get to polling station 17.5% • Fear of violence or intimidation 12.4% 13. About 59% of those who voted in the referendum supported the Movement while 33.8% wanted the political system changed. SECTION THREE: STATUS OF UGANDANS 14. A majority of 73.2% of respondents said Ugandans are better off today than they were 20 years ago as opposed to 24.1% who thought otherwise. 15. An overwhelming majority of 75.8% of respondents said Ugandans are more secure today than they were 20 years ago compared to 19.5% who thought otherwise. SECTION FOUR: UNDERSTANDING OF DEMOCRACY 16. About 38.5% of respondents defined democracy in terms of decision-making by consensus while 27.1% defined it in terms of participation in decision- making and 6.1% in terms of social equity. Only 3.4% defined it in terms of multiparty politics. 17. About 56% of respondents learned the definition of democracy in school, 25.1% got it from friends, 13.4% from family and 12.2% from media. 18. When asked to rank what they associate democracy with on a scale of 1 to 5 (where 1 is mostly, 2 more, 3 moderately, 4 somewhat and 5 least associate), these were the mean scores: • Going to polling stations and voting 2.1 out of 5 • Participating in local community meetings 2.4 out of 5 • Action of being law abiding citizen 2.5 out of 5 • Questioning local and national leaders 2.95 out of 5 This means that Ugandans associate democracy primarily with activities such as going to polling stations and voting, followed by participating in local meetings, action of being law abiding and lastly with questioning local and national leaders. The score differences are insignificant. 5 Ranking of Association with Democracy Mean Percent Going to polling station and voting 2.1 27.5 Participating in local community meetings 2.3 26.0 Action of being law abiding citizen 2.5 24.8 Questioning local and national leaders 2.9 21.8 Ranking of Association with Democracy Questioning local and national leaders Action of being law abiding citizen Participating in local community Ranking ItemRanking meetings Going to polling station and voting 0.0 5.0 10.0 15.0 20.0 25.0 30.0 Percent Ranking of Association with Democracy by Location Questioning local and national leaders Action of being law abiding citizen Participating in local community Ranking ItemRanking meetings Going to polling station and voting 0.0 10.0 20.0 30.0 40.0 50.0 60.0 Urban Percent Rural 6 Ranking of Association with Democracy by Gender Questioning local and national leaders Action of being Rankinglaw Item abiding citizen Participating in local community meetings Going to polling station and voting 46.0 47.0 48.0 49.0 50.0 51.0 52.0 53.0 Percent Females Males 19.
Recommended publications
  • Rule by Law: Discriminatory Legislation and Legitimized Abuses in Uganda
    RULE BY LAW DIscRImInAtORy legIslAtIOn AnD legItImIzeD Abuses In ugAnDA Amnesty International is a global movement of more than 3 million supporters, members and activists in more than 150 countries and territories who campaign to end grave abuses of human rights. Our vision is for every person to enjoy all the rights enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and other international human rights standards. We are independent of any government, political ideology, economic interest or religion and are funded mainly by our membership and public donations. First published in 2014 by Amnesty International Ltd Peter Benenson House 1 Easton Street London WC1X 0DW United Kingdom © Amnesty International 2014 Index: AFR 59/06/2014 Original language: English Printed by Amnesty International, International Secretariat, United Kingdom All rights reserved. This publication is copyright, but may be reproduced by any method without fee for advocacy, campaigning and teaching purposes, but not for resale. The copyright holders request that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for reuse in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, prior written permission must be obtained from the publishers, and a fee may be payable. To request permission, or for any other inquiries, please contact [email protected] Cover photo: Ugandan activists demonstrate in Kampala on 26 February 2014 against the Anti-Pornography Act. © Isaac Kasamani amnesty.org CONTENTS 1. Introduction
    [Show full text]
  • Adminstrative Law and Governance Project Kenya, Malawi and Uganda
    LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN UGANDA By Rose Nakayi ADMINSTRATIVE LAW AND GOVERNANCE PROJECT KENYA, MALAWI AND UGANDA The researcher acknowledges the research assistance offered by James Nkuubi and Brian Kibirango 1 Contents I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 3 II. LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN THE HISTORICAL CONTEXT............................................................. 6 A. Local Governance in the Pre-Independence Period ........................................................................... 6 B. Rule Making, Public Participation and Accountability in Pre independence Uganda ....................... 10 C. The Post-Independence Period........................................................................................................ 11 D. Post 1986 Period ............................................................................................................................ 12 III. LOCAL GOVERNANCE IN THE POST 1995 CONSTITUTIONAL AND LEGAL REGIME ...... 12 A. Local Governance Under the 1995 Constitution and the Local Governments Act ................................ 12 B. Kampala Capital City: A Unique Position........................................................................................... 14 C. Public Participation in Rule Making in Local Governments and KCCA .............................................. 19 IV. ADJUDICATION OF DISPUTES AND IMPACT OF JUDICIAL REVIEW ................................. 24 D. Adjudication
    [Show full text]
  • Democracy Or Fallacy: Discourses Shaping Multi-Party Politics and Development in Uganda
    Journal of African Democracy and Development Vol. 1, Issue 2, 2017, 109-127, www.kas.de/Uganda/en/ Democracy or Fallacy: Discourses Shaping Multi-Party Politics and Development in Uganda Jacqueline Adongo Masengoa Abstract This paper examines the discourses shaping the introduction of multi-party politics in Uganda and how it is linked to democracy and development. The paper shows that most Ugandans prefer multi-party politics because they link it to democracy and development. This is why when the National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) captured power in 1986 and multi-party politics was abolished, there was pressure from the public to reinstate it through the 2005 referendum in which the people voted in favour of a multi- party system. The paper also examines the role played by Ugandan politicians and professional middle class such as writers and literary critics (local agency) in the return of multi-party politics in Uganda. It explores their contribution of in re-democratising the Ugandan state and argues that despite the common belief that multi-party politics aids democracy and development, it might not be the case in Uganda. Multi-party politics in Uganda has turned out not to necessarily mean democracy, and eventually development. The paper grapples with the question of what democracy is in Uganda and/ or to Ugandans, and the extent to which the Ugandan political arena can be considered democratic, and as a fertile ground for development. Did the return to multi- party politics in Uganda guarantee democracy or is it just a fallacy? What is the relationship between democracy and development in Uganda? Keywords: Multi-party politics, democracy, Fallacy, Uganda 1.
    [Show full text]
  • United Nations A/HRC/WG.6/26/L.7
    United Nations A/HRC/WG.6/26/L.7 General Assembly Distr.: Limited 16 November 2016 Original: English UNEDITED VERSION Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review Twenty-sixth session Geneva, 31 October–11 November 2016 Draft report of the Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review* Uganda * The annex to the present report is circulated as received. GE. A/HRC/WG.6/26/L.7 Contents Page Introduction ...................................................................................................................................... 3 I Summary of the proceedings of the review process ......................................................................... 3 A. Presentation by the State under review .................................................................................... 3 B. Interactive dialogue and responses by the State under review ................................................. 5 II. Conclusions and/or recommendations .............................................................................................. 12 Annex Composition of the delegation ......................................................................................................... 27 2 A/HRC/WG.6/26/L.7 Introduction 1. The Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review, established in accordance with Human Rights Council resolution 5/1, held its twenty-sixth session from 31st October to 11 November 2016. The review of Uganda was held at the 7th meeting on 3 November 2016. The delegation of Uganda was headed by the Minister
    [Show full text]
  • Local Governments Act
    CHAPTER 243 THE LOCAL GOVERNMENTS ACT. Arrangement of Sections. Section PART I—PRELIMINARY. 1. Interpretation. 2. Objectives of the Act. PART II—LOCAL GOVERNMENTS. 3. Local governments. 4. City to be equivalent to a district. 5. Municipality and town to be lower local governments. 6. Local governments to be bodies corporate. 7. Boundaries of local council units. 8. Cooperation among districts. PART III—LOCAL GOVERNMENT SETUP. 9. Local government councils. District councils. 10. Composition of district councils. 11. Speaker and deputy speaker of a district council. 12. District chairperson. 13. Functions of the chairperson. 14. Removal of chairperson from office. 15. Mayor. 16. District executive committee. 17. Functions of a district executive committee. 18. Appointment and functions of vice chairperson and secretaries. 19. Full-time service of chairperson and secretaries. 20. Vacation of office of member of district executive committee. 21. Censure against member of district executive committee. 22. District committees and functions. Lower local government councils. 23. Lower local government councils. 24. Functions of a chairperson of a lower government council. 25. Composition of an executive committee of a lower local government council. 26. Functions of a lower local government executive committee. Local governments generally. 27. Councillors not to hold two political offices, etc. 28. Meetings of local government councils. 29. Elected officials to be part time. PART IV—FUNCTIONS AND POWERS OF LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS. 30. Functions, powers and services of a council. 31. Services to be provided on request of a council. 32. Delegation of functions by a Minister or council. 33. Delegation by a local government council to chairperson, etc.
    [Show full text]
  • Local Government Councils' Perfomance and Public
    LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS’ PERFOMANCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE DELIVERY IN UGANDA MUKONO DISTRICT COUNCIL SCORE-CARD REPORT 2009/2010 LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS’ PERFOMANCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE DELIVERY IN UGANDA MUKONO DISTRICT COUNCIL SCORE-CARD REPORT 2009/2010 Lillian Muyomba-Tamale Godber W. Tumushabe Ivan Amanigaruhanga Viola Bwanika-Semyalo Emma Jones 1 ACODE Policy Research Series No. 45, 2011 LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS’ PERFOMANCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE DELIVERY IN UGANDA MUKONO DISTRICT COUNCIL SCORE-CARD REPORT 2009/2010 2 LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS’ PERFOMANCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE DELIVERY IN UGANDA MUKONO DISTRICT COUNCIL SCORE-CARD REPORT 2009/2010 LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS’ PERFORMANCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE DELIVERY IN UGANDA MUKONO DISTRICT COUNCIL SCORE-CARD REPORT 2009/10 Lillian Muyomba-Tamale Godber W. Tumushabe Ivan Amanigaruhanga Viola Bwanika-Semyalo Emma Jones i LOCAL GOVERNMENT COUNCILS’ PERFOMANCE AND PUBLIC SERVICE DELIVERY IN UGANDA MUKONO DISTRICT COUNCIL SCORE-CARD REPORT 2009/2010 Published by ACODE P. O. Box 29836, Kampala Email: [email protected], [email protected] Website: http://www.acode-u.org Citation: Muyomba-Tamale, L., (2011). Local Government Councils’ Performance and public Service Delivery in Uganda: Mukono District Council Score-Card Report 2009/10. ACODE Policy Research Series, No. 45, 2011. Kampala. © ACODE 2011 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher. ACODE policy work is supported by generous donations and grants from bilateral donors and charitable foundations. The reproduction or use of this publication for academic or charitable purpose or for purposes of informing public policy is excluded from this general exemption.
    [Show full text]
  • Fragmented Ruling Coalitions and Economic Developments in Uganda Anne Mette Kjær and Mesharch Katusiimeh
    DIIS WORKINGDIIS WORKING PAPER 20PAPER12:07 Growing but not transforming: Fragmented ruling coalitions and economic developments in Uganda Anne Mette Kjær and Mesharch Katusiimeh DIIS Working Paper 2012:07 WORKING PAPER WORKING 1 DIIS WORKING PAPER 2012:07 ANNE METTE KJÆR Associate professor Department of Political Science, Aarhus University [email protected] MESHARCH KATUSIIMEH Lecturer in Political Science and Public Administration at Uganda Christian University. DIIS Working Papers make available DIIS researchers’ and DIIS project partners’ work in progress towards proper publishing. They may include important documentation which is not necessarily published elsewhere. DIIS Working Papers are published under the responsibility of the author alone. DIIS Working Papers should not be quoted without the express permission of the author. DIIS WORKING PAPER 2012:07 © The authors and DIIS, Copenhagen 2012 Danish Institute for International Studies, DIIS Strandgade 56, DK-1401 Copenhagen, Denmark Ph: +45 32 69 87 87 Fax: +45 32 69 87 00 E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.diis.dk Cover Design: Carsten Schiøler Layout: Allan Lind Jørgensen Printed in Denmark by Vesterkopi AS ISBN: 978-87-7605-493-9 Price: DKK 25.00 (VAT included) DIIS publications can be downloaded free of charge from www.diis.dk 2 DIIS WORKING PAPER 2012:07 DIIS WORKING PAPER SUB-SERIES ON ELITES, PRODUCTION AND POVERTY This working paper sub-series includes papers generated in relation to the research programme ‘Elites, Production and Poverty’. This collaborative research programme, launched in 2008, brings together research institutions and universities in Bangladesh, Denmark, Ghana, Mozam- bique, Tanzania and Uganda and is funded by the Danish Consultative Research Committee for Development Research.
    [Show full text]
  • Oxfam in Uganda Inequality Report Compressed
    WHO IS GROWING? ENDING INEQUALITY IN UGANDA SECTION 1 2 3 4 5 ENDORSEMENTS HONOURABLE REBECCA A. KADAGA barriers to progress and emancipation, Speaker of Parliament of Uganda especially in a highly patriarchal society like Uganda. I was distressed when one May 2016 morning I received a call from a mother living in one of Through technology, some agencies have done the city slums. She was distraught because a good job fighting inequality and exposing the adjustment government had made to high level corruption. Parliament has done its excise duty on piped water made her unable part to make recommendations for action and to purchase the five twenty-liter jerricans of sanctions. Still, we are yet to see real political water per day for her family’s needs. She could will in stopping corruption. Corruption has been now only afford two jerricans, not enough for institutionalized and no one seems to have the her house chores. At the stroke of a pen, her moral authority to clamp it down. Taxpayers’ life had been drastically altered. I told her I money and morale of Ugandans will continue would ensure a review in the following budget to dissipate until we solve the problem of cycle. corruption which, as Oxfam’s report highlights, remains a major driver of inequality. It is not just taxes that affect lives but also other factors such as access to credit. Despite Parliament’s demands (over the last twenty years) that government establish HIS GRACE STANLEY NTAGALI an agricultural bank for farmers, revive Archbishop of the Church of Uganda cooperative banks and, most importantly, create incentives for financial institutions Oxfam’s report is a revelation to all the people to spread beyond Kampala, Wakiso and of Uganda to look critically, even beyond this Mukono districts, there has been lethargy research.
    [Show full text]
  • Making a Difference Beyond Numbers
    Making A Difference 9 789 970 2 9 010123 9630 ISBN: 9970-29-013-0 Beyond Numbers: Towards women's substantive engagement in political leadership in Uganda i Research Team Prof. Josephine Ahikire; Lead Researcher Dr. Peace Musiimenta Mr. Amon Ashaba Mwiine Ms Ruth Ojiambo Ochieng Ms Juliet Were Oguttu Ms Helen Kezie-Nwoha Ms Suzan Nkinzi Mr. Bedha Balikudembe Kirevu Mr. Archie Luyimbazi Ms Harriet Nabukeera Musoke Ms Prossy Nakaye Ms Gloria Oguttu Adeti Editors Mr. Bedha Balikudembe Kirevu Ms Ruth Ojiambo Ochieng Ms Juliet Were Oguttu Ms Helen Kezie-Nwoha Correspondence: Please address all correspondence to: The Executive Director Isis-Women’s International Cross Cultural Exchange (Isis-WICCE) Plot 7 Martyrs Rd. Ntinda P.O.Box 4934 Kampala – Uganda Tel: 256-414-543953 Fax: 256-414-543954 Email: [email protected] Website: http://www.isis.or.ug ISBN: 9970-29-013-0 All Rights Reserved. Requests for permission to reproduce or translate this publication for education and non commercial purposes should be addressed to Isis-WICCE. Design and Layout: WEVUGIRA James Ssemanobe ii TABLE OF CONTENTS List of tables iv Acronyms v Acknowledgement vi Foreword viii Executive Summary x 1.0 Introduction 1 1.1 Background to the Study 1 1.2 Focus of the Study 3 1.3 Study Objectives 4 1.4 Methodology 5 1.5 Women Political Leaders Making a Difference: A Conceptual Mapping 6 2.0 The Numbers: An Overview 7 2.1 Parliament and District Local Councils 7 2.2 Women Political Leaders in Other Government Institutions 11 3.0 Women Political Leaders beyond Physical Presence
    [Show full text]
  • HOSTILE to DEMOCRACY the Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda
    HOSTILE TO DEMOCRACY The Movement System and Political Repression in Uganda Human Rights Watch New York $$$ Washington $$$ London $$$ Brussels Copyright 8 August 1999 by Human Rights Watch. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America. ISBN 1-56432-239-4 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 99-65985 Cover design by Rafael Jiménez Addresses for Human Rights Watch 350 Fifth Avenue, 34th Floor, New York, NY 10118-3299 Tel: (212) 290-4700, Fax: (212) 736-1300, E-mail: [email protected] 1522 K Street, N.W., #910, Washington, DC 20005-1202 Tel: (202) 371-6592, Fax: (202) 371-0124, E-mail: [email protected] 33 Islington High Street, N1 9LH London, UK Tel: (171) 713-1995, Fax: (171) 713-1800, E-mail: [email protected] 15 Rue Van Campenhout, 1000 Brussels, Belgium Tel: (2) 732-2009, Fax: (2) 732-0471, E-mail:[email protected] Web Site Address: http://www.hrw.org Listserv address: To subscribe to the list, send an e-mail message to [email protected] with Asubscribe hrw-news@ in the body of the message (leave the subject line blank). Human Rights Watch is dedicated to protecting the human rights of people around the world. We stand with victims and activists to prevent discrimination, to uphold political freedom, to protect people from inhumane conduct in wartime, and to bring offenders to justice. We investigate and expose human rights violations and hold abusers accountable. We challenge governments and those who hold power to end abusive practices and respect international human rights law. We enlist the public and the international community to support the cause of human rights for all.
    [Show full text]
  • Politics in Uganda Today
    Politics in Uganda Today June 24, 2014 Structure of Government • National--Presidential Republic – President is head of state and government • Regions--Northern, Central, Eastern, Western • District--112 in the country (111+ Kampala) – Chairperson of the Local Council V – National gov’t appoints a Resident District Commissioner – May overlap with Kingdom government • County • Sub-county • Village(Parish)--local council I US Dept. of State Background Notes • Constitution: Ratified July 12, 1995 • Independence: October 9, 1962 • Branches: Executive--president, vice president, prime minister, cabinet • Legislative--parliament; since February 2011 375 members: 112 special seats for women, 10 special seats for military, five for youth, and five for persons with disabilities. • Judicial--Magistrates' Courts, High Court, Political Parties • 38 registered parties • Major parties include – National Resistance Movement (NRM, ruling party) – Forum for a Democratic Change (FDC) – Democratic Party (DP) – Conservative Party (CP) – Justice Forum (JEEMA) – Uganda People’s Congress (UPC) Principal Government Officials • President and Commander in Chief--Yoweri Kaguta Museveni • Vice President--Edward Ssekandi • Prime Minister--Amama Mbabazi • Foreign Minister--Sam Kutesa • Minister of Defense--Crispus Kiyonga • Ambassador to the United States--Perezi K. Kamunanwire • Ambassador to the United Nations--acting Article by Tangri & Mwenda • WHY is Museveni (like other African leaders) so determined to maintain power? • Museveni believes he is indispensable
    [Show full text]
  • Nomination Violence in Uganda's National
    Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/afraf/advance-article/doi/10.1093/afraf/adab013/6217450 by University College Dublin user on 18 April 2021 African Affairs, 00/00, 1–22 doi: 10.1093/afraf/adab013 © The Author(s) 2021. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of Royal African Society. All rights reserved. For permissions, please e-mail: [email protected] NOMINATION VIOLENCE IN UGANDA’S NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT ANNE METTE KJÆR AND MESHARCH W. KATUSIIMEH* ABSTRACT Institutional explanations of intra-party violence rarely address political economy dynamics shaping the institutions in question, and therefore they fail to understand their emergence and their stability. Specifically, focus- ing on institutional factors alone does not enable a nuanced understanding of candidate nomination violence and why some constituencies are peace- ful while others are violent. This article theorizes nomination violence in dominant-party systems in sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on political set- tlement theory, it examines the nature of nomination violence in Uganda’s October 2015 National Resistance Movement (NRM) primaries. We argue that the violence is a constitutive part of Uganda’s political settle- ment under the NRM. Nomination procedures remain weak in order for the NRM ruling elite to include multiple factions that compete for access while being able to intervene in the election process when needed. This means, in turn, that violence tends to become particularly prominent in constituencies characterized by proxy wars, where competition between local candidates is reinforced by a conflict among central-level elites in the president’s inner circle. We call for the proxy war thesis to be tested in case studies of other dominant parties’ nomination processes.
    [Show full text]