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Iraq: Opposition to the Government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI)
Country Policy and Information Note Iraq: Opposition to the government in the Kurdistan Region of Iraq (KRI) Version 2.0 June 2021 Preface Purpose This note provides country of origin information (COI) and analysis of COI for use by Home Office decision makers handling particular types of protection and human rights claims (as set out in the Introduction section). It is not intended to be an exhaustive survey of a particular subject or theme. It is split into two main sections: (1) analysis and assessment of COI and other evidence; and (2) COI. These are explained in more detail below. Assessment This section analyses the evidence relevant to this note – i.e. the COI section; refugee/human rights laws and policies; and applicable caselaw – by describing this and its inter-relationships, and provides an assessment of, in general, whether one or more of the following applies: • A person is reasonably likely to face a real risk of persecution or serious harm • The general humanitarian situation is so severe as to breach Article 15(b) of European Council Directive 2004/83/EC (the Qualification Directive) / Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iii) of the Immigration Rules • The security situation presents a real risk to a civilian’s life or person such that it would breach Article 15(c) of the Qualification Directive as transposed in paragraph 339C and 339CA(iv) of the Immigration Rules • A person is able to obtain protection from the state (or quasi state bodies) • A person is reasonably able to relocate within a country or territory • A claim is likely to justify granting asylum, humanitarian protection or other form of leave, and • If a claim is refused, it is likely or unlikely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under section 94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. -
From the Heart of Kurdistan Region
From the Heart of Kurdistan Region The only English paper in Iraq - No: 564 Mon. January 23, 2017 _ “Serious work and fewer words should be done on independence.” _ Barzani GLOBE PHOTO The Kurdish Globe No. 564, Monday, January 23, 2017 2 The Card KRG to Iran on Saudi consulate of the PKK and row: no one is entitled to request a consulate be closed in Erbil Narrowness in Politics! By | Gazi Hassan In recent years, the public civil and also some parties use PKK struggle and movement in Northee against KDP in the internal conflict, ern Kurdistan served PKK as an while KDP will not hesitate in using armed force a great deal, whilst the its cards against the games playing No one is entitled to ree Region destabilizes peace serious stance on these ire civil struggle has caused disputes in against it. quest that a consulate be and causes chaos. responsible statements and their view regarding the future of Iran has called on Saudi Arabia for closed in Erbil, the Kurde Mohammad Hossein also takes steps to prevent their public position in Kurdistan. cooperation in solving the problems istan Regional Governe Rajabi, the commander of them from recurring,” the The people who were about to ese and the conflicts in Syria, Yemen, ment (KRG) said Sunday the powerful Islamic Reve KRG's statement read. tablish the rights, role and identity Bahrain and other places. To what in a statement responding olutionary Guards (IRGC) “These unacceptable of Kurds in Turkey, were causing this Iran’s new stance is related? to remarks made by an Irae in the Kurdish province -
Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region
KURDISTAN RISING? CONSIDERATIONS FOR KURDS, THEIR NEIGHBORS, AND THE REGION Michael Rubin AMERICAN ENTERPRISE INSTITUTE Kurdistan Rising? Considerations for Kurds, Their Neighbors, and the Region Michael Rubin June 2016 American Enterprise Institute © 2016 by the American Enterprise Institute. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be used or reproduced in any man- ner whatsoever without permission in writing from the American Enterprise Institute except in the case of brief quotations embodied in news articles, critical articles, or reviews. The views expressed in the publications of the American Enterprise Institute are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the staff, advisory panels, officers, or trustees of AEI. American Enterprise Institute 1150 17th St. NW Washington, DC 20036 www.aei.org. Cover image: Grand Millennium Sualimani Hotel in Sulaymaniyah, Kurdistan, by Diyar Muhammed, Wikimedia Commons, Creative Commons. Contents Executive Summary 1 1. Who Are the Kurds? 5 2. Is This Kurdistan’s Moment? 19 3. What Do the Kurds Want? 27 4. What Form of Government Will Kurdistan Embrace? 56 5. Would Kurdistan Have a Viable Economy? 64 6. Would Kurdistan Be a State of Law? 91 7. What Services Would Kurdistan Provide Its Citizens? 101 8. Could Kurdistan Defend Itself Militarily and Diplomatically? 107 9. Does the United States Have a Coherent Kurdistan Policy? 119 Notes 125 Acknowledgments 137 About the Author 139 iii Executive Summary wo decades ago, most US officials would have been hard-pressed Tto place Kurdistan on a map, let alone consider Kurds as allies. Today, Kurds have largely won over Washington. -
Anti-Statist Discourses Within the Kurdish National Movement Ozum Yesiltas Florida International University, [email protected]
Florida International University FIU Digital Commons FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations University Graduate School 3-24-2014 Rethinking the National Question: Anti-Statist Discourses within the Kurdish National Movement Ozum Yesiltas Florida International University, [email protected] DOI: 10.25148/etd.FI14040879 Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd Part of the International and Area Studies Commons, and the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Yesiltas, Ozum, "Rethinking the National Question: Anti-Statist Discourses within the Kurdish National Movement" (2014). FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 1325. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1325 This work is brought to you for free and open access by the University Graduate School at FIU Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in FIU Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of FIU Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. FLORIDA INTERNATIONAL UNIVERSITY Miami, Florida RETHINKING THE NATIONAL QUESTION: ANTI-STATIST DISCOURSES WITHIN THE KURDISH NATIONAL MOVEMENT A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS by Ozum Yesiltas 2014 To: Dean Kenneth Furton College of Arts and Sciences This dissertation, written by Ozum Yesiltas, and entitled Rethinking the National Question: Anti-Statist Discourses within the Kurdish National Movement, having been approved in respect to style and intellectual content, is referred to you for judgment. We have read this dissertation and recommend that it be approved. _______________________________________ Felix Martin _______________________________________ Charles G. MacDonald _______________________________________ Benjamin Smith _______________________________________ Mohiaddin Mesbahi, Co-Major Professor _______________________________________ Rebecca Mae Salokar, Co-Major Professor Date of Defense: March 24, 2014 The dissertation of Ozum Yesiltas is approved. -
Fighting-For-Kurdistan.Pdf
Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq CRU Report Feike Fliervoet Fighting for Kurdistan? Assessing the nature and functions of the Peshmerga in Iraq Feike Fliervoet CRU Report March 2018 March 2018 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Peshmerga, Kurdish Army © Flickr / Kurdishstruggle Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. About the author Feike Fliervoet is a Visiting Research Fellow at Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit where she contributes to the Levant research programme, a three year long project that seeks to identify the origins and functions of hybrid security arrangements and their influence on state performance and development. -
Games Without Frontiers: Renegotiating the Boundaries of Power in Iraqi Kurdistan
GAMES WITHOUT FRONTIERS: RENEGOTIATING THE BOUNDARIES OF POWER IN IRAQI KURDISTAN THE MIDDLE EAST INSTITUTE MIKE FLEET AND MEGAN CONNELLY JUNE 2021 WWW.MEI.EDU Photo above: Kurdistan parliament speaker Rewaz Faiq (top C), leads a parliament session in Erbil, the capital of Iraq’s northern autonomous Kurdish region, on May 25, 2021. Photo by SAFIN HAMED/AFP via Getty Images. Introduction Over the past year, intensifying political and economic conflicts between the Kurdistan Region’s two hegemonic parties, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of The parties’ efforts Kurdistan (PUK), have challenged the legal and institutional order to renegotiate their in which the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) operates. While financial entitlements power has always been concentrated in an exclusive coalition of and the scope of their partisan elites, the KDP and PUK had each tacitly acknowledged administrative control the other’s de facto autonomy over the territories they governed have so far produced independently from the civil war of the 1990s until the reunification no consensus. of the KRG. But a new generation of leadership within the parties, a fraught relationship with the federal government, and a prolonged economic crisis exacerbated by collapsing oil prices and the global pandemic have strained the KDP-PUK relationship to its breaking point. While the KDP has claimed a majoritarian mandate to govern on a reform platform that eliminates consociational entitlements, the PUK has issued an ultimatum: respect local autonomy and 2 A new generation of leadership, a fraught relationship with [Baghdad], and a prolonged economic crisis exacerbated by collapsing oil prices and the global pandemic have strained the KDP-PUK relationship to its breaking point.” restore an equitable division of power within the KRG or it will in consumer demand during the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, withdraw from the governing coalition. -
Change in Iraqi Politics: from Ethnic-Sectarian Lines to Centralization Question
Change in Iraqi Politics: From Ethnic-Sectarian Lines to Centralization Question Serhat ERKMEN* Abstract After the invasion of Iraq, politics in Iraq was rebuilt in accordance with ethnic and religious lines and the political alliances have been reshaped over these lines. However, the withdrawal of US troops and internal dif- ferences of Iraqi parties triggered new political balances which cannot be limited into only ethnic and sectarian bases. Today, because of the political and strategic effects of Arab Spring and internal power strug- gles among the main Iraqi political groupings Iraq has entered in a new phase in politics which centralization issue will be the focus. Keywords: Iraqi politics, centralization, Arab Spring and Iraq, With- drawal of US troops Özet *SC**4 0B- 4 * ' 0 0 - C*=*=@ * *4 * ***0*40' * C *C =S4***S*- C 0 **0 ****B' C'* **0 *=4* =@ * * Assos. Prof. Ahi Evran University, Department of International Relations, and Middle East Advisor of ORSAM Serhat Erkmen, Change in Iraqi Politics: From Ethnic-Sectarian Lines to Centralization Question, Ortadoğu Etütleri, Volume 4, No 1, July 2012, pp.143-164. Serhat Erkmen According to the author, there are two main reasons that explain the change in the political balances and policy making in Iraq. The first reason is that the United States have started to lose gradually their role both in military and political aspects in Iraq after 2010. Decrease in military power of the US in Iraq in a way that cannot be compared with previous years (even though all the combat troops have retreated, it will not be considered as a complete withdrawal since there are still American troops in Iraq under the name of military advisors) has cre- ated great impacts both in the fields of security and the fields of policy and this phenomenon has enlarged the maneuver room of the Iraqi political parties. -
International Protection Considerations with Regard to People Fleeing the Republic of Iraq
International Protection Considerations with Regard to People Fleeing the Republic of Iraq HCR/PC/ May 2019 HCR/PC/IRQ/2019/05 _Rev.2. INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION CONSIDERATIONS WITH REGARD TO PEOPLE FLEEING THE REPUBLIC OF IRAQ Table of Contents I. Executive Summary .......................................................................................... 6 1) Refugee Protection under the 1951 Convention Criteria and Main Categories of Claim .... 6 2) Broader UNHCR Mandate Criteria, Regional Instruments and Complementary Forms of Protection ............................................................................................................................. 7 3) Internal Flight or Relocation Alternative (IFA/IRA) .............................................................. 7 4) Exclusion Considerations .................................................................................................... 8 5) Position on Forced Returns ................................................................................................. 9 II. Main Developments in Iraq since 2017 ............................................................. 9 A. Political Developments ........................................................................................................... 9 1) May 2018 Parliamentary Elections ...................................................................................... 9 2) September 2018 Kurdistan Parliamentary Elections ......................................................... 10 3) October 2017 Independence -
Confessionalism and Electoral Prospects in Iraq
Confessionalism and Electoral Prospects in Iraq Yasir Kouti Dlawer Ala’Aldeen About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. Confessionalism and Electoral Prospects in Iraq MERI Policy Paper Yasir Kouti Research Fellow, MERI Dlawer Ala’Aldeen President of MERI April 2018 1 Contents Summary ........................................................................................................................................................4 Confessionalism and Party Alliances ........................................................................................................5 -
Gareth R V Stansfield
Gareth R V Stansfield BA (Hons) MA PhD FRSA FAcSS Al-Qasimi Chair of Arab Gulf Studies and Professor of Middle East Politics University of Exeter Senior Associate Fellow, Royal United Services Institute, Whitehall, London Global Fellow, Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, Washington DC Associate Fellow, Geneva Centre for Security Policy, Geneva Tel: (0044) (0) 1392 264105 Email: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] Biography Gareth Stansfield is Professor of Middle East Politics and the Al-Qasimi Chair of Arab Gulf Studies at the University of Exeter, where he was between 2011-2015 the Director of the Institute of Arab and Islamic Studies (IAIS), standing down for research leave between 2015 and 2018. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Arts (FRSA), Fellow of the Royal Geographical Society (FRGS), and elected Fellow of the Academy of Social Sciences (FAcSS). He is also a Senior Associate Fellow at the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), Global Fellow (2015-17) of the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington DC, and Fellow of the Geneva Centre for Security Policy. He is a Visiting Professor of Northwest University, Xi'an, China, and Soran University, Kurdistan-Iraq. Between 2002 and 2012, he was Associate Fellow of the Middle East and North Africa Programme at Chatham House. From 2012-14, he was the inaugural Honorary Research Fellow attached to the Middle East and North Africa Research Group of the Foreign and Commonwealth Office A regular commentator and adviser on Middle East politics over the last decade, focusing in particular on the politics and political economy of Iraq, the Kurdish regions of the Middle East, dynamics of Gulf/Arabian peninsular security, and questions of post- conflict stabilization and nation/state building, Stansfield is one of a handful of academics to have lived and worked in pre-regime change Iraq for an extensive period of time, between 1996 and 2001, where he was funded by the UK government to advise the Kurdish leadership. -
Irakin Tilanne, Lokakuu 2015 1. Yleistilanne
MAATIETOPALVELU 20.10.2015 Irakin tilanne, lokakuu 2015 1. Yleistilanne - kamppailu ISISiä vastaan, mielenosoitukset ja uudistukset Irakin turvallisuusjoukkojen, kurdiarmeijan ja shiialaisten militioiden yhteistyötä on tiivistetty pitkin kuluvaa vuotta taistelussa Keski-Irakin sunnialueita kesällä 2014 vallannutta terroristijärjestö ISI- Siä vastaan. Poliittiset ja uskonnolliset johtajat ovat julistaneet uskonnollista suvaitsevaisuutta. Alueelliset ja kansainväliset tahot tukevat Irakia ISISin vastaisessa kamppailussa. Pääministeri Haider al-Abadi on sitoutunut kansallisen dialogin edistämiseen.1 Abadi vaikuttaa aikaisempaa pääministeriä halukkaammalta tekemään kompromisseja Irakin sunnien ja kurdien kanssa.2 ISIS-konflikti jatkuu, ja ISISin kukistamisen arvioidaan kestävän vielä pitkään.3 Tällä hetkellä Ira- kin turvallisuusjoukot ja niihin liitoksissa olevat militiat priorisoivat Anbarin läänin suurten kaupun- kien (Falluja, Ramadi) valtaamista. Tähän liittyvät valmistelut ovat kestäneet kuukausia.4 Anbarin läänin priorisoinnin vuoksi Nineven läänissä sijaitseva Mosulin kaupunki ja muut ISISin hallussa olevat alueet odottavat vuoroaan. Irakin joukkoja dominoivien shiiojen silmissä kaikki Irakin mer- kittävät shiialaiset alueet on turvattu ISISiltä, eikä militioilla ole kenties halua tai resursseja lähteä ainakaan samanaikaisesti lähteä vapauttamaan sekä Ramadia ja Fallujaa että muita alueita kuten Mosulin kaupunkia. Lisäksi pelätään Mosulin taistelun potentiaalisesti aiheuttamaa suurta miehis- tötappiota.5 Huhtikuussa 2015 Irakin armeijan -
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T H E WILSON QUARTERLY THE PFIZER HEALTHCARE SERIES Depression. It can affect you in ways you would never suspect unexplainable jumpiness a downhearted period that or anxiety gets worse and just won't unusual irritability go away sleep disturbances frequent or unexplainable difficulty in concentrating crying spells or remembering a loss of self-esteem or an physical pains that are attitude of indifference hard to pin down appetite loss (or overeating) A combination of the above symptoms, a loss of interest or pleasure persisting for two weeks or more can be an indication of depressive illness in your job, family life, and a warning to seek the advice of a hobbies or sex doctor. Because depression can be a lot more than just "the blues." Over 30 n~illionAmericans today may suffer from some form of depressive illness. Unfortu- nately, it often goes unreported, and therefore undiagnosed and untreated, because people don't recognize the symptoms for what they are. Yet, depression can be easily diagnosed and treated in most cases. It's most important to realize that you arc not alone by any means. Do something for yourself and for those you love. See your doctor. Far a poster-sized reprint of this rncssoffe, write: Pfizer Pha~wmeuticals,PO. Box 3852 WOE, Grand Ce~jtralStation, Nw Tm4, NT 10163 A message in the interest PHARMACEUTICALS of better A PARTNER IN HEALTHCARE health from AUTUMN 1987 THE WILSON QUARTERLY 6 Editor's Comment 13 PERIODICALS 45 Research Reports 50 THE POLITICS OF THE ENVIRONMENT, 1970-1987 5 1 A Big Agenda by David Vogel 64 Cleaning Up the Chesapeake 69 Learning the Lessons by Robert W Crandall 81 Background Books 84 IDEAS William James by T.