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Immigrants Or Returnees?

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Immigrants Or Returnees? ARGENTINEANS IN SPAIN: IMMIGRANTS OR RETURNEES? INSTITUTIONAL VERSUS POPULAR INTERPRETATIONS by CELIA VIVES GONZALEZ B.A. Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2004 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE STUDIES (Geography) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA August 2007 © Celia Vives Gonzalez, 2007. ABSTRACT Since 1985, the phenomenon of immigration in Spain has emerged as a social concern, a keystone in national .politics, and a topic in need of further research. This thesis aims to build on the existing work by exploring how two processes, the growth and increasing diversity of the immigrant population in Spain and the Europeanization of the country's immigration law, have impacted the legal integration of the Latin American immigrant community since the mid 1980s. Focusing on the case of Argentinean immigrants, I use a variety of methods to discuss the profile and evolution of this community in the context of the broader general and Latin American immigrations in Spain. This includes an analysis of the changes in immigration and citizenship legislation since 1985, paying special attention to those that have impacted Argentinean immigrants; an exploration of the representation of Argentineans in popular discourse; and a discussion of the ways in which these immigrants see themselves as insiders / outsiders within the Spanish nation-state. I conclude that there are two conflicting interpretations of Argentinean immigration in Spain. The first and most prevalent is the representation of the Argentinean immigrant as a returnee. This representation emerges strongly in popular discourse, immigrants' claims of belonging to the nation-state, and citizenship legislation; it is a legacy of both Spanish colonialism and emigration of Spaniards to Argentina in the past. The second is the representation of the Argentinean as an economic immigrant, which emerged in the 2000 immigration law. Argentineans are trapped in the contradictions and tensions between these two representations, but far from being passive recipients of the definitions and categories that the state imposes on them, there is evidence that they organize, accept, resist, or manipulate public discourses in their search to find a place for themselves in Spanish society. This thesis supports the status of public policy on immigration and citizenship as a boundary-marker for the national community, and calls for a greater attention to non-governmental actors in the institutionalization of immigration as an object of such public policy. TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract : ii Table of Contents iii List of Tables vi List of figures vii List of Maps , viii Acknowledgments ix Dedication xi INTRODUCTION ~ Imagination, the Hispanic Community, and Latin American Immigration to Spain 1 CHAPTER I ~ Situating Spain in the Literature on Immigration and Citizenship 7 The Place of the Immigrant Other in the "National Order of Things": debates at the international and Spanish levels 9 On Spain's outsiders: foreigners and immigrants 11 Politicization, Securitization, and neo-assimilationism in Spanish politics 13 Politicization 13 Securitization 14 Neo-assimilationism 16 International Debates on Citizenship applied to the Spanish context ...17 Citizenship, nationhood, and the demise of the nation-state 18 The limits of Citizenship in contemporary Spain 21 Concluding remarks 23 CHAPTER II ~ On the field: approaches, strategies, surprises \ .25 CHAPTER III ~ When the numbers soar: Argentinean immigration in context. 36 Foreign population in Spain: evolution and profile 36 A difficult count: strengths and limitations of statistical databases for the study of immigration in Spain 37 A world in twenty years: Spain's quick transition to a country of immigration and the growth of the Latino population 39 Counting the "invisible" people:.undocumented, naturalized, and second-generation immigrants 47 History in a nutshell: population exchanges between Argentina and Spain 50 c "Making the Americas": Spanish overseas mass migrations 50 Leaving in a hurry: the arrival of political refugees in the 1970s 52 Hyperinflation and the "corralito": economic migrations in the 1990s and the 2000s 54 Argentinean immigration today: profile and distribution 57 Concluding remarks ....60 CHAPTER IV ~ Bringing order to chaos? Immigration and citizenship laws, 1985-2007 63 Legal framework: immigration law 64 Legal framework: nationality legislation 70 "A multilevel system of migration management": the role of the Comunidades Autonomas 73 Concluding remarks: a hierarchy of otherness (I) 77 iv CHAPTER V ~ Argentinean immigration in the popular discourse 79 On boats, indianos, and stories around a coffee table 80 Argentineans in the media, or how the "indianos" became "pibes" 82 Political discourse . 87 Concluding remarks: a hierarchy of otherness (II) 91 CHAPTER VI ~ Argentineans on the record: experiences of immigration and citizenship 93 Emigrating, immigrating, integrating: the use of social and family networks 95 The rising role of networks in the integration process 98 Intersections: work, gender, and legal status 101 Excuse me, but I'm not black: Argentineans' claims for belonging to the Spanish nation ,. 104 The meanings of (legal) citizenship 109 The emotional burden of citizenship 110 Pragmatic citizenship Ill Citizenship as a right 114 Concluding remarks: asserting Argentineans' place in the hierarchy of otherness 118 CONCLUSIONS 121 REFERENCES.: 129 APPENDIX I Certificate of Approval from the Ethical Review Board 139 APPENDIX I Permission to use copyrighted material 140 v LIST OF TABLES Table 2.1: Characteristics of the immigrant sample 30 Table 3.1: Evolution of legal foreign population in relation to the Spanish population... 3 9 Table 3.2: Evolution of the top ten nationalities in 2005 (1997-2005) 41 Table 3.3: Foreign legal population by continent of origin, by year (1992, 1997, 2001, 2005) 42 Table 3.4: Argentinean immigrants by legal status (1985-2005) 56 Table 4.1: Types of residence permit, eligible groups, and duration 67 Table 4.2: Entry requirements for entry and stay for citizens of different world regions 68 Table 4.3: Access to citizenship according to main principle of application, with specifications for Argentinean citizens 71 vi LIST OF GRAPHS Graph 3.1: Demographic indicators: births, deaths, natural growth, and immigration in Spain, 1991-2005 40 Graph 3.2: Naturalizations of foreigners in Spain, 1960-2004 , 48 Graph 3.3: Evolution of Spanish emigration to America and Europe (1885-2001) 51 vii LIST OF MAPS: Map 3.1: Distribution of the total foreign-born population in Spain, 1996 (quintiles).... 46 Map 3.2: Distribution of the total foreign-born population in Spain, 2006 (quintiles) 46 Map 3.3: Distribution of the total Argentinean-born population in Spain, 1996 (quintiles) 59 Map 3.4: Distribution of the total Argentinean-born population in Spain, 2006 (quintiles) 59 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The number of people whose help has made this thesis possible is much longer than I can acknowledge here - son todos los que estdn, pero no estdn todos los que son. I must start by thanking my family for their unflinching support all throughout this project. My parents, my main coaches, have raised me the best they knew and • supported my choices even in disagreement (sometimes I still wonder if I should have been a doctor!). The good that I have is because of you, and any faults are my own. My little sister Isa has always pulled my feet back down to the ground - something that I appreciate, because I have certain tendency to hover over reality. The blind faith that my grandparents have in me has kept me going in rocky times, when it felt that the rain would never stop drumming on the roof and the reasons to keep writing were not at all clear; my biggest sorrow is that this thesis comes too late for my grandfather to know about it. In a sense, this research has been something of a family project, as everyone happily rolled up their sleeves to give me a hand with it whenever I needed it. For all that and much more, for your support and your patience, thanks. I miss you every split second. Many other people have also held my hand to guide me through this adventure of writing an MA thesis. I am in great debt with my two supervisors in the Department of Geography at the University of British Columbia, Professors David Ley and Dan Hiebert, for their constant support and expert input. I have lost count of the times that you have gone out of your way to make my life easier and my research better. I also want to thank Professor Merje Kuus, the third member of my committee, for her advice and patience. I look forward to keep learning from all of you in the next stage of my academic career. Other colleagues and friends in Vancouver have helped me finish this thesis. I especially want to thank Kathy Sherrell, Haida Antolick, Monica Moore, and Alex Aylett for their help proofreading and editing different chapters of the thesis. Your friendship makes this city a much better place! My endless gratitude goes to my partner in many ix crimes, Alex Aylett, whose help was instrumental from the initial plotting to the final submission. Your merciless pen has driven me nuts and improved the quality of my work in equal amounts, and I hope to have much time to return the favour. The maps, on the other hand, are a result of Jose Aparicio's skill and generosity: thanks. I also want to thank the people that have helped me from Spain, often with no more introduction than a lonely email. I owe much to Sandra Gil Araujo, who I never manage to place on the map but who always replies to my emails in time and with the right advice. The longest interview turned out to be the best one. Also key have been Margarita del Olmo, Belen Agrela Romero, and Fernando Esteban, all of whom have very generously shared their work and efforts with me.
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