Ethnic Cleansing in the Balkans
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The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800S-1900S
The Shaping of Bulgarian and Serbian National Identities, 1800s-1900s February 2003 Katrin Bozeva-Abazi Department of History McGill University, Montreal A Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies and Research in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy 1 Contents 1. Abstract/Resume 3 2. Note on Transliteration and Spelling of Names 6 3. Acknowledgments 7 4. Introduction 8 How "popular" nationalism was created 5. Chapter One 33 Peasants and intellectuals, 1830-1914 6. Chapter Two 78 The invention of the modern Balkan state: Serbia and Bulgaria, 1830-1914 7. Chapter Three 126 The Church and national indoctrination 8. Chapter Four 171 The national army 8. Chapter Five 219 Education and national indoctrination 9. Conclusions 264 10. Bibliography 273 Abstract The nation-state is now the dominant form of sovereign statehood, however, a century and a half ago the political map of Europe comprised only a handful of sovereign states, very few of them nations in the modern sense. Balkan historiography often tends to minimize the complexity of nation-building, either by referring to the national community as to a monolithic and homogenous unit, or simply by neglecting different social groups whose consciousness varied depending on region, gender and generation. Further, Bulgarian and Serbian historiography pay far more attention to the problem of "how" and "why" certain events have happened than to the emergence of national consciousness of the Balkan peoples as a complex and durable process of mental evolution. This dissertation on the concept of nationality in which most Bulgarians and Serbs were educated and socialized examines how the modern idea of nationhood was disseminated among the ordinary people and it presents the complicated process of national indoctrination carried out by various state institutions. -
The Status of Albanian in Relation to the Other Balkan Languages
DOI: 10.11649/sm.2015.012 Slavia Meridionalis 15, 2015 Instytut Slawistyki PAN Bardh Rugova University of Prishtina The Status of Albanian in Relation to the Other Balkan Languages From 1972, i.e. when the standardisation of the Albanian language took place, the Albanian language went through three different sociopolitical stages that had an impact on its development. The first stage was the one that began in 1972 and lasted until the beginning of the nineties when the transition from totalitarianism to democracy took place in Albania and former Yugoslavia, two countries with the largest number of Albanian speakers. During this first stage, the Albanian language was a secondorder language in Kosovo, whereas the official language, i.e. the language of prestige and the language used in government cusiness was SerboCroatian, even though a lot of attention was given to the Albanian language especially in Kosovo. The second stage covers the period from the 90’s until the war in Kosovo – the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia and pluralism in Albania. During this period, the apparatus that was taking care of standard Albanian and controlling it in Albania was not that active; in addition, the termination of television This work was supported by the Ministry of Education, Science and Technology of the Republic of Kosovo. Competing interests: no competing interests have been declared. Publisher: Institute of Slavic Studies PAS. This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 PL License (creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0/pl/), which permits redistribution, commercial and non commercial, provided that the article is properly cited. -
Southern Serbia: in Kosovo’S Shadow
Policy Briefing Europe Briefing N°43 Belgrade/Pristina/Brussels, 27 June 2006 Southern Serbia: In Kosovo’s Shadow I. OVERVIEW For now, however, a number of steps would help to consolidate the recent stabilisation: The international community, and Kosovo Southern Serbia’s Albanian-majority Presevo Valley is a politicians should continue to make it clear that still incomplete Balkan success story. Since international Kosovo will not be partitioned, and the Presevo and Serbian government diplomacy resolved an ethnic Valley will remain within Serbia, and the Serbian Albanian insurgency in 2001, donors and Belgrade have government needs to abandon any thought of invested significant resources to undo a legacy of human partitioning Kosovo. rights violations and improve the economy. Tensions are much decreased, major human rights violations have The Serbian government institution charged with ended, the army and police are more sensitive to Albanian overseeing southern Serbia, the Coordination Body concerns and there is progress, though hesitant, in other for Southern Serbia, has ceased to function, leaving areas, such as a multi-ethnic police force, gradual integration no framework for resolving the region’s many of the judiciary, and Albanian language textbooks. Ethnic pressing problems precisely when tensions can be Albanians appear increasingly intent on developing their expected to rise due to the Kosovo status process. own political identity inside Serbia and finding a way to It should be revitalised as a priority, with Albanians cohabit with Serbs, something that should be encouraged renewing their participation, Belgrade giving it and supported. Nevertheless, the Kosovo status process real authority and resources, and the international threatens to disrupt the Presevo Valley’s calm. -
The Fight for Balkan Latinity (II). the Aromanians After World War
ISSN 2039-9340 Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences Vol. 3 (11) November 2012 The Fight for Balkan Latinity (II). The Aromanians after World War Giuseppe Motta (Ph.D) Sapienza University of Rome Doi:10.5901/mjss.2012.v3n11p541 Abstract The article focuses on the Vlach question after the first World War, when the Balkan region was finally divided among the different national States and the Ottoman Empire collapsed. In this period the Aromanian communities had to find a new policy inside a new scenario and addressed towards different options represented by Albania, Italy and Romania. In a first time Vlachs also tried to create an autonomous principality of Pindus but this experience was short-lived and did not produce tangible results. On the contrary, during the interwar period the Vlachs consolidated their privileged relationship with Romania and established an influent group at Bucharest, where they partecipated to the internal political life even supporting the most radical movements such as Corneliu's Codreanu Iron Guard. Keywords: Aromanian, Vlach, Balkan, Albania, Romania. 1. Introduction. The Vlachs and the First World War. The history of the Vlachs in the Balkan regions was undoubtedly conditioned by the unstable and chaotic situation of the region, which during the troublesome period of the “Eastern Question” became a central area for the system of international relationships. The problems were particularly acute in the regions of Pindus, Epirus and Macedonia, and were naturally exacerbated by the constant atmosphere of war that the people of this area breathed for many years, at the end of XIX century and during the first decades of the XX. -
Inter-Ethnic Dialogue Between Serbs and Albanians in Serbia/Kosovo, 1996—2008
A place where people are moved, bridges built and w dialogue promoted in an effort for peace. w w Inter - ethnic dialogue . between Serbs and Albanians in p Serbia / Kosovo 1996—2008 e a c article by Steinar Bryn e Bjørnstjerne Bjørnsonsgate 2, 2609 Lillehammer, Norway . Tel: 61265430 - [email protected] - www.peace.no n o Bjørnstjerne Bjørnsonsgate 2, 2609 Lillehammer, Norway Tel: 61265430 - [email protected] - www.peace.no 1 In this chapter, I will tell a story. It begins with how the Nansen Dialogue, which developed from 1995 to 1997 with participants from ex-Yugoslavia in Lillehammer, Norway, was introduced in Priština in the fall of 1997. I will show how this method stimulated Serbian-Albanian dialogue up until March 1999 and how it was reintroduced already in 2000, in spite of the painful memories on both sides from the war and its aftermath. These dialogue meetings focused mainly on understanding what happened and why. As the conflict spread into South Serbia (2000) and northwest Macedonia (2001), so did the dialogue seminars. Through showing patience and commitment, as well as sustainability, Nansen Dialogue built its reputation and slowly became able to recruit more strategically selected participants on a high municipal level. These individuals were chosen because of their connection to local institutions and because they therefore had an arena where they could implement change (a school, a newspaper, the local municipality etc.). This chapter will describe some of the particularities of the Nansen Dialogue that made both sides feel more secure to share their stories, and how this increased the feeling of equality and respect among the participants. -
Ethnic Cleansing and Massacres of the Ottoman
The Nation-Building Process in the Balkans: Ethnic Cleansing and Massacres of the Ottoman Muslim and Turkish Population (1912-1913) Le processus de construction de la nation dans les Balkans: nettoyage ethnique et massacre des musulmans ottomans et turcs (1912-1913) Conference organized by the Collège Belgique (Académie Royale de Belgique) and the University of Utah Mars-March 24-25, 2016 Bruxelles-Brussels (Belgique-Belgium) A. Argumentaire en français : Le processus de construction de la nation dans les Balkans : nettoyage ethnique et massacre des musulmans ottomans et turcs (1912-1913) Dans le contexte de la désintégration de l’Empire Ottoman et de l’émergence du nouveau système étatique balkanique, la guerre a joué un rôle dans les processus de construction des nations et des états. Le système étatique balkanique a été créé pour résoudre la question d’Orient, et les états concernés ont fini par devenir des états-nations homogènes suite à une série de guerres qui atteignirent leur apogée lors de ce que l’on a appelé les guerres balkaniques (1912-1913). Ce fut la première guerre totale dans les Balkans, si l’on considère que les frontières entre le front de bataille et le front intérieur ont été supprimées au moyen d’une attaque systématique de certains groupes identitaires. On peut d’ailleurs considérer que, pour l’état ottoman, la première guerre mondiale a commencé en 1912 car le ton était donné et le schéma établi pour la première guerre mondiale. Qui plus est, les pères fondateurs de l’actuelle république de Turquie sont tous originaires des Balkans. -
Albanian Minoroty on Hold; Preševo, Bujanovac and Medveđa As
HELSINKI COMMITTEE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS IN SERBIA ALBANIAN MINORITY ON HOLD Preševo, Bujanovac and Medveđa as hostages of the Serbia and Kosovo relations ALBANIAN MINORITY ON HOLD Preševo, Bujanovac and Medveđa as hostages of the Serbia and Kosovo relations Published by: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia For the publisher: Sonja Biserko Belgrade, 2021. Photos: Helsinki Committee for Human Rights in Serbia Title page: Coiffure saloon in Veliki Trnovac Design and layout: Ivan Hrašovec This publication was prepared with financial support from the Balkan Trust for Democracy, a project of the German Marshall Fund of the United States and the Royal Norwegian Embassy in Belgrade. Opinions expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent those of the Royal Norwegian Embassy, the Balkan Trust for Democracy, the German Marshall Fund of the United States, or its partners. CONTENTS Conclusions and recommendations . 5 Southern Serbia: a strategic point . 10 The beginning of political pluralism in 1990 . 13 Referendum on autonomy . 14 Partition as an option since the beginning of the disintegration of Yugoslavia . 17 NATO intervention: persecution, killings, damages. 21 Southern Serbia after the NATO intervention . 23 Southern Serbia through the lens of Serbia, North Macedonia and Kosovo. 25 Serbian Government’s program for resolving the crisis by peaceful means (“Čović’s Plan”) . 26 Belgrade’s wishes: Greater Albania . 28 Security challenges in Southern Serbia . 30 Southern Serbia, the final status and Kosovo’s independence. 32 Strategy for the integration of Northern Kosovo as opposed to the partition of Kosovo . 33 Real problems of the three municipalities . 35 Political life . 41 Economic recovery . -
The Judeo-Bolshevik Conspiracy and the Persecution of Jews in Interwar Salonica6
Georgios D. Michalopoulos Institute of Study of Eleutherios Venizelos and his Era The Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy and the persecution of Jews in interwar Salonica6 Abstract I argue that in interwar Greece there was a small yet influential of anti-Semitic anticommunists, whose centre and main area of interest was Salonica. I attempt to demonstrate that their ideas were not a particular Greek phenomenon- rather these intellectuals and activists distanced themselves from traditional forms of Greek anti-Semitism. On the contrary, their appearance was part of a pan- European phenomenon triggered by the October Revolution in Russia, and facilitated by the ensuing immigration of the defeated Whites. This ideology should be understood within the context of the Ottoman imperial collapse, the ensuing relocation of populations and the anxiety of Balkan nation- states to ensure their national frontiers. Key words: Bolsheviks, Jews, Greece, anticommunism. Τhe state of the field of anti-Semitic studies This traumatic transition, which cut off the links of the city to the Mediterranean and the Balkans and turned it into a provincial city of Greece, overshadowed by Athens and the port of the Piraeus, was aggravated by the Great Fire of 1917, when one third of the city was destroyed. The Jews were disproportionately affected as most of the destroyed property belonged to them. According to a contemporary report, 52,000 Jews were left homeless, while 16 out of a total of 33 synagogues were burned. Some immigrated but most – especially the poorest families – relocated in slums created around the city. This further aggravated the economic vulnerability of the community and brought it in fierce competition for land and state resources with the newly arrived refugees. -
Migrations in Balkan History
This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized by Google as part of an ongoing effort to preserve the information in books and make it universally accessible. https://books.google.com MIGRATIONS IN BALKAN HISTORY Serbian Academy of Sciences and • Department of History, University of Arts, Institute for Balkan Studies, California, Santa Barbara Belgrade (special editions No 39) Prosveta, Export-Import Agency, Belgrade Editors in chief: • Nikola Tasid, corresponding member, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts • DuSica StoSid, director Prosveta, Export-Import Agency Editorial board: • Radovan Samard2id, full member, Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts • Dimitrije Dordevic, full member Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts • Ivan Ninid publishing manager Prosveta, Export-Import Agency Secretary: • Dr. Milan St. Protid, fellow Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts, Institute for Balkan Studies The publication was financially supported by the "Republidka Zajednica nauke Srbije" MIGRATIONS IN BALKAN HISTORY BELGRADE 1989 £33/ И*1 CIP - Каталогизација у публикацији Народна библиотека Србије, Београд 325.1 (497) (082) MIGRATIONS in Balkan History / [urednik Ivan Ninic]. - Beograd: Srpska akademija nauka i umetnosti, 1989. - 171 стр. : 24 cm ПК: a. Миграције - Балканско полуострво - Зборници ISBN 86-7179-006-1 ■1130 Ml CONTENTS Radovan Samardzic Dimitrije Djordjevid PREFACE 7 Mark R. Stefanovich ETHNICITY AND MIGRATION IN PREHISTORY 9 Nikola Tasic PREHISTORIC MIGRATION MOVEMENTS IN THE BALKANS 29 Robert Frakes THE IMPACT OF THE HUNS IN THE BALKANS IN LATE ANTIQUE HISTORIOGRAPHY 39 Henrik Birnbaum WAS THERE A SLAVIC LANDTAKING OF THE BALKANS AND, IF SO, ALONG WHAT ROUTES DID IT PROCEED? 47 Dragoljub Dragojlovid MIGRATIONS OF THE SERBS IN THE MIDDLE AGES 61 BariSa Krekic DUBROVNIK AS A POLE OF ATTRACTION AND A POINT OF TRANSITION FOR THE HINTERLAND POPULATION IN THE LATE MIDDLE AGES 67 Dragan R. -
(Non)Implementation of the Agreement of the Governments Relating to the South of Serbia
(NON)IMPLEMENTATION OF THE AGREEMENT OF THE GOVERNMENTS RELATING TO THE SOUTH OF SERBIA Publisher: The Council for Human Rights - Bujanovac Author: Belgzim Kamberi Researchers: Enkel Rexhepi Agon Islami Text, Layout and Design Production: Idea digital, Vranje Printing: Idea digital, Vranje Circulation: 350 Bujanovac, May 2016 This analysis is part of the project “Stregthening Stability in South Serbia through Integration of the Albanian National Minority”, implemented by the Council for Human Rights in Bujanovac. The views herein expressed are solely those of the author and do not reflect the position of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs of Switzerland and Open Society Foundation – Belgrade. This Project is funded by the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs and Open Society Foundation – Belgrade. 2 | P a g e Content INTRODUCTION ..................................................................................................................... 5 ANALYSIS ................................................................................................................................ 6 I GENERAL INFORMATION.................................................................................................. 7 1. Geographic Data on Municipalities Bujanovac, Presevo and Medvedja ........................ 7 1.1. Bujanovac ................................................................................................................ 7 1.2. Presevo.................................................................................................................... -
Why Macedonia Matters
AHIF P O L I C Y J O U R N A L Winter 2012-13 Why Macedonia Matters Panayiotis Diamadis With the formation of the Former Yugoslavian n Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) in 1991, there has been a systematic effort to undermine the legitimate rights of the Greek state, particularly of Hellenes in the Greek Province of Macedonia. Selectivity, omission, and distortions of the past by FYROM have become routine. This extensive campaign of disinformation is aimed at undermining the legitimacy of the present borders. Motivating the arguments about history, language, culture, religion, identity and heritage is a struggle for control of the strip of territory between the Aemos (Balkan) Mountain range and the Aegean Sea, the land of Macedonia. Since earliest antiquity, the people to the north of the mountains have sought control over the fertile plains, strategic ports and mineral resources of Macedonia. In the twenty-first century, this continues to be the case. Despite FYROM’s endeavors to present the Macedonian issue as being about human rights, it is about territory and power. While Greece and Bulgaria have somewhat resolved their differences over access to the Aegean Sea through the framework of the European Union, land-locked FYROM has resisted all efforts to reach similar accommodation with any of its neighbors. The Macedonian issue, therefore, is not just a bilateral problem between Greece and FYROM. Bulgaria is just as concerned about the policies of governments in Skopje that endeavor to falsify the historical record and de facto challenge its established borders as well as those of Greece. -
The 'Forbidden Fruit': Islam and Politics of Identity in Kosovo and Macedonia
Edinburgh Research Explorer The ‘Forbidden Fruit’ Citation for published version: Krasniqi, G 2011, 'The ‘Forbidden Fruit’: Islam and Politics of Identity in Kosovo and Macedonia', Southeast European and Black Sea Studies, vol. 11, pp. 191-207. https://doi.org/10.1080/14683857.2011.587285 Digital Object Identifier (DOI): 10.1080/14683857.2011.587285 Link: Link to publication record in Edinburgh Research Explorer Document Version: Peer reviewed version Published In: Southeast European and Black Sea Studies General rights Copyright for the publications made accessible via the Edinburgh Research Explorer is retained by the author(s) and / or other copyright owners and it is a condition of accessing these publications that users recognise and abide by the legal requirements associated with these rights. Take down policy The University of Edinburgh has made every reasonable effort to ensure that Edinburgh Research Explorer content complies with UK legislation. If you believe that the public display of this file breaches copyright please contact [email protected] providing details, and we will remove access to the work immediately and investigate your claim. Download date: 30. Sep. 2021 The ‘forbidden fruit’: Islam and politics of identity in Kosovo and Macedonia Gëzim Krasniqi* School of Social and Political Science, University of Edinburgh Abstract: This paper depicts the interplay of religion and politics, as well as of external and internal actors among Albanian communities in Kosovo and Macedonia. It argues that Islam has never been allowed into the political space, despite occasional attempts to politicise it and utilise it for political and nationalist expediency. This relative absence of Islam from the political sphere is due to a specific social and political context, as well as to a specific historical experience.