Refiguring the Rebetika As Literature
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Macalester College DigitalCommons@Macalester College English Honors Projects English Department 4-2020 Bodies in the Margins: Refiguring the Rebetika as Literature Sophia Schlesinger Macalester College, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/english_honors Part of the English Language and Literature Commons, Ethnomusicology Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Schlesinger, Sophia, "Bodies in the Margins: Refiguring the Rebetika as Literature" (2020). English Honors Projects. 44. https://digitalcommons.macalester.edu/english_honors/44 This Honors Project - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the English Department at DigitalCommons@Macalester College. It has been accepted for inclusion in English Honors Projects by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Macalester College. For more information, please contact [email protected]. BODIES IN THE MARGINS Refiguring the Rebetika as Literature Sophia Schlesinger Faculty Advisor: Andrea Kaston-Tange Macalester English Department Submitted April 25th, 2020 Abstract This thesis engages a literary analysis of a corpus of songs and recordings known as the rebetika (sing. rebetiko), which prospered in the port districts of major cities throughout the Aegean in the early 20th century. Engaging the rebetika as literary texts, I argue, helps us understand how they have functioned as a kind of pressure point on the borders between nation and Other. Without making unproveable biographical claims about the motives of the music progenitors, I examine why so many have reached for the rebetika as texts with which to articulate various political and cultural desires. Using a multidisciplinary theoretical framework that includes Elaine Scarry, Stuart Hall, Edward Said, Mark C. Jerng, and Judith Butler, I track the ways the rebetika are implicated in the social marking and rendering of different kinds of bodies. I argue that through the devices of metaphor and metonymy, the songs, recordings, and lyrics of the rebetika preserve the memory of state violence and the experience of bodies in exile and, in doing so, clashed with contemporaneous processes of negotiating Greek national identity and policing the geosocial borders of "Europe." I also examine the kinds of meanings and body formations that secondary materials about the rebetika discursively produce. I ultimately argue that the rebetika provide a useful narrative vocabulary for talking about different kinds of marginality. "Listening night after night to the rembetika is like being tattooed." —John Berger, To The Wedding Acknowledgements I would like to first thank my advisor Andrea Kaston-Tange for her help, for her support for this somewhat unorthodox thesis at all stages, especially for convincing me this could be a project when I wasn't sure it could. I would also like to thank James Dawes and Morgan Sleeper for their willingness and enthusiasm for this project and for the time they have given to it. I would like to thank my darling friends for their support and patience with me throughout this process. Finally, I would like to thank my brothers, who are manges in their own right. What comes after is for them. Contents Introduction: Reading the Rebetika 1 Chapter One: The Bodies in the Margins 13 Chapter Two: Rebetika Resurrections 42 Chapter Three: Toward a Queer Rebetiko 68 Conclusion: On Being Moved 92 Appendix A: Songs 102 Schlesinger 1 Introduction: Reading the Rebetika The term "rebetiko" most commonly describes a subculture of musicians formed in the lower-class and refugee port neighborhoods of major cities around the Aegean, including Athens, Thessaloniki, and Smyrna1 in the early 20th century and through the 1930s (Tragaki 25). Scorned by the state and much of the elite class writing in the press at that time, these musicians, called rebetes2, developed a musical style that was uniquely syncretic, blending musical traditions from all over the Mediterranean, including Turkish and Levantine influences, but featured most principally the bouzouki and baglamas (Gauntlett 2018, 110). In the context of a post- Independence Greece that was, on an institutional and civil level, configuring its relationship to Europe, these songs and the people who produced them were a subject of controversy, with many in the press calling for their censorship (Holst-Warhaft 2018, 96)(Sarbanes 19). In defiance of the Greek political and religious establishment, the police, and much of the media, many of these musicians adopted a distinctive countercultural aesthetic that revolved around the figure of the mangas, a word whose nuances are difficult to capture in English but might be compared to the terms "spiv" or "wise guy" (Sarbanes 19). The manges3 embodied a kind of urban outlaw, one whose proclivities for gambling, hashish smoking, fighting, humiliating the police and, of course, playing and enjoying controversial music frequently landed him in prison, and for this reason, rebetiko frequently gets described as "the music of the underworld" associated with varying degrees of criminality (Anagnostou 292). As I will discuss both momentarily and later in 1 The Greek name for what is modernly Turkish city of Izmir. This name was used until around the 1930s, following the recapturing of the city in 1922 by the army of Kemal Atatürk, which ended the Greek occupation of the city that had been in place since 1919 (Encyclopædia Britannica 2017). 2 Note this spelling change, and all others of Greek words reflect plurality and gender. This thesis may use, at separate points, "rebetes" (masculine plural), "rebetis" (masculine singular), "rebetissa" (feminine singular), and "rebetisses" (feminine plural). 3 This thesis uses, at separate points, "mangas" (masculine singular), "manges" (masculine plural), "mangissa" (feminine singular), and "mangisses" (feminine plural). Schlesinger 2 this thesis, these are representations we must take with a grain of salt, understanding that they are, in part, part of a certain mythology. Myth or reality, however, these representations do help to explain the number of times rebetiko has been banned or censored since its zenith period in the 1920s and 30s. In 1936, a ban was placed on rebetiko for the first time by the government of General Ioannis Metaxas (Tragaki 58). The music flourished anyway, but at the cost of tense relations between the rebetes or manges, producing a healthy archive of songs written in and about the prisons (Holst 30- 32)(Tragaki 30-38, 58-59). The years 1941 to 1946 saw Nazi Germany's occupation of Greece, and while some clubs remained open, the occupation government again imposed a censorship on recording and broadcasting activities in 1943 (Holst 66)(Tragaki 63). These years were plagued by acute food shortages and poverty that worsened in the subsequent Civil War years (1946- 1949), marked by some of the most atrocious crimes and widespread terror as prisons swelled with political prisoners and the Greek Islands became massive centers of torture and degradation (Holst 63-64). During this time, much of the country starved, and rebetes like Kostas Skarvelis and Panayiotis Toundas were among many who died (Holst 63-64). In 1967-1974, a military junta assumed power in Greece with American support, during which tens of thousands of Greeks went into exile and leftists were systematically sought out, imprisoned, and tortured (Gerstenzang and Boudreaux 1999). During this time, a ban was once again placed on rebetiko, which the Colonels (leaders of the military government) deemed corrupt (Papaeti 142-143). It was also during these years, in 1968, when the government imprisoned Elias Petropoulos, a leftist and an essayist, for publishing the first comprehensive anthology of the rebetika songs, effectively spurring the still relatively small field of rebetiko studies (Gauntlett 2018, 111). Schlesinger 3 It is here that I want to take note of a few points of contention within the field. I will present the nature of these debates before clarifying the approach that I take in this thesis. The first is with regard to "rebetiko" as a classifier of genre. The flimsiness of "rebetiko" as a classifier has been a point of critique for Anagnostou, who points out that the term was used pretty rarely during the first half of the twentieth century, which is when the music it describes was being produced (287). She writes that its use was reinforced during the 1960s revival of the music and used widely ever since, both locally and abroad (Anagnostou 287). In this sense, it is important to recognize that the "rebetiko" scholars refer to now is an entirely fabricated categorization whose usage is very much linked to the recording and subsequent global commercialization of rebetiko from around the 1920s onward, with American companies like Columbia promoting the use of the term in order to sell records (Anagnostou 286). The mass irony of all of this, of course, is that while rebetiko was being made into a profitable Greek export abroad, the progenitors of the music were still largely confined to the margins of Greek social life, imprisoned, or in exile (Sarbanes 19). With respect to the scholarship and the notion of "genre," however, it raises a critical question: how do we determine what can be called "rebetiko" when this term was not functionally contemporaneous with the music it describes? Anagnostou writes that "rebetiko" tends to have two categorical functions that are related to the way its chronology is being imagined. Some use it to designate a subcategory of laïko or popular music4 and distinguish it from other interwar5 categories like Smyrneïko (Smyrna), amané or amanedes (vocal improvisational song), or demotika (regional and most commonly rural music in Greece)(Anagnostou 284). However, "rebetiko" just as frequently describes all 4 In the sense of being produced for and by a particular social class of people, rather than in the sense being widely known. 5 Refers to the period between the Greco-Turkish War (1919-1922) and the end of the Second World War (1939- 1945).