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Mapping the Structure of Well-Being and Social Networks of Refugees a Case Study of Afghan Refugees in Peshawar, Pakistan

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Mapping the Structure of Well-Being and Social Networks of Refugees a Case Study of Afghan Refugees in Peshawar, Pakistan CENTER ON INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT AND GOVERNANCE RESEARCH REPORT Mapping the Structure of Well-Being and Social Networks of Refugees A Case Study of Afghan Refugees in Peshawar, Pakistan Ammar A. Malik Edward Mohr Yasemin Irvin-Erickson with Loren B. Landau, Caroline Wanjiku Kihato, and Benjamin Edwards June 2017 ABOUT THE URBAN INSTITUTE The nonprofit Urban Institute is dedicated to elevating the debate on social and economic policy. For nearly five decades, Urban scholars have conducted research and offered evidence-based solutions that improve lives and strengthen communities across a rapidly urbanizing world. Their objective research helps expand opportunities for all, reduce hardship among the most vulnerable, and strengthen the effectiveness of the public sector. Copyright © June 2017. Urban Institute. Permission is granted for reproduction of this file, with attribution to the Urban Institute. Contents Acknowledgments iv Executive Summary v Mapping the Structure of Well-Being and Social Networks of Refugees: Peshawar Case Study 1 From Origins of Displacement to Recent Repatriations 1 What Explains the Recent Upsurge in Repatriations? 2 The Peshawar Refugees Survey 5 Survey Methodology 5 Demographic Profile of Surveyed Population 6 Economic Well-Being and Resilience 8 The Role of Social Networks in Well-Being 11 Discussion and Policy Implications 14 Notes 17 About the Authors 18 Statement of Independence 19 Acknowledgments This case study was funded by U.S. Department of State Bureau of Population, Refugees, and Migration. The opinions, findings, and conclusions stated herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect those of the United States Department of State. We are grateful to them and to all our funders, who make it possible for Urban to advance its mission. The views expressed are those of the authors and should not be attributed to the Urban Institute, its trustees, or its funders. Funders do not determine research findings or the insights and recommendations of Urban experts. Further information on the Urban Institute’s funding principles is available at www.urban.org/support. We also gratefully acknowledge expert research assistance, particularly during fieldwork, by Shiraz Hassan and Khurram Rasheed. Several staff members at the Pakistan Institute of Public Opinion, our survey partner, added tremendous value to our research, particularly Bilal Gilani, Nayema Hasnain, and Yahya Sheraz. Urban Institute colleagues Tim Triplett and Harvey Galper provided useful comments on instrument drafts and survey sampling strategy, and Charles Cadwell provided overall guidance at critical stages. An anonymous reviewer’s comments were also used to improve the draft. Cover photo by Metin Aktas/Anadolu Agency/Getty Images. IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Executive Summary Since the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, Peshawar has hosted tens of thousands of refugees fleeing war, most of whom are ethnic Pashtun just like their host communities. Since July 2016, refugee returns have increased dramatically, likely stemming from a combination of factors including doubling of cash grants received upon arrival in Afghanistan, targeted campaigns by the Afghan and Pakistani governments urging refugees to return, and an end to document-free border crossings at Torkham. We found that the latter is a deal breaker for many refugees, most of whom want to maintain tribal or family ties in Afghanistan. Based on an original household survey of 1,000 Afghan households residing in the Peshawar metropolitan area, we further explore structures and forms of refugees’ social networks, linking them to economic well-being. We find that the vast majority are making a living, but mostly in low-value-added occupations such as street vending, with no significant among the two major ethnic groups, (that is, Pashtuns and Tajiks). While most earn more than Pakistani minimum wage, access to health care and educational attainment is particularly low. Refugees hardly ever participate in formal community organizations, and regular support from government or humanitarian sources is low. We recommend supporting the creation of institutionalized collective action platforms that could further strengthen critical existing social ties, providing leverage for resource-constrained humanitarian actors. The national governments of Afghanistan and Pakistan, in coordination with UNHCR, must rearticulate a clear, mutually agreed policy position toward refugees so families have a more certain social and economic future in an environment free from harassment. Further research is needed to assess potential impacts of primary policy options, including a new visa regime for Afghan refugees currently under discussion in Islamabad. Highlights The presence of Afghan refugees has altered the social fabric of cities like Peshawar despite strong ethnic, linguistic, and religious homogeneity across refugee and host populations. Broad geostrategic and global trends, such as the Cold War and the ongoing War on Terror, directly impact this 38-year-old crisis. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY V Refugees rely on preexisting networks in the host country to gain critical information regarding settlement, find housing, and gain employment and financial or emotional support, though the size of this network is not significantly associated with economic outcomes, particularly income. Afghan communities are economically and socially integrated into Peshawar, though the extent and forms of this integration vary by individual or family circumstances and the evolving nature of refugees’ relations with host communities and the Pakistani state. We recommend strengthening refugees’ capacity to self-organize, including through formal collective association platforms. All stakeholders, including national and local governments, humanitarian agencies, and tribal leaders, must communicate to dissolve ongoing tensions and provide clarity to refugees regarding their own future. VI EXECUTIVE SUMMARY Mapping the Structure of Well-Being and Social Networks of Refugees: Peshawar Case Study From Origins of Displacement to Recent Repatriations According to The United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), 1.35 million registered refugees and an estimated 1 million undocumented Afghans reside in Pakistan in December 2016, making it the second largest refugee population after Syrians residing in Turkey.1 Located at the gateway to Afghanistan, Peshawar has served as their primary hub, both for transit and settlement since the late-1970s—significantly altering this ancient city’s social milieu. In 2011, UNHCR’s refugee census found that 29 percent of all Afghan refugees in Pakistan reside in camp and non-camp situations in the Peshawar valley. Due to deep ethnic, tribal and cultural ties, Afghans and Pakistanis have coexisted relatively peacefully, with refugees experiencing social and economic integration. Using an original survey of refugees in Peshawar, this policy brief evaluates how social ties have supported refugees’ self-reliance and economic wellbeing, and offers policy recommendations to government and humanitarian stakeholders for improving their welfare.2 FIGURE 1 Refugees in Pakistan, 1980–2012 Afghanistan has remained in a war-like situation since 1979 due to the Soviet occupation (1979- 89), civil war (1990-96), the Taliban regime (1996-2001) and the ongoing US- and NATO-led war since then. Periodic fighting in and around major population centers has since displaced millions, including into Pakistan and Iran. The population of Afghan refugees in Pakistan has directly correlated with hostilities, featuring waves of incoming displacements and outgoing repatriations. During the Soviet occupation, according to UNHCR, it grew steadily to cross 3 million in 1987 and remained high until 2 years after their withdrawal. Despite civil war, post-Soviet optimism stimulated massive repatriations between 1992 and 1994. The relative political stability of the Taliban years in the mid- to-late 1990s brought no major changes. The US and Allied invasion in 2001 caused major displacements, but were followed by repatriations following the fall of Kabul in November. Since then, despite statistical adjustments following the 2006-07 registration drive, the refugee population had remained relatively stable at around 1.5-1.7 million until mid-2016. FIGURE 2 Repatriations of Afghan Refugees by Month 2015 2016 160,000 120,000 80,000 40,000 0 Source: UNHCR. U R B A N I N S T I T U T E What Explains the Recent Upsurge in Repatriations? As shown in figures 1 and 2, after years of sluggish repatriations averaging 56,839 people per year since 2009, between July-November 2016 alone at least 369,580 documented refugees and an estimated 200,000 undocumented Afghans returned home.3 While not unprecedented in the historical context, this dramatic increase in ‘voluntary’ repatriations has triggered an international debate on its causes and consequences. In February 2017, a Human Rights Watch (HRW) report alleged “Pakistan’s coercion” and “UN complicity” in forcing a “mass forced return of Afghan refugees” based primarily on 115 interviews with returnees in Afghanistan and refugees staying in Pakistan. UNHCR’s regular 2 MAPPING STRUCTURE OF REFUGEE WELL- BEING AND SOCIAL NETWORKS: PESHAWAR reports based on exit interviews with a sample of returnees provides a more comprehensive socioeconomic picture of repatriating families, besides analyses of the “push” and “pull” factors influencing decision making. Though we are unable to assess
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