BBK 66.0 Pavlo Lodyn BOHDAN OSADCHUK's ROLE in THE
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Hist Gosp T.Cdr
STUDIA Z HISTORII SPOŁECZNO-GOSPODARCZEJ 2011 Tom IX Lidia Jurek (Florencja) THE COMMUNICATIVE DIMENSION OF VIOLENCE: POLISH LEGIONS IN ITALY AS AN INSTRUMENT OF APPEAL TO “EUROPE” (1848–1849) In the late March 1848 Władysław Zamoyski stopped in Florence to visit the grave of his mother buried in the magnificent church of Santa Croce. Florence was on his half-way from Rome to Turin, two centers of the springing Risorgimento, where after long strivings the prince Czartoryski’s right hand man managed to obtain agreements about the formation of Polish Legions. It must have been soon after when Zamoyski received a letter from the Prince dated 22 nd of March with the words reacting to the outbreak of 1848 revolutions in Europe: “the scene, as you must know by now, has again changed completely. Berlin and Vienna – by far our enemies – suddenly transformed into our allies. Now the Italian Question becomes of secondary importance to us”1. This article intends to interpret this unexpected turnabout and recalling of Zamoyski’s Italian mission through the lens of the broader propaganda game Czartoryski conducted in Europe. By the same token, it will shed a new light on the function of Hôtel Lambert’s legions. Hôtel Lambert’s legionary activities in Italy were conventionally analyzed through their diplomatic character and their military efficiency. However, as Jerzy Skowronek observed, Czartoryski acted “in accordance with his impera- tive to make use of every, even the smallest and indirect, action to evoke the Polish cause, to provoke another manifestation of sympathy with it, to condemn the partitioning powers” 2. -
The Education of Alexander and Nicholas Pavlovich Romanov The
Agata Strzelczyk DOI: 10.14746/bhw.2017.36.8 Department of History Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań The education of Alexander and Nicholas Pavlovich Romanov Abstract This article concerns two very different ways and methods of upbringing of two Russian tsars – Alexander the First and Nicholas the First. Although they were brothers, one was born nearly twen- ty years before the second and that influenced their future. Alexander, born in 1777 was the first son of the successor to the throne and was raised from the beginning as the future ruler. The person who shaped his education the most was his grandmother, empress Catherine the Second. She appoint- ed the Swiss philosopher La Harpe as his teacher and wanted Alexander to become the enlightened monarch. Nicholas, on the other hand, was never meant to rule and was never prepared for it. He was born is 1796 as the ninth child and third son and by the will of his parents, Tsar Paul I and Tsarina Maria Fyodorovna he received education more suitable for a soldier than a tsar, but he eventually as- cended to the throne after Alexander died. One may ask how these differences influenced them and how they shaped their personalities as people and as rulers. Keywords: Romanov Children, Alexander I and Nicholas I, education, upbringing The education of Alexander and Nicholas Pavlovich Romanov Among the ten children of Tsar Paul I and Tsarina Maria Feodorovna, two sons – the oldest Alexander and Nicholas, the second youngest son – took the Russian throne. These two brothers and two rulers differed in many respects, from their characters, through poli- tics, views on Russia’s place in Europe, to circumstances surrounding their reign. -
Acta 103.Indd
Acta Poloniae Historica 103, 2011 PL ISSN 0001–6892 Marek Kornat THE POLISH IDEA OF ‘THE THIRD EUROPE’ (1937–1938): A REALISTIC CONCEPT OR AN EX-POST VISION? The concept of ‘the Third Europe’ – or ‘the Intermarium Bloc’ – was certainly an interesting political project invented by the Polish Foreign Minister Józef Beck in the years 1937–8. It was bold and ambitious, but quite controversial, therefore it was merely mentioned in many works devoted to the foreign policy of the interwar Poland. There can be no doubt today that without a careful analysis of the assumptions of this concept, it is impossible to grasp the real meaning of the Polish ‘policy of balance’ between Nazi Germany and the Stalinist Soviet Union, as well as the way of thinking of the Polish leaders about international affairs towards the end of the 1930s. The idea of concentrating the smaller states of East-Central Europe around Poland was one of the most essential and independent politi- cal concepts of Beck, although, quite naturally, it referred to various similar ideas put forward by Polish political thought and in the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs from the dawn of Poland’s independence. Had this project any real basis in the political reality of the Europe of the 1930s? What was its essence? What were its concrete pros- pects? What aims did Józef Beck connect with it – who was regarded, not without reason, as a fi rm adherent of bilateralism in international relations and a critic of the concept of ‘bloc-building’ as a method of fi nding security? What were the possibilities of Polish diplomacy in the realities of the late 1930s? Was it a real political project, or maybe only a concept described by historians ex post? What determined its failure? The present study is devoted to refl ection upon these questions. -
Andrzej Szmyt Russia's Educational Policy Aimed at The
Andrzej Szmyt Russia’s Educational Policy Aimed at the Poles and the Polish Territories Annexed During the Reign of Tsar Alexander I Przegląd Wschodnioeuropejski 7/1, 11-28 2016 PRZEGLĄD WSCHODNIOEUROPEJSKI VII/1 2016: 11-28 A n d r z e j Szm y t University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn RUSSIA’S EDUCATIONAL POLICY AIMED AT THE POLES AND THE POLISH TERRITORIES ANNEXED DURING THE REIGN OF TSAR ALEXANDER I 1 Keywords: Russia, tsar Alexander I, the Russian partition of Poland, the history of education, the Vilnius Scientific District, Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski Abstract: The beginning of the 19th century in Russia marks the establishment of the modern system of education, to much extent based on the standards set by the National Commission of Education. Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski , then a close associate of Alexander I, used the young tsar’s enthusiasm for reforming the country, including the educational system. The already implemented reforms encompassed also the territories of the Russian partition. The unique feature of the Vilnius Scientific District created at that time was the possibility of teaching in the Polish language in all types of schools. It was the school superintendent Prince A. J. Czartoryski who deserved credit for that - due to his considerable influence upon the tsar’s policy towards the Poles. After the change in the position of the superintendent (1824) and the death of Alexander I (1825), the authorities’ policy on the Polish educational system became stricter, and after the fall of the November Uprising Polish educational institutions practically disappeared. The source base of the text is constituted by the archival materials stored in the State Historical Archives in Kiev and Vilnius as well as in the Library of The Vilnius University. -
The Intermarium As the Polish-Ukrainian Linchpin of Baltic- Black Sea Cooperation
The Intermarium as the Polish-Ukrainian Linchpin of Baltic- Black Sea Cooperation Edited by Ostap Kushnir The Intermarium as the Polish-Ukrainian Linchpin of Baltic-Black Sea Cooperation Edited by Ostap Kushnir Technical Editor: Margaryta Khvostova Language Editors: Edyta Basiak, Victoria Barry This book first published 2019 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2019 by Ostap Kushnir and contributors All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-5275-2712-3 ISBN (13): 978-1-5275-2712-6 CONTENTS List of Abbreviations ................................................................................ vii Introduction ............................................................................................... ix Ostap Kushnir Chapter One ................................................................................................ 1 The Evolution and Implementation of the Intermarium Strategy in Poland: A Historical Perspective. Daria Nałęcz Introduction. The original idea of the Intermarium. The war with Russia and the failure of the Intermarium. The Intermarium in inter-war times: Oblivion. The Intermarium in communist and post-communist Polish realities. Concluding remarks. Chapter Two ............................................................................................. 22 Ukraine and the Intermarium: From the Middle Ages to the Collapse of the USSR Volodymyr Poltorak Introduction. The Ukrainian point of view on the Intermarium. Imagined past: Pre-Intermarium strategies from the Middle Ages and Early Modern Ages. The long 19th century: Back to the future (1795-1914). Ukraine and the Intermarium in the 20th century. -
The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences
Opinion Paper 48/2021 26/04/2021 Óscar Méndez Pérez* The Three Seas Initiative: Visit Web Receive Newsletter Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences Abstract: The Three Seas Initiative (3SI) is an alliance of Central and Eastern European countries located among the Baltic, Black and Adriatic Seas. Its objectives focus on achieving an interconnected region, with a north-south approach, in the fields of energy, infrastructure and telecommunications. At the same time, it has an eminent geopolitical component that not only can be felt in the region, but that also involves the four major world powers: the US, Russia, China and the European Union. Keywords: Three Seas Initiative, geopolitics, Central and Eastern Europe, energy, infrastructures, telecommunications. How to quote: MÉNDEZ PÉREZ, Óscar. The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences. Opinion Paper. IEEE 48/2021. http://www.ieee.es/Galerias/fichero/docs_opinion/2021/DIEEEO48_2021_OSCMEN_Tresmares _ENG.pdf and/or link bie3 (accessed on the web day/month/year) *NOTE: The ideas contained in the Opinion Papers shall be responsibility of their authors, without necessarily reflecting the thinking of the IEEE or the Ministry of Defense. Opinion Paper 48/2021 1 The Three Seas Initiative: Configuration and Global Geopolitical Consequences Óscar Méndez Pérez Introduction The Three Seas Initiative (TSI) is a collaborative platform between Poland, Croatia, Austria, Bulgaria, -
Polscy Statyści Ery Preromantycznej Wobec Najważniejszych Idei „Tańczącego” Kongresu
dr hab. Daniel Grinberg, prof. UwB Uniwersytet w Białymstoku POLSCY STATYŚCI ERY PREROMANTYCZNEJ WOBEC NAJWAŻNIEJSZYCH IDEI „TAŃCZĄCEGO” KONGRESU „Narody nie umierają. Ich życie w odradzających się ludziach i całych po- koleniach wiekuje. Ich koleje – czy to pomyślność, potęga, sława, czy klęski, niemoc, letarg – są to nagrody, lub kary, ostrzeżenia błędnym lub cierpiącym: są to nie zawsze łatwe do zbadania tajemnice Opatrzności. Jedna rzecz, wszakże, jest pewna, widoczna na każdej karcie historyi, na pro- typowych kartach Biblii i na tym krótkim strumieniu dziejów, co pod okiem naszem upływa: że wszędzie, w chwilach stanowczych, dostrzec można ludzi naczelnych, to królów, to proroków, to prawodawców, to wojowników, nieraz kapłanów, wieszczów, lub męczenników, którzy powstają z różnych warstw społeczności i przewodniczą życiu narodowemu. Lecz jeśli w epokach szczęścia i potęgi uwielbiamy wielkich mężów, obywateli powołanych do przewodzenia, to w okresach upadku i żałoby, kochamy zarówno błogosławione imiona lu- dzi, których cnota, odwaga, zasługi, urok w nieszczęściu rzewniej może i głę- biej wzruszają duszę człowieka”43 – tak zaczyna się biografia Juliana Ursyna Niemcewicza spisana w końcu lat 50. XIX stulecia przez wiekowego już księcia Adama Czartoryskiego, a wydana na rok przed jego śmiercią, pod auspicjami Biblioteki Polskiej w Paryżu. „Król de facto”, młodszy o 13 lat od swojego boha- tera, przeżył go o prawie 20 lat. Pisząc Żywot, spłacał dług wcześniej zaciągnię- ty, ponieważ to były pan na Ursynowie przedstawił go w roku 1835 życzliwie francuskiej elicie, ogłaszając w języku Moliera biografię A. J. Czartoryskiego44. 43 Żywot J. U. Niemcewicza przez ks. A Czartoryskiego, Księgarnia B. Behra, Paryż 1860. 44 J. U. Niemcewicz, Biographie du prince Adam Georges Czartoryski, exprésident du gouverne- ment national de Pologne, wyd. -
Scholarship of Imagination Per Anders Rudling, the Rise and Fall of Belarusian Nationalism, 1906-1931 (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015)
Scholarship of Imagination Per Anders Rudling, The Rise and Fall of Belarusian Nationalism, 1906-1931 (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2015). Aiming to introduce “Belarusian nationalism” (why not “White Ruthenian,” “Belorussian,” or “Byelorussian” is not explained)1 to Western scholarship, Per Anders Rudling has written two works under one cover. One is a true believer’s regurgitation of leftist theories of nationalism. The other is an awkward attempt to ram the modern historical experience of the people of Belarus into the ideological paradigm which guides him. The result is a mixed bag of misinterpreted historical gems and predictable post-modernist clichés. The greatest flaw is that the author does not sufficiently know the history of the lands and peoples of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, where, in his view, Belarusian nationalism was “imagined.” Despite all this, the historian amazingly distills a sound conclusion, namely that modern ideologies imposed on the denizens of Belarus were calamitous for them. Since neither his theoretical baggage nor empirical evidence rendered themselves to this conclusion, we must assume that the scholar arrived at it largely intuitively. By his telling, the “invention of Belarus,” “its imagination,” took place “at the turn of the [20th] century” (p. 3). Although Rudling’s periodization spans from 1906 to 1931, he is mostly interested in the period of 1915-1926: “the efforts of nationalists on both sides of the border to root a national consciousness among the masses” (p. 17). The narrative part follows a chronological path. From 1918 or so, it alternates between geographical parts in the east and west. -
Three Seas Initiative
EURASIA EU Holds 3rd Annual “Three Seas Initiative” Summit in Bucharest OE Watch Commentary: The European Union’s (EU) annual “Three Seas Initiative” summit, held in Bucharest, Romania on 17-18 September, has drawn “Our goal is to build a gas supply system a wide range of political reaction from European press. The Initiative aims to that won’t enable blackmail against us.” unify presidential-level support to 12 EU countries between the Baltic, Adriatic and Black Seas for interconnection projects involving energy, transport, Source: Georgi Gotev and Alexandra Brzozowski, “The and digitalization. Poland led Croatia in launching the first two summits in Brief – Three Seas, Two Leaders,” Euractiv.com, 17 Dubrovnik (2016) and Warsaw (2017). September press statements about this September 2018. https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/ year’s summit reflect three primary positions across Europe: 1) the Initiative news/the-brief-three-seas-two-leaders/ is principally an effort by Poland to become a more central, regional power; 2) “. Let’s not beat about the bush. The Three Seas Initiative the Initiative is divisive and can inherently weaken the EU; and 3) the projects (TSI) is a Poland-promoted anti-Russian and pro-US project. will strengthen political, economic, and geographic connections between And it kicks off today . TSI is quite similar to another eastern and western EU states, and decrease dependencies on Russia. Polish project, meant to build a Polish bloc in Central and The Initiative’s projects are largely infrastructure-focused, and will be Eastern Europe after World War I, a sort of power centre financed with a 100 billion Euro investment fund started by the Polish National between Germany and Russia.” Development Bank. -
Kulturowe I Polityczne Aspekty Mitu Międzymorza 431
Monika Jurkowska Uniwersytet w Białymstoku KULTUROWE I POLITYCZNE ASPEKTY MITU MI ĘDZYMORZA Świ ęte Cesarstwo Rzymskie, unia kalmarska, unia polsko-węgierska, Rze- czypospolita Obojga Narodów, Hanza, Stany Zjednoczone, NATO, ONZ, G-8, Unia Europejska, Organizacja Pa ństw Afryka ńskich, Liga Pa ństw Arabskich – to tylko niektóre powstaj ące na przestrzeni wieków koalicje, które w ró żnym charakterze trwały lub trwaj ą nadal. Sojusze mi ędzy pa ństwami, zawierane albo w celach ekspansywnych, albo obronnych, maj ą nie tylko podło że polityczno- gospodarcze. Kulturowy aspekt, niejednokrotnie pozostaj ący na marginesie bada ń naukowych, ze wzgl ędu na swój niemierzalny ekonomicznie charakter, stanowi jednak nie tylko podstaw ę budowania wspólnej to żsamo ści 1 członków koalicji, ale tak że jest cz ęsto podstawowym wyznacznikiem jej trwało ści. Pewnym fenomenem na tle wspomnianych powy żej sojuszy jest mityczna koncepcja Mi ędzymorza, która wła ściwie nigdy nie została zrealizowana 2. To zało żeniom tego sojuszu, który, co trzeba podkre śli ć na wst ępie, miał charakter obronny przed ekspansj ą Rosji, pó źniej tak że III Rzeszy i Turcji, zostanie po- świ ęcony niniejszy artykuł. Impulsem do podj ęcia tematu stała si ę publikacja Mi ędzymorze wydana w 1946 roku w Rzymie nakładem Klubu Federalnego Środkowo-Europejskiego. Jest to przedruk artykułów ukazuj ących si ę na łamach trzeciego tomu Sitwy Zgrupowania 5. Wile ńskiej Brygady Żubrów 3, wydawanej przez 5. Wile ńsk ą 1 Nale ży przy tej okazji podkre śli ć ró żny charakter korelacji kultur sojuszników. Mo żemy wskaza ć dwa rodzaje zale żno ści: równorz ędno ści kultur, b ądź nadrz ędno ści kultury jednego z sojuszników. -
The Case of Karta Dawnej Polski and Hôtel Lambert's Concepts of The
The failure of the November uprising in 1831 and the resultant Great Polish Emigration not only caused the massive exodus of elites from the Polish Kingdom to western Europe and, consequently, the organization of pro-independence activities from their exile, but also highly influenced the discourse about the geographical shape and political nature of the (desired) future Polish state. The majority of this discourse was represented by memo- randa and newspapers, yet there were also other relevant sources to promote the ideas of various factions. In my study I suggest that cartographical representations have also played an important role in both of the mentioned levels of discourse. This conclusion was made as a result of the analysis of Karta dawnej Polski, the only map of the former Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth in its pre-1772 borders created by émigrés. This project was led by Wojciech Chrzanowski and was under the patronage of the aristocratic faction led by Prince Adam Jerzy Czartoryski (known as Hôtel Lambert). By applying the methodo- logical approach, which has been presented by John Brian Harley, and focusing on the historical and anthropological attributes of the map rather than solely on its empirical de- scription, I conclude with the suggestion that this map communicated various narratives at both levels of discourse. The most evident was its military narrative, which has promoted the idea of an armed uprising as the only possible way to restore an independent Polish state. The second concerned the ideas cultivated by the representatives of Hôtel Lambert regarding the shape and nature of a future state. -
The Fall of the Second Polish Republic
Georgia Southern University Digital Commons@Georgia Southern Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies, Jack N. Averitt College of Summer 2013 Drugi Potop: The Fall of the Second Polish Republic Wesley Kent Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/etd Part of the Diplomatic History Commons, European History Commons, Military History Commons, and the Political History Commons Recommended Citation Kent, Wesley, "Drugi Potop: The Fall of the Second Polish Republic" (2013). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 851. https://digitalcommons.georgiasouthern.edu/etd/851 This thesis (open access) is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies, Jack N. Averitt College of at Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Georgia Southern. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 1 DRUGI POTOP: THE FALL OF THE SECOND POLISH REPUBLIC by Wesley Kent (Under the Direction of John W. Steinberg) ABSTRACT This thesis seeks to examine the factors that resulted in the fall of the Second Polish Republic and track its downward trajectory. Examining the Second Republic, from its creation in 1918 to its loss of recognition in 1945, reveals that its demise began long before German tanks violated Poland’s frontiers on 1 September, 1939. Commencing with the competing ideas of what a Polish state would be and continuing through the political and foreign policy developments of the inter-war years, a pattern begins to emerge - that of the Poles’ search for their place in modern Europe. The lead up to the Second World War and the invasion of Poland by the German-Soviet Alliance demonstrates the failure of the Poles to achieve that place.