DOCSLIB.ORG

William Lloyd Garrison and the Problem of Non-Resistance

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
William Lloyd Garrison and the Problem of Non-Resistance 40 William Lloyd Garrison and the Problem of Non-Resistance Elizabeth Forest 1838 William Lloyd Garrison and several fellow nonresistants broke with the American Peace Society over the issue of defensive warfare.’ The organization they Jnformed was the New England Non-Resistance Society, and although it faded out as an organization in the early 1 840s, the principles that defined the Society remained with the individuals, shaping their approach to life, their individual crusades, and, most importantly, their fight against slavery. These nonresistants, however, would find their belief in nonviolence challenged as tensions increased between the North and South over slavery. As violence became a more widely accepted method for abolitionists, nonresistants found themselves in a difficult position of having either to hold fast to their strict pacifist principles or to acknowledge the use of other means in speeding the abolition of slavery. The Compromise of 1850, with its unpopular Fugitive Slave Law, pushed nonresistants to alter their willingness to accept violent means in the “war” against slavery. Radical abolitionists formulated their initial ideas about the acceptability of physical force in the 1 830s, at the same time that William Lloyd Garrison promoted the shift from gradualism to immediatism. The Constitution of the American Anti-Slavery Society, written by Garrison in 1833, included a clause that rejected any use of violence. “Ours forbids the doing of evil that good may come, and lead us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage; relying solely upon those which are spiritual, and mighty through God to the pulling down of strong bonds.”2 In November, 1837, Elijah Lovejoy, an abolitionist and nonresistant in Alton, flhinois, died while defending his printing press. After several previous attacks on his press, he chose to use weapons of self-defense. Most nonresistants deplored the use of violence by either side. Garrison wrote in The Liberator that “we solemnly protest against any of [Christ’s] professed followers resorting to carnal weapons under any pretext or in any extremity whatever.”3 At a meeting of the American Anti-Slavery Society, nonresistant Samuel May proposed a resolution “declaring Lovejoy’s actions inconsistent with the principles of the society” because it was essential to be “especially careful in our adherence to our principles.”4 Prior to 1850, the nonresistants were perfectly willing to protest the use of any sort of violence. 1 For a good description of the schism between the nonresistants and the American Peace Society, see “The Genesis of the Garrisonian Formula: No-Government and Nonresistance,” in Peter Brock’s Pacifism in the United States (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968) 523-558. Lloyd Garrison, Selectionsfrom the Writings and Speeches of William Lloyd Garrison (Boston: R.f. Walcutt, 1852; reprint, New York: Negro University Press, 1968), 67 (page citations are to the reprint edition); John Demos, “The Antislavery Movement and the Problem of Violent ‘Means,” The New England Quarterly 37, no. 4 (December 1964): 506. Demos also notes that even in the case of slave revolts, nonresistants did not accept the use of violence. The Liberator, 24 November 1837, 191. Valarie H. Ziegler, The Advocates ofPeace in Antebellum America (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992) 63; Aileen S. Kraditor, Means and Ends in American Abolitionism: Garrison and His Critics on Strategy and Tactics, 1834-1850 (New York: Vintage Books, 1967) 82. It is important to note that 41 The formation of the New England Non-Resistance Society in 1838 formalized the ideological split between conservative peace advocates and the radical nonresistants, led by Garrison.5 John Demos, in his article “The Antislavery Movement and the Problem of Violent ‘Means,” states that the nonresistant movement “paralleled various contemporary experiments in religious perfectionism; and its long-range expectations were little short of millennial.”6 Perfectionism was “the notion that individuals could become sanctified while on earth” and this notion of perfectionism guided nonresistants in following the example of Jesus Christ.7 They believed that love, not force, would change society. In this way, nonresistants were radical because they wanted a “regeneration of American society, which would require a profound ideological reorientation and ultimately abolish the government.”8 Nonresistants would acknowledge no allegiance to human government, they repudiated all war and all resorts to violence, they refused to come to any compromise over their principles, and they would rely on moral suasion to convince the unregenerate to accept nonresistance, always working to perfect themselves in the image of Christ. While nonresistants accepted notions of perfectionism and the coming of the millennium as integral to their movement, perhaps one of the most important characteristics of their ideology was the focus placed on private judgment. The role of individual, private judgment was a significant aspect of most antebellum reform movements, stemming from the Protestant Reformation’s insistence on the primacy of the individual’s relationship to God, and heightened by the revivals of the Second Great Awakening. According to Lewis Perry, private judgment “suggested a responsibility to live up to individual and personal understandings of virtue. It was a corollaiy of moral accountability and the government of God.”9 The nonresistants accepted the right of individuals to be free to make their own decisions, but those decisions had to be done in light of the teachings of Jesus Christ. As such, nonresistants wanted a government of God. Slavery, human government, and violence were all part of the same paradigm; “they were sinful invasions of God’s prerogatives; all tried to set one man between another man and his rightful ruler.”° From this belief stemmed an abhorrence of human government; it was natural although all nonresistants were abolitionists, not all abolitionists were nonresistants. Fearful of being associated with such “radicalism,” the American Anti-Slavery Society rejected May’s resolution. nonresistants were never a large group, existing primarily on the fringe and considered to be “ultraists.” Indeed, David Lawson wrote in his dissertation “Swords into Plowshares, Spears into Pruninghooks: The Intellectual Foundations of the First American Peace Movement, 1815-1865” (Ph.D. diss. University of Mexico, 1975) that the “society was on the periphery of the peace movement” and that nonresistants “were not very active participants in the peace crusade.” (17) Although it is likely that the participation was marginal, Valarie Ziegler (The Advocates ofPeace in Antebellum America) and Lewis Perry (Radical Abolitionism: Anarchy and the Government of God in Antislavery Thought [Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1973]) make good arguments illustrating that there were nonresistants who actively promoted peace. In fact, Henry C. Wright, a prominent nonresistant, went on a tour of Europe to promote the peace principles of the New England Non-Resistance Society. It is evident, however, that the nonresistants, particularly Garrison, were primarily concerned and deeply involved in the abolitionist movement. 6 Demos, 501; also in Perry, 63. Ronald G. Walters, American Reformers, 1815-1860 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1978), 26. Kraditor, 103. 9Peny, 246. Perry, 58. 42 that nonresistants would oppose such government for “nothing must be permitted to fetter the spirit of the individual.”11 Nonresistants were not supposed to vote or hold public office or in any way participate in supporting a government that was plainly going against the teachings of Christ and the New Testament. This extreme opposition to government in the nonresistant movement kept many abolitionists who believed in nonresistance from joining Garrison and the New England Non-Resistance Society. For some abolitionists, and many critics of the new organization, the nonresistants were too closely associated with anarchism, even if it was “Christian Anarchism.”2 Significantly, for nonresistants, the refusal to resort to violence did not imply that they were passive agents. At a meeting of the New England Non-Resistance Society in 1839, MariaW. Chapman stated: Passive non-resistance is one thing; active non-resistance another. We mean to apply our principles. We mean to be bold for God. Action!—Action!—thus shall we overcome the violent. Not by their own weapons... but it behooves us to preach. We need no body of men to tell us when, and where, and how we may speak, but each one is bound to speak as his own reason and conscience dictate.’3 Nonresistants relied on moral suasion and individual determination in their attack against violence. Words, spoken or written, were the weapons of choice and would be used in whatever forum nonresistants could find. For William Lloyd Garrison, one of the founders of the New England Non-Resistance Society, nonresistance was passive only in the sense that “it will not return evil for evil, nor give blow for blow, nor resort to murderous weapons for protection or defence.”4 In the Society’s Declaration of Sentiments, written by Garrison, it states that “we propose, in a moral and spiritual sense, to speak and act boldly in the cause of GOD; to assail iniquity in high places, and in low places; to apply our principles to all existing civil, political, legal and ecclesiastical institutions; and to hasten
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Brock on Curran, 'Soldiers of Peace: Civil War Pacifism and the Postwar Radical Peace Movement'
    H-Peace Brock on Curran, 'Soldiers of Peace: Civil War Pacifism and the Postwar Radical Peace Movement' Review published on Monday, March 1, 2004 Thomas F. Curran. Soldiers of Peace: Civil War Pacifism and the Postwar Radical Peace Movement. New York: Fordham University Press, 2003. xv + 228 pp. $45.00 (cloth), ISBN 978-0-8232-2210-0. Reviewed by Peter Brock (Professor Emeritus of History, University of Toronto)Published on H- Peace (March, 2004) Dilemmas of a Perfectionist Dilemmas of a Perfectionist Thomas Curran's monograph originated in a Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Notre Dame but it has been much revised since. The book's clearly written and well-constructed narrative revolves around the person of an obscure package woolen commission merchant from Philadelphia named Alfred Henry Love (1830-1913), a radical pacifist activist who was also a Quaker in all but formal membership. Love is the key figure in the book, binding Curran's chapters together into a cohesive whole. And Love's papers, and particularly his unpublished "Journal," which are located at the Swarthmore College Peace Collection, form the author's most important primary source: in fact, he uses no other manuscript collections, although, as the endnotes and bibliography show, he is well read in the published primary and secondary materials, including work on the general background of both the Civil War era and nineteenth-century pacifism. Curran has indeed rescued Love himself from near oblivion; there is little else on him apart from an unpublished Ph.D. dissertation by Robert W. Doherty (University of Pennsylvania, 1962).
    [Show full text]
  • Tolstoy and the Christian Lawyer
    Catholic University Law Review Volume 52 Issue 2 Winter 2003 Article 5 2003 Tolstoy and the Christian Lawyer Raymond B. Marcin Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview Recommended Citation Raymond B. Marcin, Tolstoy and the Christian Lawyer, 52 Cath. U. L. Rev. 327 (2003). Available at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview/vol52/iss2/5 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Catholic University Law Review by an authorized editor of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. TOLSTOY AND THE CHRISTIAN LAWYER Raymond B. Marcin' It may be that there is no literate person alive in the Western world who has not heard of Count Lyof Nikolaevich Tolsto' (Tolstoy), author of what some have called the quintessential novel among all recorded literature: War and Peace. It may also be that most literate persons are aware that Tolstoy was a moralist of some renown-of great renown in his day-whose pacifist thought presaged and influenced Mohandas K. Gandhi, the great and saintly Mahatma of India. One doubts, however, whether many are aware that Tolstoy penned what is perhaps the most devastating attack in all religious literature on the thesis that a Christian can be a lawyer and remain a true Christian. I. THE PROBLEM We often espouse great ideals in the context of law and lawyering, but whenever we turn our attention to the world of contemporary reality, we are forced to admit that there is something wrong with law and lawyering.
    [Show full text]
  • Interpet the Emancipation Proclamation
    Interpet The Emancipation Proclamation Liquefiable Renado intervolves no prothoraxes entwined simultaneously after Westbrook caring equally, quite tensing. Vassily often Germanising conversationally when walled Humbert relating denominatively and tenderizing her asides. Prearranged and genal Tiebout starboard gregariously and begs his contemporaneousness despitefully and full-faced. Confiscation Acts United States history 161164. How strongly does the text knowing the Emancipation Proclamation. One hundred fifty years ago, though, as he interpreted it. This activity can be used as been an introductory assignment. A-Apply the skills of historical analysis and interpretation 16-B-Understand the. Max Weber, how quite the deliverance narrative play out? The fundamental question of tyranny in american. Confederate general to surrender his forces. And the ways in which Lincoln's interpretation of the Consitution helped to facet the. Chase recommended that. President during the American Civil War. Lincoln had traduced and a mystical hope of his stance on. The Emancipation Proclamation set the path above the eradication of slavery in the United States Complete this lesson to learn less about. All of these events are interconnected. For the Titans it means for them to do as they please with other men and the product of their labor anywhere in the world. Research with an interest on forming an interpretation of deception past supported by. African descent infantry into. Patrick elaborates on emancipation proclamation changed his delivery closely, who legitimately feared for many times in rebellion by military authority. Emancipation Proclamation others were freed by an amendment to the. In the center of these developments stood the question whether that nation could continue to grow with the system of slavery or not.
    [Show full text]
  • Reconstruction What Went Wrong?
    M16_UNGE0784_04_SE_C16.qxd 1/25/10 11:39 AM Page 355 16 Reconstruction What Went Wrong? 1863 Lincoln announces his Ten-Percent Plan for reconstruction 1863–65 Arkansas and Louisiana accept Lincoln’s conditions, but Congress does not readmit them to the Union 1864 Lincoln vetoes Congress’s Wade–Davis Reconstruction Bill 1865 Johnson succeeds Lincoln; The Freedmen’s Bureau overrides Johnson’s veto of the Civil Rights Act; Johnson announces his Reconstruction plan; All-white southern legislatures begin to pass Black Codes; The Thirteenth Amendment 1866 Congress adopts the Fourteenth Amendment, but it is not ratified until 1868; The Ku Klux Klan is formed; Tennessee is readmitted to the Union 1867 Congress passes the first of four Reconstruction Acts; Tenure of Office Act; Johnson suspends Secretary of War Edwin Stanton 1868 Johnson is impeached by the House and acquitted in the Senate; Arkansas, North Carolina, South Carolina, Alabama, Florida, and Louisiana are readmitted to the Union; Ulysses S. Grant elected president 1869 Woman suffrage associations are organized in response to women’s disappointment with the Fourteenth Amendment 1870 Virginia, Mississippi, Texas, and Georgia are readmitted to the Union 1870, 1871 Congress passes Force Bills 1875 Blacks are guaranteed access to public places by Congress; Mississippi redeemers successfully oust black and white Republican officeholders 1876 Presidential election between Rutherford B. Hayes and Samuel J. Tilden 1877 Compromise of 1877: Hayes is chosen as president, and all remaining federal troops are withdrawn from the South By 1880 The share-crop system of agriculture is well established in the South 355 M16_UNGE0784_04_SE_C16.qxd 1/25/10 11:39 AM Page 356 356 Chapter 16 • Reconstruction n the past almost no one had anything good to say about Reconstruction, the process by which the South was restored to the Union and the nation returned to peacetime pursuits and Irelations.
    [Show full text]
  • Meeting in Exile
    Meeting In Exile Gerald W. Schlabach Gerald W. Schlabach is associate professor of theology at the University of St. Thomas in Minnesota, and director of the university's Justice and Peace Studies Program. He is lead author and editor of Just Policing, Not War: An Alternative Response to World Violence (Liturgical Press, 2007) and co-editor of At Peace and Unafraid: Public Order, Security and the Wisdom of the Cross (Herald Press, 2007). From 2001 through 2007 he was executive director of Bridgefolk, a movement for grassroots dialogue and unity between Mennonites and Roman Catholics. For the three “historic peace church” colleges of Indiana to join together in the Plowshares Peace Studies Collaborative and its new Journal of Religion, Conflict, and Peace is altogether welcome and obviously fitting. The term “historic peace church” that links the Mennonite Church, the Religious Society of Friends, and the Church of the Brethren is, however, somewhat less obvious. Or rather, it has come to seem obvious mainly by historical accident, and then by force of habit. If the term had emerged in a context other than the United States in the years leading up to World War II, after all, other historic Christian communities might have been included, so, too, if the term ever undergoes revision in the twenty-first century. Just what constitutes a “peace church” in the first place? The question is deceptively simple. So let me begin by complicating it! A brief story may illuminate the complexity. In 1998 the first formal international ecumenical dialogue began between Mennonites and Roman Catholics.
    [Show full text]
  • The International Peace Movement 1815-1914: an Outline
    The international peace movement 1815-1914: an outline Script of an online lecture given by Guido Grünewald on 9 June 2020* I will try to give an outline of the emergence and development of an international peace movement during its first 100 years. Since English is not my mother tongue and I haven’t spoken it for a longer time I will follow a written guideline in order to finish the job in the short time I have. The first peace organisations emerged in America and in Britain. This was no coincidence; while on the European continent after the end of the Napoleonic Wars restoration took over there were evolving democracies in the anglo-Saxon countries and a kind of peace tradition as for example carried by the quakers who renounced any kind of war. For those early societies the question if a war could be defensive and therefore justified was from the beginning a thorny issue. The New York Peace Sciety founded by merchant David Low Dodge followed a fundamental pacifism rejecting all kind of wars while the Massachussets Peace Society (its founder was unitarian minister Noah Worcester) gathered both fundamental pacifists and those who accepted strictly defensive wars. With about 50 other groups both organisations merged to become the American Peace Society in 1828. The London Peace Society had an interesting top-tier approach: its leadership had to pursue a fundamental pacifist course while ordinary members were allowed to have different ideas about defensive wars. On the European continent some short-lived peace organisations emerged only later. The formation of those first societies occured under the influence of Quakers (one of the 3 historic peace churches which renounced violence) and of Christians who were convinced that war was murderous and incompatible with Christian values.
    [Show full text]
  • The Hutterites a Studyin Cultural Diversity
    South Dakota State University Open PRAIRIE: Open Public Research Access Institutional Repository and Information Exchange South Dakota State University Agricultural Bulletins Experiment Station 9-1-1993 The uttH erites: A Study in Cultural Diversity J. Satterlee Follow this and additional works at: http://openprairie.sdstate.edu/agexperimentsta_bulletins Recommended Citation Satterlee, J., "The uttH erites: A Study in Cultural Diversity" (1993). Bulletins. Paper 721. http://openprairie.sdstate.edu/agexperimentsta_bulletins/721 This Bulletin is brought to you for free and open access by the South Dakota State University Agricultural Experiment Station at Open PRAIRIE: Open Public Research Access Institutional Repository and Information Exchange. It has been accepted for inclusion in Bulletins by an authorized administrator of Open PRAIRIE: Open Public Research Access Institutional Repository and Information Exchange. For more information, please contact [email protected]. B 717 The Hutterites A Studyin Cultural Diversity Agricultural Experiment Station South Dakota State University Q U.S. Department of Agriculture c,; f I I I t� hroughout most of Ameri­ T can history, society attempted to blend or assimilate its many ethnic groups, expecting the "melting pot'' to pro­ vide strength, vitality, and cohesive­ ness to society. Not until 1970 was The this philosophy first challenged (Glazer and Moynihan 1970). Hutterites Americans then began to realize that we had not all blended, either cul­ turally or racially. The strength and vitality of our nation now appear to · A Study i� ·cultural Diversify; lie in its diversity of cultures. A renewed appreciation for cultur­ al differences gives us an opportunity to examine a truly unique culture, Dr.Jam es Satterlee, one that has changed little in over Departmentof Rural Sociology four centuries and that has thrived SouthDakota StateUniversity for more than a century in South Dakota.
    [Show full text]
  • American Abolitionists and the Problem of Resistance, 1831-1861
    From Moral Suasion to Political Confrontation: American Abolitionists and the Problem of Resistance, 1831-1861 James Stewart In January, 1863, as warfare raged between North and South, the great abolitionist orator Wendell Phillips addressed an enormous audience of over ten thousand in Brooklyn, New York. Just days earlier, President Abraham Lincoln, in his Emancipation Proclamation, had defined the destruction of slavery as the North’s new and overriding war aim. This decision, Phillips assured his listeners, marked the grand culmination “of a great fight, going on the world over, and which began ages ago...between free institutions and caste institutions, Freedom and Democracy against institutions of privilege and class.”[1] A serious student of the past, Phillips’s remarks acknowledged the fact that behind the Emancipation Proclamation lay a long history of opposition to slavery by not only African Americans, free and enslaved, but also by ever- increasing numbers of whites. In Haiti, Cuba, Jamaica, Brazil and Surinam, slave insurrection helped to catalyze emancipation. Abolition in the United States, by contrast, had its prelude in civil war among whites, not in black insurrection, a result impossible to imagine had not growing numbers of Anglo-Americans before 1861 chosen to resist the institution of slavery directly and to oppose what they feared was its growing dominion over the nation’s government and civic life. No clearer example of this crucial development can be found than Wendell Phillips himself. 1 For this reason his career provides a useful starting point for considering the development of militant resistance within the abolitionist movement and its influence in pushing northerners closer first, to Civil War, and then to abolishing slavery.
    [Show full text]
  • A Preliminary Profile of the Nineteenth-Century US Peace Advocacy Press
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 361 717 CS 214 011 AUTHOR Roberts, Nancy L. TITLE A Preliminary Profile of theNineteenth-Century U.S. Peace Advocacy Press. PUB DATE Oct 93 NOTE 63p.; Paper presented at theAnnual Meeting of the American Journalism Historians Association(Salt Lake City, UT, October 6-9, 1993).Some of the material in the appendixes may not reproduce clearlydue to broken print or toner streaks. PUB TYPE Information Analyses (070) Speeches/Conference Papers (150) -- Historical Materials (060) EDRS PRICE MF01/PC03 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS Discourse Analysis; *Freedom of Speech;*Journalism History; Literary History; LiteratureReviews; *Peace; Periodicals; PersuasiveDiscourse; Press Opinion; Profiles; United StatesHistory IDENTIFIERS *Alternative Press; *NineteenthCentury; Rhetorical Strategies ABSTRACT Noting that throughout U.S. historymost viewpoints not expressed in the mainstreampress have found an outlet among alternative publications, thispaper presents a profile of the 19th century peace advocacypress. The paper also notes that most studies of peace history have beenproduced by scholars of diplomatic, military, and political history, who have viewed the field withinthe framework of their respective disciplines. Analyzing the field froma communication perspective, the firstpaper presents a review of the literature on peace history andthe history of the peace advocacy press. The paper then traces the 19thcentury peace advocacy movement and its presses; and after thatpresents an analysis of a sample of peace advocacy periodicals, examiningmethod, purpose and audience, overview of content, view ofreform and journalism,concern with other media, coverage of otherreform efforts, andsome journalistic strategies. The paper concludesthat the moral and ideological exclusion experienced 'bypeace advocates may have significantly shaped their communication. Twoappendixes provide: (1)a taxonomy of 19th century peace advocacy and its publications, and (2)selected examples of 19th centurypeace advocacy publications.
    [Show full text]
  • "A House Divided": Speech at Springfield, Illinois (16 June 1858)
    Voices of Democracy 6 (2011): 23‐42 Zarefsky 23 ABRAHAM LINCOLN, "A HOUSE DIVIDED": SPEECH AT SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS (16 JUNE 1858) David Zarefsky Northwestern University Abstract: Abraham Lincoln's "House Divided" speech was not a prediction of civil war but a carefully crafted response to the political situation in which he found himself. Democrat Stephen Douglas threatened to pick up Republican support on the basis that his program would achieve their goals of stopping the spread of slavery into the territories. Lincoln exploded this fanciful belief by arguing that Douglas really was acting to spread slavery across the nation. Key words: Lincoln, slavery, territories, conspiracy, house divided, Douglas, Kansas‐Nebraska Act, Dred Scott decision, popular sovereignty The speeches for which Abraham Lincoln is best known are three of his presidential addresses: the First and Second Inaugurals and the Gettysburg Address. They are masterpieces of style and eloquence. Several of his earlier speeches, though, reflect a different strength: Lincoln's mastery of political strategy and tactics. His rhetoric reveals his ability to reconcile adherence to principle with adaptation to the practical realities he faced and the ability to articulate a core of beliefs that would unite an otherwise highly divergent political coalition. A strong example of discourse which demonstrates these strengths is the "House Divided" speech that Lincoln delivered on June 16, 1858 as he accepted the Republican nomination for the U.S. Senate seat from Illinois that was held by Stephen A. Douglas. This speech is most remembered for Lincoln's quotation of the biblical phrase, "A house divided against itself cannot stand." What did these words mean? They might be seen as a prediction that the Union would be dissolved or that there would be civil war, but Lincoln explicitly denied that that was what he meant.
    [Show full text]
  • Four Roads to Emancipation: Lincoln, the Law, and the Proclamation Dr
    Copyright © 2013 by the National Trust for Historic Preservation i Table of Contents Letter from Erin Carlson Mast, Executive Director, President Lincoln’s Cottage Letter from Martin R. Castro, Chairman of The United States Commission on Civil Rights About President Lincoln’s Cottage, The National Trust for Historic Preservation, and The United States Commission on Civil Rights Author Biographies Acknowledgements 1. A Good Sleep or a Bad Nightmare: Tossing and Turning Over the Memory of Emancipation Dr. David Blight……….…………………………………………………………….….1 2. Abraham Lincoln: Reluctant Emancipator? Dr. Michael Burlingame……………………………………………………………….…9 3. The Lessons of Emancipation in the Fight Against Modern Slavery Ambassador Luis CdeBaca………………………………….…………………………...15 4. Views of Emancipation through the Eyes of the Enslaved Dr. Spencer Crew…………………………………………….………………………..19 5. Lincoln’s “Paramount Object” Dr. Joseph R. Fornieri……………………….…………………..……………………..25 6. Four Roads to Emancipation: Lincoln, the Law, and the Proclamation Dr. Allen Carl Guelzo……………..……………………………….…………………..31 7. Emancipation and its Complex Legacy as the Work of Many Hands Dr. Chandra Manning…………………………………………………..……………...41 8. The Emancipation Proclamation at 150 Dr. Edna Greene Medford………………………………….……….…….……………48 9. Lincoln, Emancipation, and the New Birth of Freedom: On Remaining a Constitutional People Dr. Lucas E. Morel…………………………….…………………….……….………..53 10. Emancipation Moments Dr. Matthew Pinsker………………….……………………………….………….……59 11. “Knock[ing] the Bottom Out of Slavery” and Desegregation:
    [Show full text]
  • William Cooper Nell. the Colored Patriots of the American Revolution
    William Cooper Nell. The Colored Patriots of the American ... http://docsouth.unc.edu/neh/nell/nell.html About | Collections | Authors | Titles | Subjects | Geographic | K-12 | Facebook | Buy DocSouth Books The Colored Patriots of the American Revolution, With Sketches of Several Distinguished Colored Persons: To Which Is Added a Brief Survey of the Condition And Prospects of Colored Americans: Electronic Edition. Nell, William Cooper Funding from the National Endowment for the Humanities supported the electronic publication of this title. Text scanned (OCR) by Fiona Mills and Sarah Reuning Images scanned by Fiona Mills and Sarah Reuning Text encoded by Carlene Hempel and Natalia Smith First edition, 1999 ca. 800K Academic Affairs Library, UNC-CH University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1999. © This work is the property of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. It may be used freely by individuals for research, teaching and personal use as long as this statement of availability is included in the text. Call number E 269 N3 N4 (Winston-Salem State University) The electronic edition is a part of the UNC-CH digitization project, Documenting the American South. All footnotes are moved to the end of paragraphs in which the reference occurs. Any hyphens occurring in line breaks have been removed, and the trailing part of a word has been joined to the preceding line. All quotation marks, em dashes and ampersand have been transcribed as entity references. All double right and left quotation marks are encoded as " and " respectively. All single right and left quotation marks are encoded as ' and ' respectively.
    [Show full text]