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Gold and Power in Ancient Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia

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Gold and Power in Ancient Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia This is an extract from: Gold and Power in Ancient Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia Jeffrey Quilter and John W. Hoopes, Editors published by Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection Washington, D.C. © 2003 Dumbarton Oaks Trustees for Harvard University Washington, D.C. Printed in the United States of America www.doaks.org/etexts.html GOLD AND POWER IN ANCIENT COSTA RICA, PANAMA, AND COLOMBIA GOLD AND POWER IN ANCIENT COSTA RICA, PANAMA, AND COLOMBIA A Symposium at Dumbarton Oaks 9 and 10 October 1999 Jeffrey Quilter and John W. Hoopes, Editors Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection Washington, D.C. Copyright © 2003 Dumbarton Oaks Trustees for Harvard University, Washington, D.C. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America Frontispiece: King Antonio Saldaña of Talamanca wearing a necklace of tumbaga bird-effigy pendants. Detail of a portrait by S. Llorente, 1892. ©1992 National Museum of Costa Rica, Editorial Escudo de Oro, S.A. (Calvo Mora, Bonilla Vargas, and Sánchez Pérez, 1992) Cataloging-in-Publication Data for this volume is on file with the Library of Congress. ISBN 0-88402-294-3 Contents Map: Archaeological culture areas and contemporary states in southern Central America and Colombia vii Chronological Chart: Prehistoric Costa Rica and Panama viii Chronological Chart: Prehistoric Colombia ix Introduction: The Golden Bridge of the Daríen 1 Jeffrey Quilter “Catching the Light”: Technologies of Power and Enchantment in Pre-Columbian Goldworking 15 Nicholas J. Saunders Goldwork and Chibchan Identity: Endogenous Change and Diffuse Unity in the Isthmo-Colombian Area 49 John W. Hoopes and Oscar M. Fonseca Z. Who Crafted, Exchanged, and Displayed Gold in Pre-Columbian Panama? 91 Richard Cooke, Ilean Isaza, John Griggs, Benoit Desjardins, and Luís Alberto Sánchez From Jade to Gold in Costa Rica: How, Why, and When 159 Michael J. Snarskis Metallurgy, Balls, and Stone Statuary in the Diquís Delta, Costa Rica: Local Production of Power Symbols 205 Patricia Fernández and Ifigenia Quintanilla The Political Economy of Pre-Columbian Gold Work: Four Examples from Northern South America 245 Carl Henrik Langebaek VI Creation Imagery in the Goldwork of Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia 279 Mark Miller Graham Gold, Stone, and Ideology: Symbols of Power in the Tairona Tradition of Northern Colombia 301 Warwick Bray The Seed of Life: The Symbolic Power of Gold-Copper Alloys and Metallurgical Transformations 345 Ana María Falchetti Gold in the Everyday Lives of Indigenous Peoples of Sixteenth-Century Southern Central America. 383 Eugenia Ibarra Index 421 Honduras CARIBBEAN SEA Nicaragua Guajira Tairona Lower Magdalena Atlantic watershed Greater Nicoya Venezuela Panama Darién Costa Rica Sinú Chiriquí Coclé Conte Veraguas Antioquia . R o c o n i r Middle Cauca O Muisca Colombia Tierradentro Calima PACIFIC OCEAN Upper Magdalena Brazil Ecuador R. zon Peru Ama Archaeological culture areas and contemporary states in southern Central America and adjacent regions of South America Greater Central Highlands/ Atlantic Central Nicoya Central Pacific Watershed Diquís Chiriquí Panama 1600 1550 Contact Period Late Ceramic E 1500 Ometepe 1450 Late Ceramic D 1400 1350 1300 Cartago La Cabaña Chiriquí Chiriquí Late Ceramic C 1200 1100 Sapoá 1000 Late Ceramic B 900 San Lorenzo 800 Late Ceramic A 700 La Selva Curridabat 600 Aguas Middle Ceramic C 500 Bagaces Buenas 400 Aguas 300 Buenas Middle Ceramic B 200 El Bosque 100 A.D. Pavas La 0 Concepcíon Middle Ceramic A 100 B.C. Tempisque 200 300 400 500 600 700 Early Ceramic B 800 Barba La Montaña Sinacrá 900 1000 1100 1200 Orosi 1300 1400 1500 1600 Early Ceramic A 1700 1800 1900 2000 Chronological Chart: Prehistoric Costa Rica and Panama Middle Lower Sierra Nevada Upper Magdalena Tierradentro Calima Cauca Valley Antioquia Muisca Sinú Magdalena de Santa Marta Guajira 1600 ? Modern Malibú Modern Modern 1500 Complejo Las Palmas Late 1400 Late Late Period ? 1300 Muisca Tairona Late Period Sonso Late Quimbaya Formative Tradición 1200 Recent Late Period Modelada Late Period 1100 Early Pintada Muisca Los Cocos 1000 Poracelli 900 Late 800 Herrera 700 600 Midde 500 Yotoco Pueblo Viejo Formative Tradición 400 Regional Classic Middle Period Granulosa Neguanje 300 Incisa Early Period 200 La Loma El 100 A.D. Early Quimbaya Early Horno 0 Pueblo Viejo Herrera 100 B.C. Ferrería 200 Formative 3 300 400 Malambo Malambo 500 Formative 2 Early Period 3 600 Early 700 Ilama Herrera ? 800 Early Period 2 900 1000 Formative 1 La Sierra ? 2100 Early Period 1 Before 2100 Chronological Chart: Prehistoric Colombia Introduction: The Golden Bridge of the Darién Jeffrey Quilter Dumbarton Oaks pandemic of gold fever gripped the New World for centuries. Columbus, on his last voyage, named a strip of land he touched “Costa Rica” because of the ubiquity of Agold he saw on the necks, arms, and chests of its inhabitants. One of the great tales of the conquest of Mexico is Cortés telling Moctezuma’s envoys that the Spanish suffered from a strange malady for which the only cure was gold (Sale 1991: 233). “Gold as cure” may have been a common Spanish trope. Apparently, once native peoples understood the lengths to which Europeans would go for this remedy, they occasionally obliged by pouring molten gold down selected gullets of the “ailing.” The Spanish did, however, get their gold fix: between 1503 and 1660, some 185,000 kilograms of gold flowed from the Americas to Spain (Elliott 1996: 180). If sold at gold’s current price of $262 an ounce, this plunder would be worth $1,558,023,000; the equivalent in sixteenth-century currency would be more than ten times this amount. Gold fueled the Counter-Reformation and the Spanish Armada, altering the course of world history. Lust for the yellow metal spread throughout the New World and continued unabated, from the sixteenth century (from Columbus to Cortés to Pizarro) through the nineteenth century (with the California forty-niners and Alaskan gold rushes) to the twentieth century (and the outbreak of gold fever in the open pit mines of Brazil). The magical incorruptibility of gold has induced the corruption of many a body and soul. The lure of gold as a source of quick and bountiful cash led to looting on a vast scale in southern Central America and Colombia. Overgrown ridge-top cemeteries in Costa Rica, picked clean a century ago, now resemble tropical versions of World War I battlefields, their surfaces riddled with the pockmarks of looters’ picks rather than mortar shells. Thousands of gold “eagles” and other items poured out of the Intermediate Area to the extent that some of the smaller pieces were commonly used as watch fobs at the turn of the last century. Despite these items’ ubiquity and the row upon row of bright, shiny objects lining museum cases and collectors’ cabinets, the number of gold objects scientifically excavated from the region (excluding Sitio Conte) could easily fit on a standard dining room table. Although pioneering work has outlined major gold styles in Colombia and the adjacent isthmus, much basic information remains unknown (Bray 1978; 1981; Cooke and Bray 1985; 2 Jeffrey Quilter Falchetti 1995; Plazas 1978). Gold objects stripped of their archaeological contexts lend little information about how they functioned in society or how styles were spread or modified by social agents. For example, in 1979 Mary Helms proposed a model for the distribution of gold styles throughout the region. She suggested that seekers of esoteric knowledge who spent long periods in distant lands would return to their homes with gold jewelry in exotic styles as symbols of their newly acquired knowledge and status. This, in turn, would lead to the mixing of distant and local gold styles in the archaeological record. Helms’s intriguing theory remains largely untested, however, because local styles cannot be distinguished with the degree of certainty necessary to separate foreign from domestic gold in terms of design or alloy composition. A number of chapters in this book challenge the Helms theory while others support it. Despite the obstacles to studying the social context of goldwork, a considerable amount of research has been conducted in the last three decades (see McEwan 2000), expanding knowledge of the relations between gold and the people who made and used it in ancient times. Although archaeologists have only excavated one Intermediate Area site with numerous gold objects (Cooke, Sanchez, Herrera, and Udagawa 2000) since research at Sitio Conte (Lothrop 1937; 1942; Mason 1942; Hearne and Sharer 1992), many studies directly or indi- rectly relate to gold objects. These include research on settlement patterns and exchange systems and other investigations that may contribute to new perspectives on social organiza- tion. Studies of prehistoric and more recent symbolism and ideology offer views on how gold may have been valued in the nonmonetary societies of the ancient New World. Other research has made significant advances in better understanding of the languages and physical anthropology of the peoples of Colombia and the adjacent isthmus. A workshop held at Dumbarton Oaks in 1997 explored many of these issues.1 Discussions revolved around whether there is enough evidence and consensus to designate a new name for much of what is now termed the “Intermediate Area.” Conferees agreed that recent work in linguistics (Constenla Umaña 1991; 1994a, b) and physical anthropology (Barrantes 1993; 1998) strongly support the proposition of long-term occupation of the isthmus and adjacent continent by a relatively stable human population. Archaeologists, and art historians must, however, depend upon material culture to marshal arguments for the designation of a region as a culture area or sphere of interaction. What became increasingly clear at the workshop was that gold jewelry in a distinctive style range serves as a horizon marker for Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia from about A.D.700 onward, reaffirming Gordon Willey’s (1971) observation, made thirty years ago.
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