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‘Pitchforking Irish Coercionists into Colonial Vacancies’: The Case of Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship

Jennifer Harrison

Queensland Review / Volume 20 / Issue 02 / December 2013, pp 135 - 143 DOI: 10.1017/qre.2013.16, Published online: 30 October 2013

Link to this article: http://journals.cambridge.org/abstract_S1321816613000160

How to cite this article: Jennifer Harrison (2013). ‘Pitchforking Irish Coercionists into Colonial Vacancies’: The Case of Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship. Queensland Review, 20, pp 135-143 doi:10.1017/qre.2013.16

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Jennifer Harrison

During the year 1888 — the centenary of white settlement — celebrated the jubilee of Queen together with the advent of electricity to light Tam- worth, the first town in the Southern Hemisphere to receive that boon. In the north-eastern , serious debates involving local administra- tors included membership of the Federal Council,1 the annexation of British New Guinea and the merits of a separation movement in the north. In this distant colony, events in Ireland — such as Belfast attaining city status or Oscar Wilde publishing The happy prince and other tales —hadlittleimmediateglobalim- pact. Nevertheless, minds were focused on Irish matters in October, when the scion of a well-established west Ireland family — a select member of the traditional Tribes of Galway, no less — was named as the new . The administrators of the developing colony roundly challenged the imperial nomina- tors, invoking a storm that incited strong opinions from responsible governments throughout Australia and around the world.2 On 4 September 1888, the impatient and dictatorial Queensland premier, Sir Thomas McIlwraith, submitted his ministry’s resignation to Governor Sir over a difference between the executive and the Queen’s representative on a trivial constitutional matter after the governor ordered that mercy be extended to a petty criminal who had incurred a seemingly unjustified severe conviction.3 AdefiantMusgravechosenottoacceptMcIlwraith’sopinion,butthepremier contrarily withdrew his exit plans when the matter was referred to Sir Henry Holland, 1st Viscount Knutsford, the Secretary of State for the Colonies in Lon- don, for decision.4 Quite unexpectedly, Musgrave died on 9 October 1888 before Knutsford’s reply was received from the Colonial Office supporting McIlwraith and dismissing Musgrave’s claim that his stance on the matter that ‘prerogative of mercy’ was not subject to ministerial advice.5 Following Sir Anthony’s death, McIlwraith, when inquiring about ‘the name of the officer likely to be selected as Governor of Queensland’, was curtly in- formed ‘that it was not the proper thing to consult the Colonies before the ap- pointment was made but that they could be perfectly satisfied’ with the result. When reading of Sir Henry Blake’s appointment to the vice-regal position on 7 November, McIlwraith in partnership with the leader of the , Sir

Queensland Review 135 Volume 20 | Issue 2 | 2013 | pp. 135–143 | c Cambridge University Press 2013 | doi 10.1017/qre.2013.16 ! Jennifer Harrison

Samuel Griffith, cabled the Queensland agent-general in , Thomas Archer: ‘Announcement received with general astonishment and indignation . . . His [Blake’s] career should not have marked him out as fit for governing a colony possessing responsible government. A more unfortunate appointment could not have been made.’6 While colonial governments may have considered ‘their man in London’ to be an appropriate mediator, in these years the status of agents-general in London was disputed with imperial administrators such as secretaries of state preferring to deal ‘with the Officer administering the Government and not with the Agent-General’.7 During debates in the Queensland parliament, the Member for Toowoomba, William Henry Groom,8 claimed that ‘when the salary was raised from £3500 to £5000 per annum it was upon the distinct understanding that the colony was a “first class colony”, and entitled to receive a “first class Governor”’.9 This reminded members that when the colony of Queensland was proclaimed in December 1859, it was the first within the British Commonwealth to be granted full responsible government from its inauguration, conferring a standing above Crown colonies and those that had begun as dependencies. Subsequently, the House of Commons was advised by Queensland’s acting governor, Sir Arthur Palmer, by telegram, that Blake was unknown in Australia as having administered responsible government with discretion and success as his only experience was one year in Newfoundland. Palmer also pointed out that the recent Queensland constitutional crisis between McIlwraith and Musgrave was resolved with the prerogative having to concede to responsible government; secondly, that an appointment could not be made only from an imperial viewpoint; and finally, that the colony was entirely responsible for the governor’s salary.10 Many conservative London newspapers reacted with alarm. For example, the Economist considered that ‘it would be better to risk losing the colonies than to allow the Imperial Government to become feeble and inert’. Further support came from reports in the Observer which saw the objections as ‘frivolous’ and as- serted that the Queensland ministry was ‘ashamed to admit that the real objection against him [Blake] is his unpopularity with the Irish settlers’. This was a relevant observation because, of the 90,000 migrants who had flooded into Queensland between 1881 and 1887, just on 20,000 were Irish.11 Other newspaper editors detected wider issues. The Daily Chronicle felt that the colonial ministry had a right to be consulted in the matter, and that refusal of such a reasonable request might hinder imperial federation.12 The Pall Mall Gazette also saw greater poten- tial consequences, noting that ‘the appointment as colonial Governors of persons distasteful to the colonists will tend to promote the Separatist movement’, while the Standard came out even more strongly, contending that in the appointment the Colonial Office had ‘exhibited the want of tact which it has so frequently mani- fested in its dealings with the young, spirited, and highly sensitive colonies’. Even the conservative Times urged that ‘Sir Henry Blake should be sent to some Crown colony, and an acknowledged leader of public affairs or a leading colonial Gover- nor be appointed to Queensland’.13 Nevertheless, most editors failed to notice that experienced civil servants were being ignored in the rush to place political friends and supporters into desirable vacancies. Who was this controversial man, and why was he so unacceptable to an an- tipodean colony? Sir Henry Blake had been born in 1840 and, aged nineteen,

136 Queensland Review Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship enrolled as a cadet in the Irish Constabulary, becoming an inspector and resident magistrate. He married in 1862, and had a son before his wife died in 1866. In 1874 he eloped with his second wife, with whom he had three children. Two years later, in 1876, Blake was made resident magistrate at Tuam in County Galway, a particularly disturbed district in the west of Ireland. In 1882, through the patron- age of his brother-in-law the Duke of St Albans, Henry Blake became one of five district magistrates responsible for the working of the Coercion Act of 1882. At least one critic suggested that within two years Blake had made himself so fiercely hated by the people that he had had to be removed from Ireland.14 Once again his patron intervened, and secured for him the governorship of the Bahamas in 1884, apostthatwasfollowedbythegovernorshipofNewfoundlandin1886.Blake’s reaction when interviewed on 21 November 1888 was that he ‘believed that the opposition to him would speedily wear off by his friendly disposition towards the people and that the colonists would soon realise that as Governor he had no home politics’.15 Despite this assurance, when the Queensland debacle had subsided, an excerpt from The Nassau Times for 15 December 1888 was quoted in the Courier:

[I]f anyone were asked for the evidence of an efficient and successful administra- tion of the Government of this colony by Sir Henry Blake, he would be greatly puzzled to name them. On the other hand there are evidences of serious blunders, the result of rather too high an opinion of his own powers, and of obstinacy in pursuing an ill-considered course, irrespective of the best and soundest advice to the contrary.16 From mid-October 1888, as the Queensland controversy raged, a regular oc- cupation for newspaper correspondents was to speculate about the names of po- tential candidates. The South Australians were seeking a new governor too and, within the year, governors would be required for several other colonies. Among the suggestions were names such as Sir George Baden-Powell (eldest brother of the founder of the Scouting movement), who had been secretary to Sir when and was currently the member for Liverpool Kirkdale in the House of Commons; Sir , governor of Mau- ritius; Sir Hercules Robinson, presently at the Cape; Sir William Robinson, the brother of Sir Hercules, who had extensive experience in the West Indies and at the time was administrating in Trinidad; and another Sir William Robinson, of .17 Areminderthatdecisionswereneededbutshouldnotbemadeinhastefor purposes of political expediency became obvious when the Daily News cautioned that ‘the example of Mr Clifford Lloyd might have warned Lord Knutsford against pitchforking Irish coercionists into colonial vacancies’.18 Lloyd had been a resident magistrate on County Down in 1874 and in County Longford in 1881. He organ- ised a scheme for administration of the Protection of Person and Property Act in 1881 before becoming inspector of reforms in Egypt in 1883. Lloyd resigned from there in 1884 when his proposals were not supported, returning to act as a resident magistrate in Ireland in 1885. Clifford Lloyd then was appointed Gov- ernor of in 1885, remaining there until 1887 when he was responsible for the suspension of the governor, the unpopular Sir John Pope Hennessy.19 In a book published by the governor’s grandson, James Pope-Hennessy, claims were made that

Queensland Review 137 Jennifer Harrison

according to family papers, the mercurial Roman Catholic Pope-Hennessy earlier had been suggested as governor of Queensland to follow Sir Arthur Kennedy in 1883.20 (In the event, Sir Anthony Musgrave was appointed.) Since Charles Bruce —asuccessortothegovernorshipofMauritius—haddescribedPope-Hennessyas ‘an angry boil on more than one part of the body of the Empire’, Clem Lack pon- dered upon possible fiery confrontations with Premier McIlwraith, which inevitably would have occurred if this appointment had proceeded.21 By 16 November, the colonial secretary sternly reminded the Queensland premier that ‘the constitutional obstacle to consulting the colonial government with reference to the appointment of aGovernorisinsurmountable,andtheconditionsoftheGovernor’sofficepreclude the consulting of the Ministry’. Finally, in the House of Lords on 27 November, Knutsford announced that Sir Henry Blake had formed the opinion that in the face of strong objections concern- ing his appointment, it would be extremely unpleasant for him to undertake the governorship, and despite home government support that he was eminently fitted for the post, he had been allowed to resign.22 Sir Henry may have been quite aware of adverse comments emanating from the colony, as his son by his first marriage — an athlete and footballer — was then living in Brisbane. In London, rumours again immediately circulated contending that Lord Balfour of Burleigh was to be ap- pointed, but later the story emerged that no less than four noblemen and gentlemen had refused the position. The Times indicated that Blake was an ‘abler’ man than Balfour, and berated the colonists ‘for preferring rank and social position above essential merits in a Governor’.23 The squabble was settled with the announce- ment on 30 November that Sir , GCB, GCMG, CIE had been appointed to the post, taking up residence in Brisbane on 1 May 1889. Norman had a close connection with his predecessor, Sir Anthony Musgrave, having suc- ceeded him as the governor of in 1883. Norman served until 14 November 1895, when he left for London; however, his connections with Queensland contin- ued when he acted as agent-general for the colony for a year. He was promoted Field Marshal in 1902 and died at the Royal Hospital, Chelsea on 26 October 1904.24 No doubt it was to be expected that Queensland newspapers would continue to report on the relationship between perceived rights of colonies and their British overlords. As late as 15 October 1889, the Brisbane Courier published a full copy of Knutsford’s correspondence with Queensland’s administrator, Sir Arthur Palmer, dated 30 November 1888, concerning the imperial government’s views on the rea- sons tendered by the previous premier regarding Queensland’s claims to influence the selection of governors. One by one, each contention was demolished, accom- panied by the strong assertion that some of the best governors would never have been appointed if colonial wishes had been followed. Furthermore, the Brisbane Courier article included examples showing that the Colonial Secretary contacted ev- ery administration which had offered support to Queensland officials and roundly dismissed their opinions. For now, the British government retained tight control of the selection of governors. Sir Henry Blake remained as governor of Newfoundland until 1889, when he became Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief of Jamaica. Between 1898 and 1905, Blake was , during which time he negotiated for a lease of the New Territories for 99 years. This appointment was followed by the

138 Queensland Review Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship governorship of Ceylon, which lasted until 1907, when he and his wife retired to Youghal in Ireland. Quite apart from confirming political precedents in Queensland’s vice-regal ap- pointment policies, Sir Henry Blake’s name recently was associated with an in- triguing television documentary. A BBC TV series, Fake or fortune, revealed that a watercolour, ‘Children under a palm tree’ by the American painter, Winslow Homer, was found in the 1980s at a County rubbish dump.25 After the finder, Tony Varney, took the painting to Antiques roadshow in 2008 for valua- tion, it was identified as a previously unknown and valuable representation of the three Blake children painted by the artist some time between 1884 and 1887, when Homer was Sir Henry Blake’s house guest at Government House in the Bahamas. When, in May 2009, it was placed with Sotheby’s New York for auction, valued at between US$150,000 and $250,000, at the last moment a barrister and Blake family member asserted ownership. With conflicting stories of an unreported gate lodge burglary at the family home in Youghal in County Cork, and the subsequent discovery of documentation in family diaries that described the fancy dress party the children in the painting attended, ownership remains disputed. The finders re- jected an offer of 25 per cent of the sale price for a painting that they had held for over twenty years without anyone noting its disappearance. The mystery remains unresolved, as the watercolour has been retained by Sotheby’s pending a ruling of ownership.26 The strong opinions held by both imperial and colonial administrators concern- ing the Blake appointment had lost none of their conviction over forty years later, when Queensland governor Sir Hamilton Goold-Adams wanted to return to Eng- land because of ill health. On 9 September 1919, prior to the governor’s retirement, Premier Edward (Ted) Theodore had installed a Labor colleague, —previouslyspeakeroftheHouseofRepresentatives—aslieutenantgovernor. By the time Goold-Adams resigned on 27 January 1920, Theodore was in London attempting to persuade the Dominion Office that Queensland did not require an imported governor as the current deputy was serving the state well.27 Naturally reluctant to surrender its influence and determined to harness Theodore’s imperti- nent imposition of a Labor puppet, the Dominion Office appointed Sir , while Lennon held executive power until his arrival.28 During this inter- regnum (January to December 1920), Lennon commissioned himself as president of the Legislative Council and increased the council by sufficient Labor members (in total, an additional fifteen councillors) to vote itself out of existence, a ploy Goold-Adams had resisted. With no fight emerging from a disunited opposition, the Abolition Act was proclaimed on 23 March 1922 and the Queensland parlia- ment’s unicameral structure became effective from July of that year and remains to this day.29 Theodore was informed that his desire for local nominees would require support from all the six states but at the next meeting of the premiers, the Queenslander could gain only the support of Tasmania’s Joseph Lyons. Fi- nally, in 1925 when Labor was in power in all states except Victoria, agreement was reached to proceed on this issue but the appointment of the first Australian- born governor in Queensland did not follow immediately.30 Eventually, in October 1946, Sir filled the office until January 1957; however, this was not a permanent change, because the Brisbane-born leader was replaced by another Englishman, Sir , who served from March

Queensland Review 139 Jennifer Harrison

1958 to March 1966. Sir Henry was a royal relative and one of the most popular men ever to hold the post. Since then, all eight subsequent governors of Queens- land, including three female incumbents, have been Australians at the time of their appointment.31 Now, 125 years later, Sir Henry Blake’s name and his nomination as governor are both virtually unknown to the majority of Queenslanders, but the constitutional growing pains aired in 1888 were re-examined at other times during the ensuing century — especially during imperial spats with Premier Theodore. After Sir Henry Norman was appointed, Sir George Baden-Powell, one of the suggested contenders for Blake’s vice regal position, penned a brief article on ‘Selecting colonial gov- ernors’ for the journal Nineteenth century,likeningthelinksbindingempireand the colonies to a multi-stranded cable. The article was summarised in the Brisbane Courier in 1889:

Amongst the material strands of this cable are blood, tradition, religion, lan- guage, sentiment, enterprise, commercial instinct, and the knowledge that the financial credit, the commercial security, the territorial integrity, and the political freedom of the colonies, depend on the fact that they are part and parcel of the empire. After acknowledging these many intricate and entwining bonds, Sir George’s solu- tion to contentious appointments remained, at the end of the day, quite imperious:

If the Governors for self-governing colonies were as a rule selected from members of the Imperial Government, a peer, an admiral, or general, or the Governor of some other first-class colony, he holds that the appointment would be acceptable, and the Queen’s representative secure of a welcome. If these and similar categories were drawn on, the question of the desirableness of giving the colonies a direct share in the choice of a Governor would never be raised.32

Endnotes 1 The Federal Council of Australasia had its first meeting in 1885 and consisted of the then British colonies of Victoria, Tasmania, South Australia, New Zealand and Fiji, but — the largest colony in the area — was never part of the council. While , Sir Thomas McIlwraith urged representation on the council by both government and opposition nominees. Many members, including Alfred Deakin in Victoria, were firmly of the view that federation of the Australian colonies was an essential step before consideration of an imperial federation. 2 For the Blakes as one of the Tribes of Galway, see Tim Robinson, Connemara: the last pool of darkness, (Dublin: Penguin, 2008), pp. 22, 46–70, 299–305; Patrick Melvin, ‘The Galway Tribes as landowners and gentry’, in Gerard Moran (ed.), Galway: history and society (Dublin: Geography Publications, 1996), pp. 319–74, esp. pp. 324–30. 3 Evening Post (NZ), 6 September 1888, 2; C. A. Bernays, Queensland politics during sixty (1859–1919) years,Brisbane:GovernmentPrinter,1919,pp.116–19. 4BenjaminKitthadbeenharshlyconvictedtothreeyears’imprisonmentforstealingtwo pairs of boots valued at 40 shillings. The London administration immediately ordered the man’s release while considering a final decision. Queensland Legislative Assembly [Qld Leg. Ass.] Hansard,55(1888);Votes and Proceedings [V&P]1(1889),pp.679,691;1889, vol. 1, p. 601. McIlwraith had formed his second ministry on 13 June 1888.

140 Queensland Review Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship

5 Musgrave’s demise was attributed to worry caused by this matter. In the official reply re- ceived on 30 November 1888, after citing an earlier New South Wales precedent, Lord Knutsford confirmed that Musgrave had acted ‘strictly within the directions he had been given’ but should have ‘subordinated his personal opinion to the advice of his ministers’. 6 C. A. Bernays, Queensland — our seventh political decade, 1920–1930 (: Angus & Robertson, 1931), p. 359. 7SirArthurBerriedaleKeith,Responsible government in the Dominions,3rded.,Part3 (London: Stephens & Son, 1909), p. 80. 8Groomwasoneofthe‘exile’convictssenttoMoretonBayin1849.Hewonaseatinthe Legislative Council of the Queensland parliament in 1862, which he retained until his death in 1901, establishing a record for length of service. See Duncan Waterson, ‘William Henry Groom’, in Australian Dictionary of Biography,vol.4(:Melbourne University Press, 1972), pp. 304–5; also Duncan Waterson, ‘The remarkable career of Wm. H. Groom’, Journal & Proceedings of the Royal Australian Historical Society, 49.1 (June 1963) pp. 38–57; M. B. Cameron, ‘W.H. Groom, Agrarian Liberal’,BA Hons thesis, , 1965. Disputes about colonial input regarding nominations to the Queensland governorship were not new — see Brisbane Courier, 12 October 1868, written when the initial governor, Sir George Ferguson Bowen, was transferred to New Zealand. 9Bernays,Our seventh political decade,p.358. 10 House of Commons, Hansard,330,16November1888,cc.1386–7. 11 Queenslander, 24 November 1888, 940–1 quoted these sources. Immigration figures taken from Reports of the Agent General in Queensland Parliament, Legislative Assembly, Votes &Proceedings,1881–87 inclusive. 12 The Imperial Federation League, founded in London in 1884, urged the establishment of an imperial parliament consisting of Britain, , Australia, New Zealand, and British Guiana to promote imperial unification, especially for trade and defence matters in the face of disintegration stimulated by the granting of self-government. In Australia from 1885, branches were formed with principles later revised in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, leading to Imperial Conferences and eventually to the Commonwealth of Nations. See Raymond Evans, Clive Moore, Kay Saunders and Bryan Jamison, 1901: our future’s past (Sydney: Pan Macmillan, 1997), p. 250. 13 Daily Chronicle, 9 November 1888; Pall Mall Gazette, 9 November 1888; Standard, 10 November 1888; Times, 12 November 1888. 14 Burke’s Peerage, Baronetage & Knightage (Delaware: Burke’s Peerage, 2003), p. 120; Hugh Montgomery-Massingberd, Burke’s Irish Family Records (London: Burkes Peerage, 1976), p. 12; Dictionary of Irish Biography (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), pp. 583–4; and several Queensland newspaper biographies. 15 Queenslander, 24 November 1888, 940. 16 Brisbane Courier,15February1889,7.IthankDrKatieMcConnelforalertingmeto references from the Drury Scrapbooks, held at John Oxley Library, OM92-93/3. 17 Brisbane Courier, 20 October 1888. The Baden-Powell name also may have been included because the youngest of the brothers, Captain Baden Fletcher Smyth Baden-Powell, was aide de camp to Sir Anthony Musgrave and remained in that capacity when the next governor was appointed. 18 Quoted in Queenslander, 24 November 1888, 940. Charles Dalton Clifford Lloyd (1844–91) was the author of Ireland under the Land League, a narrative of personal experiences,which was published in 1892 after his death.

Queensland Review 141 Jennifer Harrison

19 Pope Hennessy, a Roman Catholic, was unpopular in many quarters. He had served as Governor of Hong Kong, succeeding Sir Arthur Kennedy when he was appointed as Queensland governor in 1877, and was followed in that position by Sir George Bowen, who had been the first governor of Queensland (1859–68). 20 See Clem Lack, ‘Colonial representation in the nineteenth century: pro-consuls of empire and some Australian agents-general’, Pt. 1, Royal Historical Society of Queensland Journal, 7(3) (1965), 462–7. Lack pointed out that no supporting papers were located at the Queensland State Archives, and — surprisingly — the matter was not identified by Bernays in his forensic study; rather, he suggested that some notes may be in the private papers of Lord Kimberley, the probable negotiator. All evidence of this appointment discovered by Clem Lack was placed in the Royal Historical Society of Queensland library in 1965. James Pope Hennessy, Verandah:someepisodesintheCrownColonies,1867–1889 (London: Allen & Unwin, 1964). Although seemingly a constant embarrassment, Pope Hennessy, rather than being encouraged to retire, surprisingly continued to be appointed to Crown Colonies by successive secretaries for the colonies. 21 Lack, ‘Colonial representation’, 469. 22 Queenslander, 1December1888,1009. 23 The Times, 28 November 1888. 24 T. A. Heathcote, The British field marshals 1736–1997 (London: Leo Cooper, 1999), p. 232. 25 Winslow Homer (1836–1910), predominantly a landscape artist and society painter, opened a studio in New York City in 1859. 26 This episode of the Fact or fortune series was shown on Australian television in November 2011, created as Episode 2, broadcast in Britain on 26 June 2011: http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b0125gg3. See also the novel by family member Patrick Cockburn, The broken boy (London: Jonathan Cape, 2011). 27 Theodore, obviously wanting to research precedents challenging London officials appoint- ing a governor, had his staff member, J. D. O’Hagan, call up all the papers from the former Departments of Premier and Governor relating to the appointment of Sir Henry Blake, top numbered 1890/10628. In Queensland State Archives [QSA], Register 1890 COL/B, this entry bears the annotation: Permission to inspect correspondence respecting Governor; loaned to Mr O’Hagan for Theodore, 28 August 1918. Despite a thorough search, these original exchanges with London officials referring to the Blake appointment, although summarised in register entries, could not be located in 2012. I thank Archives officer Fiona Gaske at QSA for her efforts to locate this lost correspondence. 28 After a military career from 1880 to 1899, Sir Matthew Nathan (1862–1939) served as acting governor in and then as governor of the Gold Coast. He then succeeded Sir Henry Blake as governor of Hong Kong in 1904 before transferring to Natal in 1907 (coinciding with Goold-Adams’ term in the neighbouring Orange River Colony). In 1910 he was recalled to , where he was appointed in four Home Departments over the next ten years, including a posting as Under Secretary for Ireland commencing just prior to World War I. Nathan was in Dublin at the time of the 1916 Easter Rebellion and at the Harding Commission he was criticised for not recognising and acting against obvious unrest in the months leading up to the event. See Anthony P.Haydon, Sir Matthew Nathan: British colonial governor and civil servant (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1976), Chapter 6; Bernays, Our seventh political decade, pp. 373–6. 29 Bernays, Our seventh political decade, pp. 5–6; Clem Lack, Three decades of Queensland political history 1929–1960 (Brisbane: Government Printer, 1960), pp. 11–12; R. D. Lumb, The Constitutions of the Australian States (St Lucia: University of Queensland Press, 1991), p. 49.

142 Queensland Review Sir Henry Blake and the Queensland Governorship

30 Haydon, Nathan, p. 227. 31 The first Australian-born governor-general was Sir Isaac Isaacs in 1931. Victoria appointed its first Australian-born governor in 1934. Mrs , AC, Governor of Queensland from 1992 to 1997, was born in Canada. 32 Brisbane Courier,19January1889,6outlinedthearticle.

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