The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia

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Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34.

THE CONSTRUCTION OF GENDER IDENTITY IN INDONESIA: BETWEEN CULTURAL NORMS, ECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS, AND STATE FORMATION *

Rachmah Ida Lecturer at Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Airlangga University ; graduated from Airlangga University (BA), and Edith Cowan University (MA)

Abstrak

Tulisan ini membahas bagaimana identitas perempuan dan laki -laki dalam era transfor- masi di Indonesia telah dikonstruksi oleh norma -norma budaya dan sosial yang berke m- bang dalam masyarakat serta formasi negara dalam wacana penciptaan/pembentukan identitas-identitas warganya terutama konsep dan terminologi ‘perempuan’ sebagai ibu, istri, dan jati diri perempuan itu sendiri. Dalam tulisan ini disinggung pula bagaimana organisasi-organisasi perempuan Islam seperti Muslimat dan Aisiyah telah berupaya m e- lakukan diskusi publik tentang perlunya melakukan reinterpretasi terhadap penafsiran dalil-dalil agama tentang peran dan kedudukan perempuan.

Kata-kata Kunci: gender, Indonesia, norma -norma, budaya, sosial, formasi negara, Musilmat, Aisiyah

The position of women in t he trans- ciety, still follow and hold the ideal formation era of Indonesia is still norms of traditional Javanese cu l- considered problematic. Indo nesia is ture and the tenets of Islam. On the in transition from being an agrarian contrary, ‘modern women’ are pe r- society to becoming an i ndustrial ceived as having a modern lifestyle society or between traditional and following the global movement and modern. Consequently, women as develop themselves in adapting to members of the society are also in a the movement of modernization a c- similar crucial position. Women are cording to the values of Western cul- facing a dilemma. The issue is ture. whether they behave in a traditional In reality, some urban middle manner or become modern women. class women are not one or the ‘Traditional women’, seen by the s o- other, but are constantly negotiating

*Paper presented in Summer Course on Gender and Identity: Cross -Cultural and Multidisciplinary Perspectives at Summer University Central European University, Bud a- pest, Hungary, 24 July to 4 August 2000.

21 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34. the two extremes, filling a middle They are the women who beli eve ground where they are both trad i- that a woman must obey her hu s- tional and modern at the same time. band if he orders her to serve him, They are usually affluent middle for example, or by accepting the class, who have a modern life style, right of the husband to determine some of them having studied ove r- their social life. seas, who sometimes shop in Sing a- Thus, I argue, the transforma- pore, Hong Kong, Paris, and cas u- tion era, from traditional (agra rian ally travel overseas. These women society) to modern (industria lized have been considered as modern society), has problematized the women who tend to be liberal in models available to Indonesian their attitude and beliefs and are women, requiring them to negotiate viewed as having sufficient freed om between the extremes. This article to define their future. These women explores and examines how the co n- concentrate on their career and cepts of womanhood and gender principally they also support identity have been constructed ec o- women’s emancipation, but in fact, nomically, politically, and culturally it is hard for them to sympathize or in Indonesia context. feel any solidarity with the poor vi l- lage women, many of whom are e m- ployed as domestic servants in these The Construction of Wo manhood women’s houses. in Indonesia Meanwhile, there are also numbers of women who consider Historical Overview. The construc- themselves primarily as mothers tion of womanhood in Indonesia is and wives, and only secondarily as keenly adapted by the State go v- the workers or as wage earners. ernment from the cultural values of These women are less likely to d e- Javanese and the values of Islam mand a wage, which provides t hem fundamentalism. The conception of with more economic independence. womanhood has been infl uenced The work of a woman in this from the central Javanese Royal case is always regarded as su pport- Palace both in Yogyakarta and ing a husband. These women follow Surakarta. Indonesian woman is and hold the norms, role and beha v- identified as women of the Royal ior which are considered ideal by the family. The role and the status of society. They like being Ibu [mother] woman in society are defined and who is busy with children, cooking derived mirror to the role of women for her husband, and being a wife in the Royal family in which women beside her husband [istri pendamp- should loyal to the husband [man] ing suami]. They are viewed as fol- and supposed to be an ideal house- lowing the tenets of Islam and the wife and mother for her children. norms prescribed by the Javanese culture for being the ideal woman.

22 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34.

Historically, from time to time Palace wall, even to abroad, than Javanese King had wife and/or mi s- the women. tress more than one. Several Java- Nowadays, in the transition nese Kings even did not have wife era from the traditional practices to but only concubines. For exa mple, the modern, the role of the Royal Sultan Hamengkubuwono IX, a King wife is the same as a mode rn wife. of Yogyakarta Palace from 1940’s to She has more freedom to have a c- 1985, had five mistresses and tivities outside the Palace than b e- twenty-two children. However, the fore. Similarly, the condition is also ruling Sultan of Yogyakarta, admitted for the Royal daughters in Hamengkubuwono X, is modern and which they able to challenge to educated man has married only choose their own life. once and has five daughters. He has declared his wife as a Queen of Yo r- However, since the Indepen d- gyakarta Palace; so that the Sultan’s ence of Republic Indonesia in 1945 father’s generation was the last of up to the Soeharto’s era, women are Yogyakarta’s Royal polygamists. still supposed to hold a traditional Meanwhile, the King of Surakarta value as a Javanese whom also as a Royal, named Susuhunan Pakualam member of ‘Eastern’ society. As the XII, who is now still ruling the first and the second Indonesian Surakarta Palace since the 1960s, Presidents were Javanese men, they has six wife and has 46 children. As played an important role in defin ing in the past the Sultan and the the identity of woman in Indonesia. Susuhunan had many wives so he President Soekarno, the first Pres i- would have as many children as dent, was a polygamist and one of possible. The women, both th e wives his ex-wives is used to be a Jap a- and/or the mistresses, and daug h- nese Geisha. ters, were restricted within the Pa l- On the contrary, the second ace. There is a place in the Palace President, Soeharto, is a monog a- called ‘Kaputren’, a place for women mist and he has threat himself as only. In this place, all the Royal’s “the Javanese King” since the Royal female should did woman’s works Family authority has long been and activities such as practice tr adi- taken over by the national gover n- tional Javanese dancing, making ment, and has put his family as if traditional medicines and cosmetics, the Royal Family’s member. With painting Batik, and cooking for tr a- strongly hold the traditional Jav a- ditional ceremonies or events in the nese way of life, Soeharto and his Palace. In the past, those women family then played an imp ortant role were allowed to go to school which in determining the identity of Ind o- was provided within the Palace nesian society. complex. The situation was different from men. The Princes had more opportunity to study outside the

23 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34.

The Conception of Womanhood tive of whether they are de facto housewives or not. The social def ini- tion of housewives is the social def i- There are three concepts involved in nition of men as breadwinners, irr e- the social construction of woma n- spective of their actual contribution hood in Indonesia in which I exa m- to their families. ine here. These are formed partic u- The concept of ‘housewifization’ de- larly from the blend between Java- scribes the ways in which women nese cultural traditions and Islamic depend on the income of their hu s- norms. The two first concepts are band for their sustenance. Women those of ‘Istri’ [housewife] and ‘Ibu’ are not considered as wage earners [mother]. The third concept, there of in the family and are perceived as ‘state Ibuism’, is a creation of the non-productive in society. As a state, and symbolizes its position on housewife, a woman provides free women within the context of a patri- domestic labor. Women are also archal system. viewed as isolated and lacking ad e- The Indonesian New Order quate political and economic power. government has defined woman in Consequently, women are placed by terms of ‘Istri’ [housewife] and ‘Ibu’ the state in a subordinate position [mother]. Woman as a housewife (‘ Is- to men. According to Suryakusu- tri’) depends on her husband, has to mah (1991: 47), the term was coined take care of her husband and chi l- by Mies the ideology of ‘housewifiza- dren, and is also busy with home tion’ was developed in relation to the duties. Meanwhile, the notion of growth of capitalism in Indonesia. In ‘Ibu’ [mother] covers the range of industrial development, ‘ housewifi- roles from domestic to public zation’ is a strategy for the repr o- worker. The state uses the term Ibu duction of the labor force i n a do- in its limited biological meaning mestic setting and for producing (Suryakusumah, 1996: 101). agents of consumption amongst domesticated housewives. Mies Housewifization is the first (1986:110) states, “housework is e s- concept of Indonesian women dis- sential to the accumulation process cussed here, in terms of its ec o- and that housewifization means the nomic aspect. This term was used “externalization” of costs which for the first time by Maria Mies in would be otherwise covered by capi- her work Patriarchy and Accumula- talists” (cited in Suryakusumah, tion on a World Scale (1986). Mies 1991: 47). Thus in this context, a (in Suryakusumah, 1996: 101) d e- woman is a person who spends fines Housewifization as: most of her life and social activity around the house. A process by which women a re so- It is Madelon Djajadiningrat cially defined as housewives, d e- (1987) who coined the term ‘ Ibuism’, pendent for their sustenance on the income of their husbands, irrespe c- the second concept examined here, in relation to the creation of an id e-

24 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34. ology of femininity in the Indonesia Order regime (Suryakusumah, context. Djajadiningrat (1987: 44) 1991:48). defines Ibuism:

Thus the role of Ibu became more As being an ideology which san c- than that of a mother who feeds and tions any action provided it is taken looks after her children. But also the by the mother who looks after her new Indonesian society called upon family, a group, a class, company, the ‘kaum Ibu’ to put their shoulders or the state, without demanding any to the task of building a new n a- power or prestige in return. tional state; ... The honor they could gain was that of being a good Ibu. Power and prestige remained the Djadjadiningrat derives her privilege of men (Djadjadiningrat, concept from a Javanese cultural 1987: 43). historical model of womanhood. The concept of Ibuism focuses more on Suryakusumah then attempts to the spread of the dominant Jav a- combine the concept of ‘housewif iza- nese ethnic value defining the ideal tion’ and ‘Ibuism’ in relation to the woman, as being a mother for her process of domestication in Indon e- children and as the one supposed to sia. She formulates the term ‘State do the domestic work for the family, Ibuism’ to connect with the political throughout the Indonesian political construction of the Indonesian sphere. According to Djadjadiningrat women by the New Order gover n- (1987: 44), the ideology of Ibuism ment. “State Ibuism defines women developed in the late nineteenth as appendages and companions to century and early twentieth century. their husbands, as procreators of As Indonesia is still a class society the nation, as mothers and educ a- in which status symbols are impo r- tors of children, as a housekeepers, tant, women as Ibu not only have to and as a member of Indonesian s o- subside their income as before, but ciety” (Ibid). In other words, the I n- women have to ensure that the pri- donesian government still view and yayi [Javanese bourgeois] class value woman not as the subject of status symbol is maintained. She social activity, but as the object of couples the ideology of Ibuism with national development meant to fulfill the process of priyayization or elite domestic roles: women are expected class action among the Javanese not to forget their “natural” destiny groups. The process of priyayization (kodrat) as wife and mother. in Djadjadiningrat’s work is signif i- cant to the process of social tran s- The New Order government formation and the application of tended to employ the concept of traditional values to support n a- women as wife or mother or both as tional development, modernisation, the most convenient gender ideo l- and the control of power in the New ogy. Consequently, there is a belief that a wife has to follow her hu s-

25 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34. band. As Sullivan (1991, p.70) ment departments. The structure of states “ Women are included in na- this organization parallels the stru c- tional development, not as fully ture of the husband’s position in the fledged, responsible citizens, but as hierarchy of the bureaucratic sy s- dependent assistants of males”. tem. For example, the wife of a mi n- This formulation is crysta l- ister in one department aut omati- lized by the state creation of the cally becomes the chairperson of government official wives’ organiz a- this association and so on. Dharma tion, which is called Dharma Wanita is part of the state formation Wanita1 and of which all the wives in that it determines the position of of civil servants automatically b e- women in Indonesia. came members. Dharma Wanita has It is quite obvious that by e s- a very specific agenda where: tablishing this association, the New Order government aimed to encou r- age the wives of civil servants to There is the propagation of the n u- clear family norm, the segr egation of support their husbands’ careers and women into gender specific pro- responsibilities, secure the loyalty of grams, as well as increasingly mid- government employees, increase p o- dle-class images of women in the litical stability, and to strengthen a media. There is the state creation of national unity (Sunindyo, 1993, compulsory wives organizations which mirrors the hierarchy of the 135). It was rumored that the degree husbands, reflecting the notion that of attendance of the wives in this women are defined in their c apacity association was made as an indic a- for serving their husband, their fa m- tor to secure the position of their ily, and the state (Suryakus umah, husbands in the department. This, 1991:50). in turn, fosters a patriarchal power structure and class inequality, ma k- ing this women’s organization an e x- This organization is like the “u m- tension of the bureaucratic appar a- brella” organization for women’ and tus. In addition, the state also di s- wives’ organizations in all gover n- seminates the ideology of domesti c- ity through the creation of the a p- plied family welfare program, called 1In fact the members of this women’s organisation are not only the wives PKK: Pembinaan Kesejahteraan Ke- of civil servants, but some of the members luarga. According to this program, are also female civil servants themselves. A the role of women is designed to i n- similar wives organisation was also created crease the welfare and health of for the military’s wives, call Dharma Pertiwi. family. Its members consist of wives of the Army organisation (call Persit Kartika Chandra …But in early New Order auton o- Kirana), wives of the Police organisation mous women’s organisations disap- (call Bhayangkari), wives of the Air Force peared. Women’s representative organisation (call PIA Ardhya Garini), and bodies became ‘wives’ organisations. wives of the Navy organisation (call Wives of civil servants were obliged Jalasenastri). to join Dharma Wanita (literally,

26 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34.

Women’s Duty), and duty-bound to into conflict with the idea of global support their husbands’ work. The modernization which has also af- PKK, the village level inst itution through which many of gover n- fected the attitude and behavior of ment’s family welfare measures were Indonesian women. This conflict has implemented, was committed to the stimulated a set of dual portrayals five duties of a woman, which of woman in Indonesia. On the one started with her role as wife and hand, it was the New Order state’s mother… (Sen, 1999: 14) policy that described a woman [ perempuan/wanita2] as mother [Ibu]. Thus, the integration of the role of On the other hand, modernity has women into the national develo p- created the concept of Indonesian ment in Indonesia is actually the women who seem to accept Islamic encouragement of functionalist roles fundamentalism, are also active pr o- for functionaries’ wives, like hous e- fessional people and at the same keeping, hygiene, children upbrin g- time are urban women with a mo d- ing, and which promoted gender ern life style. inequality within the existing sexual A woman in Indonesia is co n- division of labor in the family and sidered not a complete human being society. That is what the New Order before she is married. All single government claimed as a di stin- women have to prepare themselves guishing concept of womanhood in for the appropriate fulfillment of the Indonesia, which differs to the role of wife. Consequently, a career Western’s conception (Sunindyo, woman who prefers to remain single 1993: 136). is considered as deviant. Nowadays, Hence, the concept of Ibu however, there has been a shifting (mother) in Indonesia is related to paradigm in which urban women the “essential nature” of women. tend to delay their marriage and With the “essential nature”, Ibu is choose to their career instead of given a responsibility to bring all having a family. Even, it has been members of the family to a better life by preparing the children to be a 2The terms “perempuan” (woman) and “wanita” (lady) are still in dispute in good citizens in the future. These Indonesia. Some feminists Indonesia like to kinds of women’s responsibilities use the term perempuan instead of wanita. have been promoted as crucial in They have argued that the term perempuan the national development. That is is seen more polite and more acceptable why a housewife is called “a motor than wanita, according to its lexical mea n- ing from the Sanskrit. However, po litically, of development” by the New Order these feminists seem oppose to the State regime. The question then is how creation toward the term wanita. As it is deeply this image of women pen e- written by Sen (1999: 15) in her reportage trated Indonesian society. article on women’s congress in Indonesia in December 1998, that the congress was The creation of a state concept “seeing a particular strength in term per- of womanhood in Indonesia comes empuan (woman) over wanita (lady, the common New Order term for women)”.

27 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34. rumored that many urban middle to a higher level than ever before. class women in Jakarta prefer to The proportion of women who co m- adopt and take care child by the m- pleted junior high school and above selves. The phenomena of single increased rapidly from seven per parent for women have being pop u- cent in 1971 to 49.2 per cent in larized in Indonesia today. 1990 (Hill, 1994: 146). However, while many women work and bring income to the family, the social Gender Relationship in Conte m- situation has not changed. Women porary Indonesia still hold responsibility for doing the housework, which is demanded of Industrialization and modernization women by Indonesia society and led to increasing of numbers of culture, even women with higher women occupying fields that were education. This is what the New O r- traditionally dominated by men. The der Indonesia called the “dual role” peran ganda wanita proportion of women in employment of women [ ]. rose by 2.6 per cent (from 33.2 per Women on the one hand are given cent in 1971 to 35.8 per cent in the opportunity to enter occup a- 1990) in the last twenty years of n a- tions, on the other hand wom en are tional development in Indonesia supposed to recognise their destiny (Hill, 1994, p. 146). More and more [kodrat] as mother and wife. women are occupying managerial Even many Indonesian Mu s- positions both in government d e- lim women still have different inte r- partments and in private bus i- pretations in defining the role of nesses. In addition, for upper mi d- woman as it has been prescribed by dle class women, jobs are part of s o- Islam. Many of them view, according cial status. The wife’s responsibility to Islam, the role of wife as being to is not demanding in terms of hours carry the responsibilities inside the because servants take over their house and to look after the husband domestic work. On the contrary, and children. As a Muslim mother women from the lower classes value argues, “the role of the husband is a job because it is essential as a as leader in the house and in soc i- part of their life’s struggle. Mor e- ety. In Islam a woman has no obl i- over, the wife’s domestic responsibi l- gation to work for money, that is her ity still places huge demands on husband’s role” (in Williams, 1998: them. 272). This notion implies that a Industrialization has also woman in Islam has to have the brought a positive impact to a pr o- support of her husband for her to gression of the level of education have a job outside the home, b e- among Indonesian women. In other cause a woman is not required to words, there is a greater chance for look for a job to earn money. The r e- women to complete their education sponsibility to bring an income for the family rests on a man’s shou l-

28 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34. ders. As one Muslim woman says, home. As Abdurrahman Wahid, one of the Indonesian’s Muslim leaders and a present President, claims: We are not superwomen… so if I want to work then I must co mpen- sate for my absence by providing a You have to look at the issue with maid to do my work. Islam doesn’t wider sense of the meaning of Islam say that a wife has to do all the in Indonesia, … We are conscious of work herself…. The husband isn’t the threat of being uprooted by actually doing any of the domestic modernisation and rapid social work himself (Williams, 1998: 272). change … Personally, I believe that the Prophet demands interpretation from us, not just blind following, The ideal of male-female rela- and I think this illustrates the di f- tions in Indonesia can also be seen ferences in the perceptions of from the articulation of marriage b e- women in the religion. But, also, I tween Islam and adat (custom) do have to say this frankly, many Muslim leaders still look at women which are quite different in this re- with degrading attitudes, they still spect. According to de Stuers (1960: believe that the rights of women are 207), the Islamic marriage, as it is not equal to the rights of men (Wi l- prescribed in the fikh (Islamic law), liams, 1998: 278-9). is in principle a contract between a man and a woman as two individ u- Recently, there has been a als who are obliged to give their movement from the activists of Mo s- consent. The husband obtains the lem Women Associations, that is rights over his wife; while the wife ‘Aisiyah’ [Muhammadiyah] and ‘Mus- claims appropriate treatment from limat’ [NU] to deconstruct the sy s- her husband. In contrast, marriage tem of board commitee in the two in Javanese culture means a ritual major Moslem organizations, i.e. ceremony where both the man and Muhammadiyah and Nahdatul the woman make a statement in Ulama3. In their Congress on June which the two individuals assert 2000, Aisiyah’s activists asked for they are couple. equal opportunity for women to be However, some Muslim lea d- appointed as one of the board me m- ers and scholars have argued that bers in those organizations. They Islam does not restrict the relatio n- tried to challenge the patriarchal ships between husband and wife in status quo in which women have term of responsibility in bringing in never been accounted in designing the family income or in terms of role and making decisions for their fo l- distribution in the household. Islam has also never prohibited women 3There are two mainstream Moslems from looking for work outside the organizations in Indonesia. They are Mu- home or going out in the public ham-madiyah, which is considered as mo d- sphere. Islam may even encourage ern Moslem organization, and Nahdatul women to have a career outside the Ulama (NU) which is considered hold traditional Islam manners.

29 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34. lower. the means to provide for their d e- The hierarchical order of the pendents. As a consequence, t his is bureaucratic system of the state perceived to be a mutually suppo r- parallels the major features of tive situation, and one in which men male/female relations in Javanes e and women enjoy equal social status culture. According to Sullivan (1991: from their different positions and 86), it is clear that in Javanese soc i- roles, as long they are dedicated to ety there is a hierarchy which is a p- the ideal objective of secure and plied in all areas of social life, i n- harmonious social life. This is what cluding the relations between men Sullivan (1991:74) calls “the co n- and women and children, not only sensus thesis: Javanese men and in families, but also in public polit i- women separate but equal.” cal life. In Javanese society, women Furthermore, as in Indonesia play a major role in dealing with women’s work is classified according household management and the to social class, therefore, a job is an nurturing, and socialization of chi l- essential as a part of the life stru g- dren. They bear the responsibility of gle for the lower class of women. the physical and emotional needs of Consequently, the relationship b e- family members. Meanwhile, men tween wife and husband is egalita r- are defined as the providers, protec- ian, but only in term of financial r e- tors, heads and representatives of sponsibility. Society still believes the household. As Sullivan that the best place for women is at (1991:74) argues: home. By contrast, for the middle The segregation of roles and spheres and upper class of women, a j ob is of work and influence by sex is not part of their social status. Many seen as a means by which men gain women from these classes are highly access to, and monopolize power in, formal structures and processes. educated, and they tend to look for Rather, it is acknowledged as a r a- a job in private enterprises rather tional way to organize society a c- than in the civil services, mainly b e- cording to the ‘natural’ order of cause of the image of the declining things in the process of human r e- social status and economic cond i- production. tion of the civil servant. The civil servants in Indonesia still get paid This camouflage of the stru c- lower than private employees. tural inequality which still pervades The role of the state has also society arises from the assumption, been indirectly involved in the d e- as Sullivan points out, that as the termination of the dominant gender ‘natural’ nurturers, women should ideology currently in place in Ind o- be protected; while men, as the nesia. The identification of women ‘natural’ protectors of women from with the domestic role by the ruling the dangers ‘outside’, have to gain class apparatus has serious cons e-

30 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34. quences. As in most patriarchal sy s- whole. tems, in Indonesia the relatio nships between gender and the state is far Indonesian society tends to more complex and paradoxical than emphasis the character of males the functionalist accounts of a pa- more than females in many ways triarchal state would indicate (Hellwig, 1991). This phenomenon is (Stivens, 1990, p.108). The role of implemented in many contexts. women as mothers and wives is However, the economic development praised, especially under the New strategy of the New Order regime Order government for more than has led to the changing of the sex thirty years. As stated by Soeharto, role stereotypes in the lower classes the former President, in his biogr a- in several significant ways. For e x- phy, the women’s organization ample, women in lower middle class (Dharma Wanita) in Indonesia is have to fight with men to get a job in supposed to: the labor market. Many women from this class become the dominant i n- … to bring Indonesian women to come-earner for their family. As a their correct position and role, that result, the gender relationships are is as the mother in a household [ Ibu rumah tangga] and simultaneously relatively balanced. The relationship as a motor of development … We of power between male and female, must not forget their essential na- however, still operates strongly in an ture [kodrat] as beings who must organized and structured way to the provide for the continuation of a life disadvantage of women. Mariyah that is healthy, good and pleasu r- able (cited in Tiwon, 1996: 59). (1995:18) says, in relation to Ind o- nesia, “patriarchal power has been internalized in the structures of s o- All these aspects --state ideol- ciety and in cultural beliefs and va l- ogy, religious and customary laws -- ues”. complicate our understanding of the The unequal position of ideological construction of femini n- women in Indonesian society can be ity in the Indonesian context. Islam, seen in the major political, economic Javanese Hinduism, and Christia n- and social institutions. Indonesian ity have a different concept of fem i- women are still in conflict with men ninity. As Hellwig (1991: 198) points in social, economic and political life. out: As the process of economic and Religious convictions and the state technological development emerges are of major significance in the wa y and consolidates in Indonesia, the gender patterns are determined. Is- character of women’s employment is lam, Christianity, and Hindu Jav a- nese concepts supply the most fu n- changing. Cities have become the damental ideas and beliefs about site of industrialization where new gender differences. Javanese Cu l- jobs are created. However, the kinds ture has a notable impact on pr e- of jobs available for women are still sent day Indonesian society as a

31 Rachmah Ida, "The Construction of Gender Identity in Indonesia: between Cultural Norms, Economic Impli cations, and State Formation," Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik , Th XIV, No 1, Januari 2001, 21-34. limited. According to Mariyah (1995: tion of the dominant gender ideology 18), 53.62 per cent of women wor k- in Indonesia. As the society is in the ers are still concentrated in the agr i- transition situation, the role of cultural sector although these nu m- woman, however, has shifted in t o- bers are now decreasing. In the pu b- day of Indonesia. Although in nu m- lic service only 6.3 per cent of bers women who take an active part women are in Echelon I in some in economic and political spheres government departments. On the are increasing, the situation is still other hand, in several fields of work, problematic for women. such as education and medicine, the ratio between male and female workers tends to be more balanced. Bibliography Due to the situation above, recently, the Minister of Women’s Djajadiningrat-Nieuwenhuis, Made- Affairs has advised all governmental lon, “Ibuism and Priyayiz a- departments to occupy at least 30 tion: Path to Power”, in Schol- per cent of women in Echelon pos i- ten, Elsbeth Lochers and tions. The policy is aimed at empo w- Anke Niehof, (eds), Indone- ering women and increasing the p o- sian Women in Focus Past and tency of women in leadership e nvi- Present Notion (USA: Foris ronment. Moreover, this policy is Publications, Dodrecht - also purposed to give more opport u- Holland/ Providence, 1987). nity for women to have a high pos i- tion and status in their workplace. Geertz, Clifford, The Religion of Java (Chicago: University Press of Chicago, 1960). Conclusion Helwig, Tineke, In the Shadow of Change Images of Women in The creation of the state concept of Indonesian Literature (Berke- womanhood in Indonesia comes into ley: Center for South and conflict with the idea of global mo d- Southeast Asia Studies, Un i- ernization. This conflict has stimu- versity of California, 1991). lated a set of dual roles and repr e- sentations of woman in Indonesia. Hill, Hal, Indonesia’s New Order the As it has been analyzed that it was Dynamic of Socio-Economic the New Order regime’s policy that Transform-ation (Sydney: Allen described a woman as mother [ Ibu] and Unwin, 1994). and wife [Istri] and as a working woman at the same time. Indeed, Kupa, Miles, “Indonesian’s economic the state ideology --the official social challenges”, in Clin Brown, construction of womanhood -- is sig- (ed.), Indonesia Dealing With nificantly involved in the determin a- a Neighbour (Sydney: Allen

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