The Caucasus Emirate's Summer Offensive, 2009
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The North Caucasus: the Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law
The North Caucasus: The Challenges of Integration (III), Governance, Elections, Rule of Law Europe Report N°226 | 6 September 2013 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Russia between Decentralisation and the “Vertical of Power” ....................................... 3 A. Federative Relations Today ....................................................................................... 4 B. Local Government ...................................................................................................... 6 C. Funding and budgets ................................................................................................. 6 III. Elections ........................................................................................................................... 9 A. State Duma Elections 2011 ........................................................................................ 9 B. Presidential Elections 2012 ...................................................................................... -
Russian-Speaking
NOVEMBER 2017 ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’ FIGHTERS IN SYRIA, IRAQ AND AT HOME: CONSEQUENCES AND CONTEXT FULL REPORT Mark Youngman and Dr Cerwyn Moore Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies Department of Political Science and International Studies University of Birmingham This report was produced out of the Actors and Narratives programme, funded by CREST. To find out more information about this programme, and to see other outputs from the team, visit the CREST website at: https://crestresearch.ac.uk/projects/actors-and-narratives/ About the authors: Mark Youngman is an ESRC-funded doctoral student and Cerwyn Moore a Senior Lecturer in the Centre for Russian, European and Eurasian Studies at the University of Birmingham. Disclaimer: This report has been part funded by an ESRC IAA award and part funded by the Centre for Research and Evidence on Security Threats (ESRC Award: ES/N009614/1). It draws on the existing work of the authors, and supplements their work with original research and ongoing data collection of Russian-speaking foreign fighters.www.crestresearch.co.uk The cover image, Caucasus Emirate, is a remixed derivative ofProposed divisions of the Caucasus Emirate by ArnoldPlaton, under CC BY-SA 3.0. Caucasus Emirate is licensed under CC BY-NC-SA 4.0. by R. Stevens, CREST. ©2017 CREST Creative Commons 4.0 BY-NC-SA licence. www.crestresearch.ac.uk/copyright CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...............................................................................................................4 PART I: ASSESSING THE ‘RUSSIAN-SPEAKING’ -
Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam As a Tool of the Kremlin?
Notes de l’Ifri Russie.Nei.Visions 99 Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin? Marlène LARUELLE March 2017 Russia/NIS Center The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the few French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European and broader international debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. This text is published with the support of DGRIS (Directorate General for International Relations and Strategy) under “Observatoire Russie, Europe orientale et Caucase”. ISBN: 978-2-36567-681-6 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2017 How to quote this document: Marlène Laruelle, “Kadyrovism: Hardline Islam as a Tool of the Kremlin?”, Russie.Nei.Visions, No. 99, Ifri, March 2017. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15—FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00—Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Ifri-Bruxelles Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 1000—Brussels—BELGIUM Tel.: +32 (0)2 238 51 10—Fax: +32 (0)2 238 51 15 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Russie.Nei.Visions Russie.Nei.Visions is an online collection dedicated to Russia and the other new independent states (Belarus, Ukraine, Moldova, Armenia, Georgia, Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan). -
The North Caucasus Region As a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia
energies Article The North Caucasus Region as a Blind Spot in the “European Green Deal”: Energy Supply Security and Energy Superpower Russia José Antonio Peña-Ramos 1,* , Philipp Bagus 2 and Dmitri Amirov-Belova 3 1 Faculty of Social Sciences and Humanities, Universidad Autónoma de Chile, Providencia 7500912, Chile 2 Department of Applied Economics I and History of Economic Institutions (and Moral Philosophy), Rey Juan Carlos University, 28032 Madrid, Spain; [email protected] 3 Postgraduate Studies Centre, Pablo de Olavide University, 41013 Sevilla, Spain; [email protected] * Correspondence: [email protected]; Tel.: +34-657219669 Abstract: The “European Green Deal” has ambitious aims, such as net-zero greenhouse gas emissions by 2050. While the European Union aims to make its energies greener, Russia pursues power-goals based on its status as a geo-energy superpower. A successful “European Green Deal” would have the up-to-now underestimated geopolitical advantage of making the European Union less dependent on Russian hydrocarbons. In this article, we illustrate Russian power-politics and its geopolitical implications by analyzing the illustrative case of the North Caucasus, which has been traditionally a strategic region for Russia. The present article describes and analyses the impact of Russian intervention in the North Caucasian secessionist conflict since 1991 and its importance in terms of natural resources, especially hydrocarbons. The geopolitical power secured by Russia in the North Caucasian conflict has important implications for European Union’s energy supply security and could be regarded as a strong argument in favor of the “European Green Deal”. Keywords: North Caucasus; post-soviet conflicts; Russia; oil; natural gas; global economics and Citation: Peña-Ramos, J.A.; Bagus, P.; cross-cultural management; energy studies; renewable energies; energy markets; clean energies Amirov-Belova, D. -
Russia's Looming Crisis
FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE Russia’s Looming Crisis By David Satter Russia’s Looming Crisis By David Satter March 2012 About FPRI - - - Founded in 1955 by Ambassador Robert Strausz Hupé, FPRI is a non partisan,- non profit organization devoted to bringing the insights of scholarship to bear on the development of policies that advance U.S. national interests. In the tradition of Strausz Hupé, FPRI embraces history and geography to illuminate foreign policy challenges facing the United States. In 1990, FPRI established the Wachman Center to foster civic and international literacy in the community and in the classroom. FOREIGN POLICY RESEARCH INSTITUTE 19102-3684 Tel. 215-732- -732-4401 1528 Walnut Street, Suite 610 • Philadelphia, PA 3774 • Fax 215 Email [email protected] • Website: www.fpri.org Table of Contents Introduction ............................................................................................................................... 1 1. The Political Situation ........................................................................................................ 3 The Control of the Election Process ............................................................................................ 4 The Economic Key to Putin’s Political Success ....................................................................... 5 A Political Charade ............................................................................................................................ 6 An Election Fraud ............................................................................................................................. -
Chechnya's Status Within the Russian
SWP Research Paper Uwe Halbach Chechnya’s Status within the Russian Federation Ramzan Kadyrov’s Private State and Vladimir Putin’s Federal “Power Vertical” Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik German Institute for International and Security Affairs SWP Research Paper 2 May 2018 In the run-up to the Russian presidential elections on 18 March 2018, the Kremlin further tightened the federal “vertical of power” that Vladimir Putin has developed since 2000. In the North Caucasus, this above all concerns the republic of Dagestan. Moscow intervened with a powerful purge, replacing the entire political leadership. The situation in Chechnya, which has been ruled by Ramzan Kadyrov since 2007, is conspicuously different. From the early 2000s onwards, President Putin conducted a policy of “Chechenisation” there, delegating the fight against the armed revolt to local security forces. Under Putin’s protection, the republic gained a leadership which is now publicly referred to by Russians as the “Chechen Khanate”, among other similar expressions. Kadyrov’s breadth of power encompasses an independ- ent foreign policy, which is primarily orientated towards the Middle East. Kadyrov emphatically professes that his republic is part of Russia and presents himself as “Putin’s foot soldier”. Yet he has also transformed the federal subject of Chechnya into a private state. The ambiguous relationship between this republic and the central power fundamentally rests on the loyalty pact between Putin and Kadyrov. However, criticism of this arrange- ment can now occasionally be heard even in the Russian president’s inner circles. With regard to Putin’s fourth term, the question arises just how long the pact will last. -
Russia's Dagestan: Conflict Causes
RUSSIA’S DAGESTAN: CONFLICT CAUSES Europe Report N°192 – 3 June 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS EXECUTIVE SUMMARY ...................................................................................................... i I. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................. 1 II. A FRAGILE INTER-ETHNIC BALANCE.................................................................... 2 A. INTER-ETHNIC COMPETITION OVER LAND AND STATE POSITIONS...............................................2 B. THE 2007 ELECTIONS .................................................................................................................4 1. Removing inter-ethnic competition from electoral politics..................................................4 2. Electoral violence and results ...............................................................................................5 III. ISLAMISM IN DAGESTAN AND CHECHEN CONNECTIONS.............................. 6 A. CHECHEN AND DAGESTANI ISLAMISTS IN THE 1990S .................................................................6 B. THE “HUNT FOR THE WAHHABIS” SINCE 1999 ...........................................................................8 C. SHARIAT JAMAAT’S GROWING INFLUENCE .................................................................................8 D. RENEWED TENSIONS WITH CHECHNYA .....................................................................................10 IV. VIOLENCE AGAINST STATE AUTHORITIES ...................................................... -
The Security of the Caspian Sea Region
17. The glitter and poverty of Chechen Islam Aleksei Malashenko I. Introduction Originally the separatist movement in Chechnya was unrelated to Islam. Its ideology was ethnic nationalism and its goal was the establishment of an inde- pendent national state. The Chechen separatists’ social base was limited: far from all members of Chechen society supported the idea of independence. Nor, it seems, did the leaders of the Chechen insurgents seriously believe that it was possible for Chechnya to attain true independence. The future president of the self-proclaimed Chechen Republic of Ichkeriya, Soviet Air Force Major- General Dzhokhar Dudayev, used to say that after Chechnya gained inde- pendence it would join the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) and preserve its close economic and political ties with Russia. Before the beginning of the armed struggle for independence the Chechens aimed at maximum autonomy within the Russian Federation. The strategic tasks which the Chechen leaders set themselves were largely similar to those pursued, and realized for a period of time, by the ethno-political elite of Tatar- stan.1 In Chechnya, for a number of reasons (which are not the subject of the present study), the conflict between the centre and Grozny followed a different path—that of military–political confrontation, in which Islam became one of the main ideological and political vectors. In the Russian scholarly literature and other publications much has been written about the important role of Islam in the events of the 1990s in Chechnya. The more convincing work is that of Vakhid Akaev (a Chechen researcher),2 Alexei Kudryavtsev and Vladimir Bobrovnikov (two orientalists based in Moscow), and the journalist experts Ilya Maksakov and Igor Rotar.3 1 In 1993 only 2 republics—Tatarstan and Chechnya—refused to sign the Federation Treaty. -
The North Caucasus Insurgency and Syria: an Exported Jihad?
The North Caucasus Insurgency and Syria: An Exported Jihad? Europe Report N°238 | 16 March 2016 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i Recommendations..................................................................................................................... iii I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. The Failure of Regional Jihad or How Syria Hijacked the Agenda ................................. 4 A. “A Thousand Times Harder than Syria” .................................................................... 5 B. From Regional to Global ............................................................................................ 7 C. Jihadists or New Muhajirun? .................................................................................... 9 D. Syria, Iraq and the North Caucasians ........................................................................ 12 III. Russian State Security Responses .................................................................................... 16 A. Controlling the Outflow: Before and After the Sochi Olympics ................................ 16 B. Clamping Down on Salafi Activism and Mosques .................................................... -
Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documenta
ACCORD – Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documenta... Page 1 of 42 Document #2011188 ACCORD – Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Documentation English Version below https://www.ecoi.net/en/document/2011188.html 10/22/2019 ACCORD – Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Docume... Page 19 of 42 ecoi.net's featured topics offer an overview on selected issues. The featured topic for the Russian Federation covers the general security situation and a chronology of security-related events in Dagestan since January 2011. The featured topics are presented in the form of excerpts from documents, coming from selected sources. Compiled by ACCORD. https://www.ecoi.net/en/document/2011188.html 10/22/2019 ACCORD – Austrian Centre for Country of Origin and Asylum Research and Docume... Page 20 of 42 Archived version - last update: 21 March 2019. Updated versions of this featured topic are published on the respective country page. 1. Overview (https://ecoi2.ecoi.net/local_link/358745/504747_de.html#Toc489358359) 1.1. Religious conflict 2. Insurgency in Dagestan 2.1. Development of the insurgency 2.2. Attacks and violations of human rights 3. Timeline of attacks in Dagestan 4. Sources 1. Overview “Mit rund drei Millionen Einwohnern ist es die mit Abstand größte kaukasische Teilrepublik, und wegen seiner Lage am Kaspischen Meer bildet es für Russland einen strategisch wichtigen Teil dieser Region. Zugleich leben hier auf einem Territorium von der Größe Bayerns drei Dutzend autochthone Nationalitäten. Damit ist Dagestan das Gebiet mit der größten ethnischen Vielfalt nicht nur im Kaukasus, sondern im gesamten postsowjetischen Raum.“ (SWP, April 2015, p. -
The Role of Islam in Political Life in the North Caucasus the Cases of Dagestan and Chechnya
Francesca Romana Bastianello The role of Islam in political life in the North Caucasus The cases of Dagestan and Chechnya Introduction With the collapse of the Soviet Union many political players in interethnic and interreligious republics have turned to religion for legitimization and political mobilization. This religious revival was especially felt in the Muslim Republics of the ex USSR, including the Republics of Chechnya and Dagestan, among the most ‘Islamic’ areas in the Union, in spite of 70 years of Soviet anti-religious rule and especially thanks to their strong Sufi character. In spite of several common aspects, at the moment of transition Chechnya and Dagestan had also important differences, essential in the understanding of the evolution of the events from the end of the first Chechen war onwards. Firstly, while in Chechnya the socialist political elite was replaced, in Dagestan it remained in power retaining the typical soviet mistrust of anybody not under its full control and extreme hostility to, and suspicion of Islam. Secondly, Dagestan chose to remain part of the Russian Federation and not to declare independence as Chechnya did. Thirdly, we have to consider the multi-ethnic composition of Dagestan as opposed to the homogeneity of Chechnya that had a notable influence in the politicization of Islam since almost each major nationality seceded from the Dagestani religious board and established its own Muftiate. 1 However, politics had remained secular in both republics until the end of 1994 and only the first Chechen war changed the situation. This paper aims to analyze the Islamization of politics in both Dagestan and Chechnya and the role played by the radical movement of Wahhabism. -
Russia's Abusive Response to the Dagestan Insurgency
HUMAN RIGHTS “Invisible War” Russia’s Abusive Response to the Dagestan Insurgency WATCH “Invisible War” Russia’s Abusive Response to the Dagestan Insurgency Copyright © 2015 Human Rights Watch All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America ISBN: 978-1-6231-32477 Cover design by Rafael Jimenez Human Rights Watch defends the rights of people worldwide. We scrupulously investigate abuses, expose the facts widely, and pressure those with power to respect rights and secure justice. Human Rights Watch is an independent, international organization that works as part of a vibrant movement to uphold human dignity and advance the cause of human rights for all. Human Rights Watch is an international organization with staff in more than 40 countries, and offices in Amsterdam, Beirut, Berlin, Brussels, Chicago, Geneva, Goma, Johannesburg, London, Los Angeles, Moscow, Nairobi, New York, Paris, San Francisco, Sydney, Tokyo, Toronto, Tunis, Washington DC, and Zurich. For more information, please visit our website: http://www.hrw.org JUNE 2015 978-1-6231-32477 Invisible War Russia’s Abusive Response to the Dagestan Insurgency Map .................................................................................................................................... i Summary ........................................................................................................................... 1 Watch Lists .............................................................................................................................. 2 Abuses