Desecularisation and Rise of Political Islam* in Bangladesh*
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Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bangladesh (Hum.), Vol. 57(1), 2012, pp. 29-40 * DESECULARISATION AND RISE OF POLITICAL ISLAM * IN BANGLADESH Harun-or-Rashid* Introduction Forty years ago Bangladesh, a breakaway state in south Asia, came to be founded upon the ideal of secularism as one of the fundamental state principles by shunning the Pakistani path of use of religion in politics. The new republic under the leadership of its founding father, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was believed to be free from communal politics once and for all. However, to utter surprise of many, very soon use of religion in public matters and rise of Islamism being the religion of the dominant majority community with resultant impact of communalisation marked a pronounced manifestation. How to explain this? What are the factors that may account for this development? What is the future of syncretism upon which the Bangladesh society is historically based? The present paper is an attempt to examine the process of desecularisation and the rise of political Islam in Bangladesh keeping in view the above questions. The discourse can be better understood in terms of three distinct eras of political rule. First, the Mujib era (1972-1975) that was characterized by the prohibition of use of religion in politics. Second, the military era (1976-1990) under General Zia and Ershad, which saw the re- emergence of political Islam within the arena of mainstream politics. Third, the democratic era spanning over the rule of Begum Khaleda Zia and Sheikh Hasina (1991 to date ), a period marked by the emergence of a host of militant Islamist groups followed by attempts to curb influence of Islam as a political ideology. 1. The Mujib Era (1972-1975): A journey to secularism Under the leadership of the Father of the Nation Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, a constitution was provided within a period of ten months from liberation for the newly born Bangladesh state, which is regarded as one of the ** Harun-or-Rashid, Professor of Political Science, University of Dhaka * Presented at the 70th Midwest Political Science Association conference held in Chicago, USA on 12-15 April 2012. 30 Harun-or-Rashid best of the world. Bangladesh becomes a Republic with all powers vested in the hands of the people (Article 7).The new Republic came to be based on four fundamental principles as national ideology, namely (Bangali) Nationalism, Socialism, Democracy and Secularism, developed in course of long struggle for national emancipation including the 1971 War of Liberation. The Mujib government had declared its firm commitment to the principle of secularism. In view of the Pakistani experience regarding the use of religion Islam in politics, it was taken for granted that secularism would be one of the guiding principles of the new Republic. The 1972 Constitution not only declared secularism as one of the fundamental principles of state policy but also prescribed certain measures for its implementation. These included elimination of communalism in all its forms; no political recognition of any religion by the state; no use of religion for political purposes; and no discrimination or persecution on religious grounds (Article 12). Perhaps the most important step of the Mujib government in regard to dissociating politics from religion was the constitutional prohibition of forming any religion –based communal organisation with ‘a political purpose’ (Article 38). This instrument was applied in the case of pro-political Islam pro-Pakistani parties like the Jamaat-i-Islami, Muslim League and other political Islam variants. These were the parties who in their opposition to the creation of Bangladesh had sided with the Pakistan occupation army having direct involvement in their genocidal killing through specially organised privates, such as, Razakar, Al-Badr, Al-Shams during the War of Liberation. They remained as outlawed entities throughout the Mujib rule. Amongst them, the most organised and politically potential Jamaat-i-Islami remained particularly stigmatised in the eyes of people for their heinous act of killing of dozens of very noted secular- minded intellectuals including Dhaka University Professors immediately before the surrender of Pakistan occupation army. The adoption of dharmaniropeskhata substituting secularism in the Constitution as one of the fundamental state principles for a Muslim-majority country as Bangladesh is (87% were Muslim population then) was a bold step on the part of the first government. The Bangla term dharmaniropeskhata, literally meaning ‘religious neutrality’, is different from secularism as it is understood in the West. Due to widespread misperception of the term as religionlessness or Desecularisation and Rise of Political Islam 31 absence of religion and a generally growing fear among ordinary Muslims believed to have been fomented by clandestine pro-political Islam groups that the survival of their religion was at stake in the hands of the secularist government, Mujib went on assuring the public many a time, that his brand of secularism was akin to ‘religious neutrality’ or ‘non-communalism’ and ,hence, not a threat to Islam or any other religion. As he once explained: Secularism does not mean the absence of religion. The 75 million people of Bengal [Bangladesh] will have the right to religion. We do not want to ban religion by law....Muslims will observe their religion....Hindus will observe their religion....Buddhists and Christians will observe their respective religions...Our only objection is that nobody will be allowed to use religion as a political weapon.1 Thus Mujib’s view of secularism was in terms of plurality of religions to be allowed to exist and operate in the society without any favour to or despise for any of them by the state. In other words, he understood religion ‘as a faith’ and not ‘as an ideology’. Mujib had to deal with a most difficult time. Reconstruction of a war ravaged country from scratch, restoration of law and order by recovering arms from civilian hands made available during 1971 in resistance to Pakistan occupation army, rehabilitation of ten million Bangali refugees returned from India, long drought (1972), flood and devastating cyclone (1973), adverse effects of price hike of oil on economy caused by Arab-Israel war (1973), cold war situation, continued hostility of Pakistan and its allies, non-cooperation from the Muslim countries and threats of leftist takeover are some of the challenges to mention. However, the most formidable challenge came from the radical lefts including the newly founded Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal [National Socialist Party], who considered the Bangladesh War of Liberation as an “unfinished revolution”. So, the Mujib government faced a kind of two-pronged situation in its relation with radical lefts and clandestine pro-political Islam forces. Against such background, Mujib made some initiatives to appease pro-Islam critics. The measures included, among other things, increase in budgetary allocation for Madrassa (Islamic religious schools) education, establishment of Islamic Foundation (1975) to work for the propagation of the values and ideals of Islam 1 Maniruzzaman, Talukder, Bangladesh Politics: Secular and Islamic Trends, Dhaka: University Press Limited, 1994, p. 9. 32 Harun-or-Rashid in society, amnesty for a good number of pro-Islam prisoners not found guilty of war crimes or crimes against humanity , doing away with trial of 195 top Pakistani prisoners of war being held in custody on charge of genocide (Simla Pact 1973) , observance of special religious events at the state level and starting of some programmes on religion Islam in state-owned radio and television.2 Indeed in private Mujib was a religious-minded person. However, open challenges to Bangladesh’s founding ideals of secularism and Bangali ethno- nationalism within just a few years from independence caught many observers by surprise. 2. Islamisation under military rule (1976-1990): Re-emergence of political Islam and a funeral of secularism With the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and the fall of his government in the bloody August 15 (1975) incident, a counter revolution occurred in Bangladesh politics taking the country back to the Pakistan era. The secular, democratic ideals of the War of Liberation were abandoned in favour of political Islam as a national ideology. This was effected principally by General Ziaur Rahman during his five-year rule to be followed by the next military regime headed by General Ershad. It must be remembered that Saudi Arabia’s recognition of Bangladesh came just a day after the assassination of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Coming into power in the wake of coups and counter coups, General Zia took several steps which considerably changed the secular nature of the Bangladesh state. The Constitution was manipulated by inserting “Bismillahir-Rahman ir- Rahim” (In the Name of Allah, the Beneficial, the Merciful) in the Preamble. Article 8(1), which originally incorporated ‘secularism’ as one of the fundamental principles of state policy, was replaced by “absolute trust and faith in the Almighty Allah.” Article 12, which contained the mechanisms for implementation of the principle of secularism, was deleted. Further a new clause was added to Article 25, purported “to consolidate, preserve and strengthen fraternal relations among Muslim countries based on Islamic 2 Kabir, Bhuian Md. Monoar, Politics and Development of The Jamaat-e-Islami Bangladesh, Dhaka: AH Publishing House, 2006, p. 30; Murshid, M. Tazeen, The Sacred and the Secular: Bengal Muslim Discourses 1871-1977, Dhaka: University Press Limited. Desecularisation and Rise of Political Islam 33 solidarity.” Article 38, which prohibited formation of any organisation professedly based on religion with a political aim, was revoked, paving the way for the revival of pro-Islam parties hitherto remained outlawed. The principle of ‘Bangalee nationalism’, as based on language, territory and secular culture (Article 9), was obliterated from the Constitution. Instead General Zia came up with the idea of “Bangladeshi nationalism” to be based on political Islam, language, territory and anti-Indian feelings as a new national ideology.