DOCSLIB.ORG

Koliastasis P Phd 280714.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Koliastasis P Phd 280714.Pdf Title The permanent campaign strategy of Greek Prime Ministers (1996–2011) Candidate Panagiotis Koliastasis Degree This thesis is submitted in fulfillment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy 4 Abstract Various academic authors have analysed the implementation, the causes and the impact of the permanent campaign strategy by political executives in presidential and parliamentary systems, notably the United States and United Kingdom. This study builds on this literature and extends the research on the permanent campaign in the European parliamentary majoritarian context by examining contemporary Greece as a national case study. In particular, the study addresses three questions. First, did contemporary Greek Prime Ministers adopt the permanent campaign strategy? Second, why did they do so? Third, what impact did the implementation of the permanent campaign have on their public approval? The research focuses on the cases of three successive Prime Ministers in Greece: Costas Simitis (1996–2004), Kostas Karamanlis (2004–2009) and George Papandreou (2009-2011). Simitis and Papandreou were leaders of the centre-left PASOK, while Karamanlis was the leader of the centre-right New Democracy. The study finds that all three Prime Ministers undertook the permanent campaign strategy in order to maintain public approval, aligning themselves with their British and American counterparts. They established new communication units within the primeministerial apparatus, consulted with communication professionals to form a coherent communication strategy, used private polling to shape political strategy, policy and presentation, used campaign-like messages as mottos to promote their policy plans and made public appearances to woo public opinion. In addition, the thesis indicates that the permanent campaign in Greece was a result of the modernisation of political communication due to political and technological developments, such as the decline of political parties, the rise of television and the proliferation of new political technologies that have appeared in other countries as well. However, the results drawn from the data analysis suggest that the 5 primeministerial permanent campaign hardly affected the primeministerial approval, confirming the findings of empirical studies in the US and the UK. 6 Contents List of Acronyms 8-9 List of Appendices 10 Time-line of events 11-12 Introduction 13-30 Chapter 1 The Permanent Campaign 31-62 Chapter 2 The Permanent Campaign of Prime Minister Kostas Simitis 63-87 Chapter 3 The Permanent Campaign of Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis 88-118 Chapter 4 The Permanent Campaign of Prime Minister George Papandreou 119-147 Chapter 5 The Permanent Campaign in Greece 148 - 173 Chapter 6 The Permanent Campaign in Greece Revisited 174 - 210 Bibliography 211-240 Appendices 241-300 7 List of acronyms AUEB: Athens University of Economics and Business EC: European Commission ECB: European Central Bank ECOFIN: Economic and Financial Affairs Council EFSF: European Financial Stability Facility EKKE: Εθνικό Κέντρο Κοινωνικών Ερευνών / Νational Centre for Social Research EΡT: Eλληνική Ραδιοφωνία και Τηλεόραση / Hellenic Broadcasting Corporation ET-1: Eλληνική Τηλεόραση 1 / Hellenic Television 1 NET: Νέα Ελληνική Τηλεόραση / New Hellenic Television ET-3: Ελληνική Τηλεόραση 3 / Hellenic Television 3 EΡA: Ελληνική Ραδιοφωνία / Hellenic Radio EU: European Union EMU: Economic and Monetary Union FECA: Federal Campaign Action Act ΓΣΕΕ : Γενική Συνομοσπονδία Εργατών Ελλάδος / General Confederation of Greek Labour GICS: Government Information Communication Service GIS: Government Information Service IMF: Inetrnational Monetary Fund 8 IΣΤΑΜΕ - ISTAME: Ινστιτούτο Στρατηγικών & Αναπτυξιακών Μελετών – Ανδρέας Παπανδρέου / Institute of Strategic and Development Studies-Andreas Papandreou ΛΑΟΣ : Λαϊκός Ορθόδοξος Συναγερμός / Popular Orthodox Rally MP: Member of Parliament NAFTA: North American Free Trade Agreement ND: New Democracy / Νέα Δημοκρατία PASOK: Panhellenic Socialist Movement / Πανελλήνιο Σοσιαλιστικό Κίνημα PKK: Partiya Karkeren Kurdistan PM: Prime Minister SCU: Strategic Communication Unit UK: United Kingdom US: United States 9 List of Appendices Appendix A: Major addresses - Minor addresses Appendix B: Costas Simitis - Major Addresses - Minor Addresses Appendix C: Kostas Karamanlis - Major Addresses - Minor Addresses Appendix D: George Papandreou - Major Addresses - Minor Addresses Appendix E: List of Interviewees Appendix F: The Conduct of Interviews Appendix G: List of government communication documents 10 Time – line of events 1965 Media: Public television launched 1974 Politics: Restoration of the democratic regime in Greece - ND wins general election 1977 Politics: ND wins national elections 1981 Politics: PASOK wins parliamentary elections for the first time 1985 Politics: PASOK wins general elections 1989 (June) Politics: ND wins national elections - Formation of Coalition Government between the ND and the Coalition of the Left Media: Deregulation of media sector - First Private TV network launched 1989 (November) Politics: ND wins general elections - Formation of Coalition Government ND - PASOK - Coalition of the Left 1990 Politics: ND wins general election - Formation of Single party Government 1993 Politics: PASOK wins national elections 1996 Politics: Andreas Papandreou resigns from the premiership - Simitis is elected Prime Minister in January - Simitis is elected President of PASOK in June - PASOK wins early national elections in September 1999 Politics: ND wins elections for the European Parliament Media: TV station of the Greek Parliament launched 2000 Politics: PASOK wins parliamentary elections 11 2004 Politics: ND wins national elections 2007 Politics: ND wins national elections 2009 Politics: Prime Minister Karamanlis calls early elections - PASOK wins general elections 2010 Politics: The Greek Parliament approves Memorandum - Greece is set under the supervision of the Troika (EC-ECB-IMF) 2011 Politics: Papandreou resigns from the premiership - Formation of Coalition government PASOK - ND - LAOS 12 Introduction The phenomenon of the campaigning style of governing appeared for the first time in the United States. From the late 1960s, all American presidents, motivated by the institutional, political and technological evolutions, have adopted the permanent campaign strategy to retain their popularity. To this end, the permanent campaign literature has largely been a US-focused one (Edwards, 1999; 2000; Kernell, 2007; Phillips, 2007; Smith, 2009; Tenpas, 2000). Nevertheless, executive leaders appear to have adopted the campaigning style of governing, not only in the United States, but also in the parliamentary systems of Europe and Australia, as well as in the presidential systems of developing democracies in Latin America. In particular, authors have analysed the permanent campaign strategy implemented by Prime Ministers Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair in the majoritarian parliamentary system of the United Kingdom (Cockerell et al, 1984; Foley, 2000; Nimmo, 1999; Scammell, 2001); Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi in the consensual parliamentary system of Italy (Roncarolo, 2005); the Prime Minister of Australia John Howard (Van Onselen and Errington, 2007) and the President of Ecuador Rafael Correa (Conaghan and De La Torre, 2008). This research aims to extend the analysis of the permanent campaign process in the European parliamentary majoritarian systems by examining the national case of Greece. There have already been some indications that the permanent campaign has entered the Greek political arena. From 1990s onwards, various institutional, political and technological developments have gradually modernised the political communication environment setting the basis for the implementation of the permanent campaign (Demertzis, 2002; Negrine, 2008; Papathanassopoulos, 2007). In addition, modern premiers have adopted some forms of the campaigning style of governing. For instance, as some authors have observed, Prime Minister Konstantinos Mitsotakis, 13 centre-right (1990-1993), collaborated with pollsters, political marketing professionals and political journalists who were responsible for the analysis of polling data, primeministerial image-making and the formulation of the government’s communication strategy (Kurtsos, 2003: 50-52; Sotiropoulos, 2001: 140-141). Another example is Andreas Papandreou, the socialist premier (1993-1996), who established ministerial press offices by appointing journalists as managing directors and founded the Ministry of Press and Media, ‘with the Minister acting in most cases as the government’s spokesperson, rather than (..) a minister who tries to form and implement the government’s policy in the field of communication’ (Papathanassopoulos, 2007: 138). In general, as Papathanassopoulos has described it, ‘professional advertising, polls and political consulting that were scarcely used before have become an indispensable means, not only for carrying out pre-electoral campaigns, but also with respect to the on-going communication strategy adopted by the government and opposition parties’ (2007: 129). However, academic literature on the subject of the permanent campaign in Greece has so far lacked a systematic analysis in terms of both its implementation by the Greek prime ministers and the factors that have contributed to its emergence. This thesis aims to address these identified gaps by concentrating on three successive Greek prime ministers whose permanent
Load more

Recommended publications
  • 1 America's Relations with Greece to 1945: from Aloof Soft Power to The
    1 AMERICA’S RELATIONS WITH GREECE TO 1945: FROM ALOOF SOFT POWER TO THE ONSET OF REGIONAL HARD POWER The Inaugural Demetrios and Demetra Partalis Kales Annual Lecture in Modern Greek History delivered at the Michigan League on November 12, 2009 by S. Victor Papacosma, Emeritus Professor of History and Director of the Lemnitzer Center for NATO and European Union Studies at Kent State University, Executive Director of the Modern Greek Studies Association The interest and involvement of the United States in Greek affairs began a slow trajectory from rather peripheral in the early nineteenth century to a level of increased concern by the end of World War II. But even by the beginning of 1945, as the following comments will try to point out, projections pointed to a limited regional presence for the United States, essentially a continuation of softer, relatively idealistic policy objectives. By early 1947, however, a dramatic reorientation would manifest itself, and not just for US relations with Greece. We must start at the beginning. George Washington in his 1796 Farewell Address had advised American abstention from European political and military entanglements. The level of American contact with the more distantly located, Ottoman-dominated Balkans developed even more slowly than that with other European regions during the nineteenth century. If any official American policy existed toward the problematic Eastern Question with its accompanying great power rivalries, it was that, in the issue of the Turkish Straits, freedom of the seas and therefore freedom of transit and navigation in the Straits should prevail both for naval and commercial vessels.1 The first Balkan people to attract the significant attention of America were the Greeks.
    [Show full text]
  • Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2020
    Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2020 Reuters Institute Digital News Report 2020 Nic Newman with Richard Fletcher, Anne Schulz, Simge Andı, and Rasmus Kleis Nielsen Supported by Surveyed by © Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism / Digital News Report 2020 4 Contents Foreword by Rasmus Kleis Nielsen 5 3.15 Netherlands 76 Methodology 6 3.16 Norway 77 Authorship and Research Acknowledgements 7 3.17 Poland 78 3.18 Portugal 79 SECTION 1 3.19 Romania 80 Executive Summary and Key Findings by Nic Newman 9 3.20 Slovakia 81 3.21 Spain 82 SECTION 2 3.22 Sweden 83 Further Analysis and International Comparison 33 3.23 Switzerland 84 2.1 How and Why People are Paying for Online News 34 3.24 Turkey 85 2.2 The Resurgence and Importance of Email Newsletters 38 AMERICAS 2.3 How Do People Want the Media to Cover Politics? 42 3.25 United States 88 2.4 Global Turmoil in the Neighbourhood: 3.26 Argentina 89 Problems Mount for Regional and Local News 47 3.27 Brazil 90 2.5 How People Access News about Climate Change 52 3.28 Canada 91 3.29 Chile 92 SECTION 3 3.30 Mexico 93 Country and Market Data 59 ASIA PACIFIC EUROPE 3.31 Australia 96 3.01 United Kingdom 62 3.32 Hong Kong 97 3.02 Austria 63 3.33 Japan 98 3.03 Belgium 64 3.34 Malaysia 99 3.04 Bulgaria 65 3.35 Philippines 100 3.05 Croatia 66 3.36 Singapore 101 3.06 Czech Republic 67 3.37 South Korea 102 3.07 Denmark 68 3.38 Taiwan 103 3.08 Finland 69 AFRICA 3.09 France 70 3.39 Kenya 106 3.10 Germany 71 3.40 South Africa 107 3.11 Greece 72 3.12 Hungary 73 SECTION 4 3.13 Ireland 74 References and Selected Publications 109 3.14 Italy 75 4 / 5 Foreword Professor Rasmus Kleis Nielsen Director, Reuters Institute for the Study of Journalism (RISJ) The coronavirus crisis is having a profound impact not just on Our main survey this year covered respondents in 40 markets, our health and our communities, but also on the news media.
    [Show full text]
  • Civil-Military Relations: a Comparative Analysis of the Role of the Military in the Political Transformation of Post-War Turkey and Greece: 1980-1995
    CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THE POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF POST-WAR TURKEY AND GREECE: 1980-1995 Dr. Gerassimos Karabelias Final Report submitted to North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in June 1998 1 ABSTRACT This report attempts to determine the evolution of civil-military relations in Turkey and Greece during the 1980-1995 period through an examination of the role of the military in the political transformation of both countries. Since the mid-1970s and especially after the Fall of the Berlin Wall, the struggle for spreading the winds of democracy around the globe has been the goal of all western states and particularly the United States of America. However, taking into consideration the volatility in the Balkans and in Central Asia, the military institution of Turkey and Greece which gave the impression that it withdrew in the barracks after their last intervention in 1980-83 and 1967-74 respectively, could easily be forced or even tempted to assume a greater responsibility in the conduct of each country’s domestic and foreign affairs. Only through a better understanding of its role during the 1980-95 period, we would be able to determine the feasibility of such scenarios. Using a multi-factorial model as a protection from the short- sighted results which the majority of mono-factorial approaches produce, this report starts with the analysis of the distinct role which the Armed Forces of each country have had in the historical evolution of their respective civil-military relations up to 1980 (Part One of Chapters Two and Three).
    [Show full text]
  • Election and Aftermath
    Order Code RS20575 Updated June 9, 2000 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Greece: Election and Aftermath (name redacted) Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Defense, and Trade Division Summary Prime Minister Simitis of Greece called an early election for April 9, 2000 because he believed that his government’s achievement in meeting the criteria for entry into the European Monetary Union (EMU) would return his PanHellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) party to power. PASOK’s narrow victory endorsed Simitis’s decision, but the opposition New Democracy’s (ND) strong showing also validated Costas Karamanlis’s leadership of that party. The election continued a trend toward bipolarism, as votes for smaller parties, except for the Communists, declined appreciably. Simitis reappointed most key members of his previous government, and brought in close allies and technocrats to carry out a revitalized domestic agenda. In foreign policy, the government will try to continue the Greek-Turkish rapprochement, to help stabilize the Balkans, and to move closer to Europe through the EMU and the European Security and Defense Policy. Greek-U.S. relations are warm, but intermittently troubled by differences over the future of the former Yugoslavia, terrorism and counterterrorism in Greece, and minor issues. This report will be updated if developments warrant. Introduction1 On February 4, 2000, Prime Minister Costas Simitis called an early election for April 9, six months before his government’s term was to expire. On March 9, parliament reelected President Costas Stephanopoulos and Greece applied for membership in the European Monetary Union (EMU) single currency zone.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of SYRIZA
    Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line Panos Petrou The making of SYRIZA Published: June 11, 2012. http://socialistworker.org/print/2012/06/11/the-making-of-syriza Transcription, Editing and Markup: Sam Richards and Paul Saba Copyright: This work is in the Public Domain under the Creative Commons Common Deed. You can freely copy, distribute and display this work; as well as make derivative and commercial works. Please credit the Encyclopedia of Anti-Revisionism On-Line as your source, include the url to this work, and note any of the transcribers, editors & proofreaders above. June 11, 2012 -- Socialist Worker (USA) -- Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, SYRIZA, has a chance of winning parliamentary elections in Greece on June 17, which would give it an opportunity to form a government of the left that would reject the drastic austerity measures imposed on Greece as a condition of the European Union's bailout of the country's financial elite. SYRIZA rose from small-party status to a second-place finish in elections on May 6, 2012, finishing ahead of the PASOK party, which has ruled Greece for most of the past four decades, and close behind the main conservative party New Democracy. When none of the three top finishers were able to form a government with a majority in parliament, a date for a new election was set -- and SYRIZA has been neck-and-neck with New Democracy ever since. Where did SYRIZA, an alliance of numerous left-wing organisations and unaffiliated individuals, come from? Panos Petrou, a leading member of Internationalist Workers Left (DEA, by its initials in Greek), a revolutionary socialist organisation that co-founded SYRIZA in 2004, explains how the coalition rose to the prominence it has today.
    [Show full text]
  • 2019 Summary Report
    2019 SUMMARY REPORT athensdemocracyforum.com Global Conversation: Reinventing Democracy SESSION BRIEFINGS athensdemocracyforum.com 2 WELCOME REMARKS Achilles Tsaltas, President, Athens Democracy Forum Achilles Tsaltas welcomed delegates and esteemed guests to the seventh edition of the Athens Democracy Forum, introducing the five challenges of populism, new communication technologies, enormous gaps in personal wealth, the shifting terrain of the political-party system, and a sense of alienation and loss among many people, that represent the key themes for this year’s program. Reiterating the importance of preserving democracy as the only viable form of social organization, he outlined democracy as a constant process of reinvention and revival. Mr. Tsaltas warned that many of today’s democracies are so polarized, that they seem paralyzed. While optimists view the current threats to democracy as a natural process of decay and revival, he said, the pessimists are likely to consider the potential for decline into chaos and tyranny. He declared that this year’s conference brings together a sampling of both optimists and pessimists among participants, stating that through their debates and presentations, delegates will be able to glean a better understanding of where democracy might be headed. Mr. Tsaltas explained that the Athens Democracy Forum is becoming a nerve center for democratic debate, and described the new structure of the event, now hosted by the Democracy & Culture Foundation, a nonprofit entity, in association with The New York Times. Mr. Tsaltas thanked all conference partners and sponsors for their commitment. athensdemocracyforum.com 3 Annika Savill, Executive Head, UN Democracy Fund, United Nations Annika Savill underlined the task in front of delegates at this year’s event, highlighting the inspiration they might derive from the City of Athens itself, as the cradle of democracy.
    [Show full text]
  • Rethinking Athenian Democracy.Pdf
    Rethinking Athenian Democracy A dissertation presented by Daniela Louise Cammack to The Department of Government in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the subject of Political Science Harvard University Cambridge, Massachusetts January 2013 © 2013 Daniela Cammack All rights reserved. Professor Richard Tuck Daniela Cammack Abstract Conventional accounts of classical Athenian democracy represent the assembly as the primary democratic institution in the Athenian political system. This looks reasonable in the light of modern democracy, which has typically developed through the democratization of legislative assemblies. Yet it conflicts with the evidence at our disposal. Our ancient sources suggest that the most significant and distinctively democratic institution in Athens was the courts, where decisions were made by large panels of randomly selected ordinary citizens with no possibility of appeal. This dissertation reinterprets Athenian democracy as “dikastic democracy” (from the Greek dikastēs, “judge”), defined as a mode of government in which ordinary citizens rule principally through their control of the administration of justice. It begins by casting doubt on two major planks in the modern interpretation of Athenian democracy: first, that it rested on a conception of the “wisdom of the multitude” akin to that advanced by epistemic democrats today, and second that it was “deliberative,” meaning that mass discussion of political matters played a defining role. The first plank rests largely on an argument made by Aristotle in support of mass political participation, which I show has been comprehensively misunderstood. The second rests on the interpretation of the verb “bouleuomai” as indicating speech, but I suggest that it meant internal reflection in both the courts and the assembly.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter 6 Studying and Comparing Second-Order Elections
    Chapter 6 Studying and Comparing Second-Order Elections. Examples from Greece, Portugal and Spain. Stavros Skrinis and Eftichia Teperoglou University of Athens,Greece Abstract Since the formulation of the second-order election model there have been many studies comparing first and second order contests, in particular national and European elections. However, few analyses have been conducted on the relationship between different types of SOEs. This paper uses the Index of Dissimilarity, a measure used to compare elections of different types, in order to shed light on the relationship between municipal (local level) and European (supra-national level) elections in three Southern European countries, Greece, Portugal and Spain. We use aggregate electoral results from the capitals of Greek prefectures (51), the capitals of Portuguese districts (18 district capitals of mainland Portugal plus the capitals of Azores and Madeira) and the capitals of Spanish provinces (50). We focus on the last three municipal elections in each country, which are compared with the closest European (and parliamentary) contests. We observe high dissimilarity, which makes us believe that local and European contests are quite independent from one another and that voting choice is affected by different criteria. 164 Stavros Skrinis and Eftichia Teperoglou Introduction In the study of different types of elections in Europe, there are some topics that have been examined more than others. One of the less favoured ones deals with the relationship between local and European contests. Interest in examining the relationship between the two different sorts of second order elections may be placed in a narrow framework about the application and the prospects of the second order model or in a broader one.
    [Show full text]
  • Proquest Dissertations
    RICE UNIVERSITY The Struggle for Modern Athens: Unconventional Citizens and the Shaping of a New Political Reality by Othon Alexandrakis A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE Doctor of Philosophy APPROVED, THESIS COMMITTEE: ttill g^ jLS^x£ft //t/T- Jafmelames Faubi((nFaubioV, Professor, Anthropology Amy Ninetto, Assistant Professor^Anthropology Lora Wildenthal, Associate Professor, History Eugenia Georges, Professor, Anthropology HOUSTON, TEXAS FEBRUARY 2010 UMI Number: 3421434 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. UMT Dissertation Publishing UMI 3421434 Copyright 2010 by ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This edition of the work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 Copyright Othon Alexandrakis 2010 ABSTRACT The Struggle for Modern Athens: Unconventional Citizens and the Shaping of a New Political Reality by Othon Alexandrakis The dissertation is based on over one-and-a-half years of ethnographic field research conducted in Athens, Greece, among various diverse populations practicing unconventional modes of citizenship, that is, citizenship imagined and practiced in contradiction to traditional, prescribed, or sanctioned civil identities. I focus specifically on newcomer undocumented migrant populations from Africa, the broadly segregated and disenfranchised Roma (Gypsy) community, and the rapidly growing anti- establishment youth population.
    [Show full text]
  • Explaining Change in Greek Policy on EU-Turkey Relations 1996-1999: the Prime Minister’S Leadership Style and the Formulation of the Helsinki Strategy
    1 The London School of Economics and Political Science Explaining Change in Greek Policy on EU-Turkey Relations 1996-1999: The Prime Minister’s Leadership Style and the Formulation of the Helsinki Strategy Kyriakos Moumoutzis A thesis submitted to the European Institute of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, July 2009 UMI Number: U615703 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615703 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 -11 j* j i i y & M ) : ? -a - +x 'S -< -1 12.155M- 2 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made.
    [Show full text]
  • Entre Populisme Et Marxisme-Léninisme : Le Double Discours De Syriza Sur La Question « Du Sujet Social »
    Entre populisme et marxisme-léninisme : le double discours de Syriza sur la question « du sujet social » Modestos Siotos, doctorant en science politique Centre européen de sociologie et de science politique (CESSP) Université Paris 1 Panthéon-Sorbonne [email protected] 1 Introduction En raison du manque de données empiriques, les politologues désireux d’examiner le « phénomène Syriza » suivent en principe la couverture médiatique internationale, qui le qualifie de « populiste ». Le parti de la Gauche radicale grecque est considéré, souvent avec les Podemos en Espagne, comme un cas exemplaire du « populisme de Gauche » de l’Europe du Sud aux temps de l’austérité. Divisant l’ensemble social entre le « peuple » et l’« élite », le discours en noir et blanc de son leader, Alexis Tsipras, a créé un dipôle entre son parti et les partis au pouvoir traditionnels. Il s’agit d’un leader populiste, intelligent et charismatique mais, comme la majorité des dirigeants populistes, « un menteur », déformant la réalité sociale au service de sa stratégie électorale. Au-delà des jugements axiologiques, la qualification de « populiste » ne donne pas une image complète de ce qu’a été Syriza. Depuis sa fondation en 2004, il a d’abord offert un espace de rencontres, de conflits et de discussion des diverses forces politiques de la Gauche radicale grecque. Rassemblées par une volonté commune de « reconstituer la Gauche grecque », elles formulaient des questionnements auxquels la pensée marxiste-léniniste traditionnelle peinait à répondre. Parmi les interrogations posées, se distingue le « sujet social » que Syriza devait représenter. La figure du « sujet social », utilisée par les eurocommunistes grecs depuis la fin des années 1970, a constitué une tentative de substituer la notion de « prolétariat » par l’esquisse du profil sociologique du « sujet » qui va assumer le processus d’émancipation sociale dans les sociétés contemporaines.
    [Show full text]
  • Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a Comparative Analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement
    Political Crisis in Greece and Italy: a comparative analysis of SYRIZA and 5 Stars Movement Raffaele Borreca PhD Candidate University of Peloponnese Department of Political Science and International Relations 1 Abstract The spaces opened by the economic and political crisis offered many rooms for manoeuvre to those opposition forces able to canalise in electoral terms the protest and translate its claims in specific demands or a coherent political narrative. Strong of their electoral results, the Greek SYRIZA and the Italian Five Stars Movement (M5S) assumed soon a pivotal role in their political systems. However, although the demands and the objectives of both SYRIZA and the M5S are, to a certain extent, similar, the two parties differ in terms of political background, ideology and internal organization. The success of the M5S trace its roots in the context of deep distrust against the political system reigning in Italy since the 1990s. In the M5S problematically coexist a grassroots direct democracy approach and the charismatic and substantially unchallenged leadership of the founder Beppe Grillo. The capability of the radical left SYRIZA to convey the anti–Memorandum contestation and its constitution in an unitarian party following the 2012 elections reaffirmed the centrality of the traditional mass party in the Greek democratic representation. However, its electoral drive towards the centre poses major ideological challenges. Finally, the scepticism towards the European governance of both parties cannot be mistaken for anti-europeism. SYRIZA and the M5S canalized the protest from the streets to the national Parliament giving democratic representation to the contestation and contributing in the politicisation of the European polity.
    [Show full text]