A New Attribution of the Authorship of T5 and T6 Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra
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Studies in Central & East Asian Religions Volume 9 1996
Studies in Central & East Asian Religions Volume 9 1996 CONTENTS Articles Xu WENKAN: The Tokharians and Buddhism……………………………………………... 1 Peter SCHWEIGER: Schwarze Magie im tibetischen Buddhismus…………………….… 18 Franz-Karl EHRHARD: Political and Ritual Aspects of the Search for Himalayan Sacred Lands………………………………………………………………………………. 37 Gabrielle GOLDFUβ: Binding Sūtras and Modernity: The Life and Times of the Chinese Layman Yang Wenhui (1837–1911)………………………………………………. 54 Review Article Hubert DECLEER: Tibetan “Musical Offerings” (Mchod-rol): The Indispensable Guide... 75 Forum Lucia DOLCE: Esoteric Patterns in Nichiren’s Thought…………………………………. 89 Boudewijn WALRAVEN: The Rediscovery of Uisang’s Ch’udonggi…………………… 95 Per K. SØRENSEN: The Classification and Depositing of Books and Scriptures Kept in the National Library of Bhutan……………………………………………………….. 98 Henrik H. SØRENSEN: Seminar on the Zhiyi’s Mohe zhiguan in Leiden……………… 104 Reviews Schuyler Jones: Tibetan Nomads: Environment, Pastoral Economy and Material Culture (Per K. Sørensen)…………………………………………………………………. 106 [Ngag-dbang skal-ldan rgya-mtsho:] Shel dkar chos ’byung. History of the “White Crystal”. Religion and Politics of Southern La-stod. Translated by Pasang Wangdu and Hildegard Diemberger (Per K. Sørensen)………………………………………… 108 Blondeau, Anne-Marie and Steinkellner, Ernst (eds.): Reflections of the Mountains. Essays on the History and Social Meaning of the Cult in Tibet and the Himalayas (Per K. Sørensen)…………………………………………………………………………. 110 Wisdom of Buddha: The Saṃdhinirmocana Mahāyāna Sūtra (Essential Questions and Direct Answers for Realizing Enlightenment). Transl. by John Powers (Henrik H. Sørensen)………………………………………………. 112 Japanese Popular Deities in Prints and Paintings: A Catalogue of the Exhibition (Henrik H. Sørensen)…………………………………………………………………………. 113 Stephen F. Teiser, The Scripture on the Ten Kings and the Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism (Henrik H. -
The University of Chicago Practices of Scriptural Economy: Compiling and Copying a Seventh-Century Chinese Buddhist Anthology A
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRACTICES OF SCRIPTURAL ECONOMY: COMPILING AND COPYING A SEVENTH-CENTURY CHINESE BUDDHIST ANTHOLOGY A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE DIVINITY SCHOOL IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY ALEXANDER ONG HSU CHICAGO, ILLINOIS AUGUST 2018 © Copyright by Alexander Ong Hsu, 2018. All rights reserved. Dissertation Abstract: Practices of Scriptural Economy: Compiling and Copying a Seventh-Century Chinese Buddhist Anthology By Alexander Ong Hsu This dissertation reads a seventh-century Chinese Buddhist anthology to examine how medieval Chinese Buddhists practiced reducing and reorganizing their voluminous scriptural tra- dition into more useful formats. The anthology, A Grove of Pearls from the Garden of Dharma (Fayuan zhulin ), was compiled by a scholar-monk named Daoshi (?–683) from hundreds of Buddhist scriptures and other religious writings, listing thousands of quotations un- der a system of one-hundred category-chapters. This dissertation shows how A Grove of Pearls was designed by and for scriptural economy: it facilitated and was facilitated by traditions of categorizing, excerpting, and collecting units of scripture. Anthologies like A Grove of Pearls selectively copied the forms and contents of earlier Buddhist anthologies, catalogs, and other compilations; and, in turn, later Buddhists would selectively copy from it in order to spread the Buddhist dharma. I read anthologies not merely to describe their contents but to show what their compilers and copyists thought they were doing when they made and used them. A Grove of Pearls from the Garden of Dharma has often been read as an example of a Buddhist leishu , or “Chinese encyclopedia.” But the work’s precursors from the sixth cen- tury do not all fit neatly into this genre because they do not all use lei or categories consist- ently, nor do they all have encyclopedic breadth like A Grove of Pearls. -
釋智譽 Phra Kiattisak Ponampon (Kittipanyo Bhikkhu)
MISSION, MEDITATION AND MIRACLES: AN SHIGAO IN CHINESE TRADITION 釋智譽 PHRA KIATTISAK PONAMPON (KITTIPANYO BHIKKHU) THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS IN RELIGIOUS STUDIES, UNIVERSITY OF OTAGO, DUNEDIN, NEW ZEALAND OCTOBER 2014 ii ABSTRACT An Shigao is well known for the important role he played in the early transmission of Buddhism into China, and Chinese Buddhists have considered him to be a meditation master for centuries. However, recent scholarship on An Shigao (Zürcher, 2007; Forte, 1995; Zacchetti, 2002; Nattier, 2008) has focused on his role as a precursor of the Mahāyāna, his ordination status, and the authenticity of the texts attributed to him rather than the meditation techniques he used and taught to his followers in China. One reason for this is because his biographies are full of supernatural details, and many of the texts attributed to An Shigao are pseudepigraphia. In the first part of this MA thesis, I explore the biographical traditions about An Shigao. The close reading of the oldest biographies of An Shigao shows that during the time he was active in China, An Shigao was respected as a missionary, a meditation master and a miracle worker as well as a translator. This reputation continued to be important for Chinese Buddhists long after his death. Despite his reputation, his biographies contain almost no information about the form of meditation that he practiced and taught. However they contain much information about his supernatural abilities. In the second part of this MA thesis, I make a statistical analysis of all the meditation sūtras attributed to An Shigao and his school. -
252 Index Index Index
252 Index index Index afterlife. See Buddhist hells; heaven; Baopu zi [The Master who Embraces netherworld; netherworld adventure Simplicity] 133, 145n223, 215n125 motif Bao Zhao (c. 414–466): biography of 20– Aina jushi, Doupeng xianhua [Chatting under 21, 37–38; “Cong deng Xianglu feng” the Bean Arbor] 172 [Accompanying (Prince of Linchuan) to Amitayus (Buddha of Infinite Lifespan) Ascend the Xianglu Incense Burner Peak], 11, 139–141, 143; Guan wuliangshou jing 40; “Fo ying song” [Eulogy on a Buddha [Amitāyurdhyāna Sutra; The Sutra of Statue], 74; writing style of, 30–31, 31n48 Visualization on Amitayus Buddha], Bassnett, Susan 175n1 73n57, 77. See also Buddhism; Chinese Beidou, see Northern Dipper Buddhism; popular Buddhism; Pure Land Bensheng jing [Jātaka] 205 School; savior figures Bianji (635–713), 205 animals: Buddhist anti-killing beliefs 14, Bianzong lun (On Differentiation of 74n61, 75n65, 80, 97–102; distinguished Sects) 71; See also Daosheng from humans in traditional China, 101–102, Biqiuni zhuan [Bhikshuni Biograph ies] 101n74; repayment of debts of gratitude, 70n41, 160, 161 99–102, 146; retribution for killing of, 80, Bokenkamp, Stephen R. 6n23, 102 97–98, 97n56, 123, 146 Book of Changes. See Yijing (Classic of An Shigao (or An Qing fl.148–171) 119; Changes) “Prince of Anxi” (tale 254 in Youming lu), Bowu zhi 49 104–106, 151, 154–159 Brandauer, Fredrick P. 208n100 Asvaghosa 185 Buddha, as a savior 7–8, 14, 139–144, 147, 225 Avalokiteśvara (or Guanyin): as a savior in the Buhhayawas 120 Lotus Sutra 141–142, 225; Buddha and Buddhism: Ba jiezhai (Eight Command- Amitayus conflated with, 143; the ments) 170n70; and daoshu (Daoist Guanshiyin yingyanji [Records of Miracles techniques), 61; dhyāna meditation, 66, Concerning Avalokiteśvara], 3, 77, 78–79; 66n28, 67, 69; Five Precepts, 14, 75, 122, as a man in A Sequel to the Records of 122n148; introduction to China, 61–65; life Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara, 79. -
Buddhist Adoption in Asia, Mahayana Buddhism First Entered China
Buddhist adoption in Asia, Mahayana Buddhism first entered China through Silk Road. Blue-eyed Central Asian monk teaching East-Asian monk. A fresco from the Bezeklik Thousand Buddha Caves, dated to the 9th century; although Albert von Le Coq (1913) assumed the blue-eyed, red-haired monk was a Tocharian,[1] modern scholarship has identified similar Caucasian figures of the same cave temple (No. 9) as ethnic Sogdians,[2] an Eastern Iranian people who inhabited Turfan as an ethnic minority community during the phases of Tang Chinese (7th- 8th century) and Uyghur rule (9th-13th century).[3] Buddhism entered Han China via the Silk Road, beginning in the 1st or 2nd century CE.[4][5] The first documented translation efforts by Buddhist monks in China (all foreigners) were in the 2nd century CE under the influence of the expansion of the Kushan Empire into the Chinese territory of the Tarim Basin under Kanishka.[6][7] These contacts brought Gandharan Buddhist culture into territories adjacent to China proper. Direct contact between Central Asian and Chinese Buddhism continued throughout the 3rd to 7th century, well into the Tang period. From the 4th century onward, with Faxian's pilgrimage to India (395–414), and later Xuanzang (629–644), Chinese pilgrims started to travel by themselves to northern India, their source of Buddhism, in order to get improved access to original scriptures. Much of the land route connecting northern India (mainly Gandhara) with China at that time was ruled by the Kushan Empire, and later the Hephthalite Empire. The Indian form of Buddhist tantra (Vajrayana) reached China in the 7th century. -
Seeing with the Mind's Eye: the Eastern Jin Discourse of Visualization and Imagination Author(S): TIAN XIAOFEI Source: Asia Major , 2005, THIRD SERIES, Vol
Seeing with the Mind's Eye: The Eastern Jin Discourse of Visualization and Imagination Author(s): TIAN XIAOFEI Source: Asia Major , 2005, THIRD SERIES, Vol. 18, No. 2 (2005), pp. 67-102 Published by: Academia Sinica Stable URL: http://www.jstor.com/stable/41649906 JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at https://about.jstor.org/terms Academia Sinica is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Asia Major This content downloaded from 206.253.207.235 on Mon, 13 Jul 2020 17:58:56 UTC All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms TIAN XIAOFEI Seeing with the Mind's Eye: The Eastern Jin Discourse of Visualization and Imagination This with with paper the thephysical physical world, explores or more world, specifically, a series with or more landscape, of acts dur- specifically, of the mind with in landscape, its interaction dur- ing the intellectually coherent hundred-year period coinciding with the dynasty known as the Eastern Jin (317-420). Chinese landscape poetry and landscape paintings first flourished in the Six Dynasties. Landscape was an essential element in the so-called "poetry of arcane discourse" ( xuanyan shi 3CHHÍ) of the fourth century, a poetry drawing heavily upon the vocabulary and concerns of the Daoist philosophy embodied in Laozi and ZJiuangzi as well as upon Buddhist doctrine; the earliest known record of landscape painting also dates to the Eastern Jin.1 How was landscape perceived by the Eastern Jin elite, and how was this unique mode of perception informed by a complex nexus of contemporary cultural forces? These are the questions to be dealt with in this paper. -
Vernacularisms in Medieval Chinese Texts
SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 71 March, 1996 Vernacularisms in Medieval Chinese by Erik Zürcher, Seishi Karashima, and Huanming Qin Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series edited by Victor H. Mair. The purpose of the series is to make available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor actively encourages younger, not yet well established, scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including Romanized Modern Standard Mandarin (MSM) and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino-Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. The only style-sheet we honor is that of consistency. Where possible, we prefer the usages of the Journal of Asian Studies. Sinographs (hanzi, also called tetragraphs [fangkuaizi]) and other unusual symbols should be kept to an absolute minimum. Sino-Platonic Papers emphasizes substance over form. -
A Comparative Approach to Early Chinese Buddhist Translations
JIABS Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 31 Number 1–2 2008 (2010) The Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies (ISSN 0193-600XX) is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc. As a peer-reviewed journal, it welcomes scholarly contributions pertaining to all facets of Buddhist EDITORIAL BOARD Studies. JIABS is published twice yearly. KELLNER Birgit Manuscripts should preferably be sub- KRASSER Helmut mitted as e-mail attachments to: [email protected] as one single fi le, Joint Editors complete with footnotes and references, in two diff erent formats: in PDF-format, BUSWELL Robert and in Rich-Text-Format (RTF) or Open- Document-Format (created e.g. by Open CHEN Jinhua Offi ce). COLLINS Steven Address books for review to: COX Collet JIABS Editors, Institut für Kultur- und GÓMEZ Luis O. Geistesgeschichte Asiens, Prinz-Eugen- HARRISON Paul Strasse 8–10, A-1040 Wien, AUSTRIA VON HINÜBER Oskar Address subscription orders and dues, changes of address, and business corre- JACKSON Roger spondence (including advertising orders) JAINI Padmanabh S. to: KATSURA Shōryū Dr Jérôme Ducor, IABS Treasurer Dept of Oriental Languages and Cultures KUO Li-ying Anthropole LOPEZ, Jr. Donald S. University of Lausanne MACDONALD Alexander CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland email: [email protected] SCHERRER-SCHAUB Cristina Web: http://www.iabsinfo.net SEYFORT RUEGG David Fax: +41 21 692 29 35 SHARF Robert Subscriptions to JIABS are USD 55 per STEINKELLNER Ernst year for individuals and USD 90 per year for libraries and other institutions. For TILLEMANS Tom informations on membership in IABS, see back cover. -
The Indian Roots of Pure Land Buddhism: Insights from the Oldest Chinese Versions of the Larger Sukhåvat∆Vy¥Ha
The Indian Roots of Pure Land Buddhism: Insights from the Oldest Chinese Versions of the Larger Sukhåvat∆vy¥ha Jan Nattier Indiana University MASATOSHI NAGATOMI WAS a panoramic thinker. Raised in a Jødo Shinsh¥ family, he chose the distant world of Indian Buddhism as his research field. Educated at Kyoto University, he went on to complete his doctorate at Harvard University, spending time studying in India as well. When thinking about Indian Buddhist literature he could call upon analo- gies from East Asia; when discussing Buddhist rituals in China he could draw upon his knowledge of Tibet. In sum, for him Buddhism was not a regional or sectarian entity but a worldwide and multi-faceted tradi- tion, and no student of his could fail to be impressed by the broad range of his perspective. Most students of Pure Land Buddhism, by contrast, have approached their topic within a far narrower frame. Generally this form of Buddhism has been treated as an East Asian phenomenon, and indeed it is often studied (with, one should recognize, many valuable results) within the parameters of a single school or sect. This paper, however, is intended as a small attempt to emulate Professor Nagatomi’s sweeping cross-cultural vision of Buddhist history by examining the evidence for Pure Land Buddhism not in East Asia, but in India. To understand how Amitåbha was viewed by Indian Buddhists, however, requires beginning with a sketch of the circumstances within which scriptures devoted to this figure emerged. I will begin, therefore, with a brief overview of some of the key developments that preceded— and indeed, may have elicited—the composition of scriptures devoted to Amitåbha. -
Buddhism from India to Vietnam: a Study of Early Introduction
Imperial Journal of Interdisciplinary Research (IJIR) Vol-2, Issue-9, 2016 ISSN: 2454-1362, http://www.onlinejournal.in Buddhism from India to Vietnam: A Study of Early Introduction Duong Van Con Ph. D. Research Scholar in Department of Buddhist Studies University of Delhi, Delhi - 110007 1. Introduction Ch’an park), the oldest historical record of Vietnam is said to have a long history of Vietnamese Buddhism, quoted Dam Thien’s civilization. However, throughout its over 4000 statements that: “The area of Jiaozhou (Giao Chau) years existing as a sovereign country, Vietnam has has long been in communication with India. Early had to suffer from a number of times of foreign on, when the Buddha-Dharma came to China, and domination, and numerous civil wars. As a still had not been established, yet in Luy Lau more consequence of wars, study of Vietnam’s history in than twenty precious temples were built, more than general, Buddhism in Vietnam in particular, has five hundred monks were ordained, and fifteen been subject to great hindrances due to the lack of volumes of scriptures were translated. Because of specific historical materials. Therefore, the this prior connection, there were already monks questions of when and how Buddhism was and nuns like Mo Luo Qui Yu (Ma Ha Ky Vuc), introduced in Vietnam have been shrouded in Kang Senghui (Khuong Tang Hoi), Zhi Jiang controversy among scholars. That is why there is Liang (Chi Cuong Luong) and Mou Bo (Mau Bac) 7 no unanimity among scholars on the exact date for there.” Thus, Buddhism might have come to the advent of buddhism in Vietnam by them. -
Hellenes and Romans in Ancient China (240 BC – 1398 AD)
SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 230 August, 2012 Hellenes and Romans in Ancient China (240 BC – 1398 AD) by Lucas Christopoulos Victor H. Mair, Editor Sino-Platonic Papers Department of East Asian Languages and Civilizations University of Pennsylvania Philadelphia, PA 19104-6305 USA [email protected] www.sino-platonic.org SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS FOUNDED 1986 Editor-in-Chief VICTOR H. MAIR Associate Editors PAULA ROBERTS MARK SWOFFORD ISSN 2157-9679 (print) 2157-9687 (online) SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series dedicated to making available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor-in-chief actively encourages younger, not yet well established, scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including romanized modern standard Mandarin (MSM) and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino- Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. Submissions are regularly sent out to be refereed, and extensive editorial suggestions for revision may be offered. Sino-Platonic Papers emphasizes substance over form. We do, however, strongly recommend that prospective authors consult our style guidelines at www.sino-platonic.org/stylesheet.doc. -
Chinese Religions: Evolution, Compatibility and Adaptability - a Historical Perspective
Chinese Religions: Evolution, Compatibility and Adaptability - A Historical Perspective Kow Mei Kao Abstract The Chinese civilization has a long, long history and its religions too, have a history of almost 2000 years. It is interesting and worth our while to have a retrospective examination of its early development as a case study of its nature and characteristics so as to predict its future trend of development. It is widely known that there were three major religions in imperial China; these are Confucianism, Daoism and Buddhism. I shall examine them one by one, tracing their formations, and whenever convenient, demonstrate each of their compatibility and adaptability and mutual influences in the process of their early development. 1. Religious Confucianism Whether Confucianism is a religion is debatable, and most scholars are not in favour of considering it as a religion. A recent publication by Li Shen, of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences in Beijing, has regarded Confucianism as a religion, though he admitted that many of his friends did not agree with him. The ru Confucianism in Indonesia is being developed into a religion and this may lead one into concluding that Confucianism was a religion. My own impression is that Confucianism was strictly and solemnly observed in imperial China and therefore it had the spirit of a religion. The modern translation of the English word religion is zongjiao, derived and borrowed from the Japanese translation of such a concept, and it is quite difficult to find an equivalent in the Chinese language per se. In fact, Confucianism or rujiao can either mean 64 THE SINGAPORE BAHAT STUDIES REVIEW the teaching of the ru or to the modem Chinese, the ru religion (jiao).