PACIFIC WORLD Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies HALF-TITLE PAGE i PACIFIC WORLD Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies Third Series Number 15 Fall 2013 SPECIAL SECTION: Graduate Student Symposium TITLE iii Pacific World is an annual journal in English devoted to the dissemination of his- torical, textual, critical, and interpretive articles on Buddhism generally and Shinshu Buddhism particularly to both academic and lay readerships. The journal is distributed free of charge. Articles for consideration by the Pacific World are welcomed and are to be submitted in English and addressed to the Editor, Pacific World, 2140 Durant Ave., Berkeley, CA 94704-1589, USA. Acknowledgment: This annual publication is made possible by the donation of BDK America of Berkeley, California. Guidelines for Authors: Manuscripts (approximately twenty standard pages) should be typed double-spaced with 1-inch margins. 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Payne, Chair David Matsumoto Eisho Nasu Natalie Quli Scott Mitchell ASSISTANT EDITOR Natalie Quli BOOK REvIEW EDITOR Scott Mitchell REVERSE TITLE PAGE iv PACIFIC WORLD Journal of the Institute of Buddhist Studies Third Series, Number 15 Fall 2013 CONTENTS The Legendary Siege of Anxi: Myth, History, and Truth in Chinese Buddhism GEOFFREY GOBLE 1 Guṇabhadra and Bodhidharma: Remarks about Their School Affiliation CHARLES WILLEMEN 33 Zen’s Debt to Confucianism RUSSELL KIRKLAND 53 The Absence of the Private: The Jion-e and Public Ritual in Pre-Modern Japan MIKAËL BAUER 65 Freedom in Submission: Kiyozawa Manshi’s Organic Critique of the Bunmei Kaika Movement in Meiji Japan JACQUES FASAN 87 Appreciation and Appropriation: Christian “Borrowing” of Buddhist Practices KRISTIN JOHNSTON LARGEN 105 SPECIAL SECTION: GRADUATE STUDENT SYMPOSIUM Introduction to the Special Section SCOTT A. MITCHELL 117 What’s Buddhism Got to Do With It? Popular and Scientific Perspectives on Mindful Eating CHENXING HAN 119 v Religious Tourism and Beijing’s 2008 Olympics: (Re)Imagining the White Pagoda Temple and the Huoshen Daoist Temple COURTNEY BRUNTZ 139 Nenbutsu Mandala Visualization in Dōhan’s Himitsu nenbutsu shō: An Investigation into Medieval Japanese Vajrayāna Pure Land AARON P. PROFFITT 153 The Development and Representation of Ritual in Early Indian Buddhist Donative Epigraphy MATTHEW MILLIGAN 171 BOOK REVIEWS Buddhism: A Christian Exploration and Appraisal by Keith Yandell and Harold Netland KRISTIN JOHNSTON LARGEN 187 Buddhism: A Christian Exploration and Appraisal by Keith Yandell and Harold Netland RICHARD K. PAYNE 193 BDK English TripiṭaKa sEriEs 225 vi The Legendary Siege of Anxi: Myth, History, and Truth in Chinese Buddhism Geoffrey Goble Postdoctoral Fellow in East Asian Religions Washington University in St. Louis INTRODUCTION The figure of Vaiśravaṇa, the World-Protecting King of the North, is relatively familiar to scholars working in the field of East Asian Buddhism. He appears fairly early in the history of East Asian Buddhism and has played an outsized role throughout East Asia as a protector deity, often specializing in military conflict.1 The East Asian mythology of Vaiśravaṇa is often considered in relation to a rather well-known and widespread myth concerning the intervention of this deity on behalf of the Tang emperor Xuanzong (玄宗, r. 712–765) and at the command of the Esoteric Buddhist monk Amoghavajra (不空金剛, 704–774)—a tale that I refer to as the “Legendary Siege of Anxi.” In previous studies, the Legendary Siege of Anxi has been considered as an etiological myth ex- plaining practices contemporary with the source in which it appears, but bearing little if any relationship to actual historical events. The historical accuracy of the account is broadly rejected on the basis of discrepancies between the events it describes and those attested in in- dependent sources. Thus, rather than an accounting of events from the mid-eighth century, the tale has been read instead as evidence of practices current in China during the Song dynasty (960–1279).2 Here I would like to return to the Legendary Siege of Anxi and consider it anew by approaching the story as myth and as reflective of historical events, and by setting aside expectations and considerations rooted strictly in contemporary historiography, text-critical logical positiv- ism, and conceptions of genre literature. The developed Legendary Siege of Anxi familiar from Song dynasty sources is a hybrid tale emerging from a collection of earlier mythic 1 2 Pacific World elements. The stories and history that lead to the accepted associa- tion of a Buddhist monk (Amoghavajra), a martial figuration of an Indic deity (Vaiśravaṇa), and a Tang emperor (Xuanzong) is a pastiche of several narrative elements and developments. In the first of these narrative movements we see the recapitulation, merger, and meta- morphosis of a mythic tradition deriving ultimately from the Hellenic world of the Mediterranean that was transplanted to Central Asia. This element is reimagined and reframed according to particular histori- cal events surrounding the An Lushan Rebellion in the second half of the eighth century. Reading the story in this manner is based on the assumed primacy of a shared objective world to which the story has only a secondary and imagined relation. However, rather than simply explaining and justifying practices contemporary with its retelling, the Legendary Siege of Anxi acted as the impetus for the creation of indigenous Sinitic scriptures and practices. In reversing the assump- tions concerning the relationship between fact and fiction, history and myth, and cause and effect we are pushed to reevaluate our expecta- tions and approaches to Chinese documentary sources and their rela- tionship with historical events and practices. MyTH: THE LEgENdARy SIEgE of ANXI The version of the Legendary Siege of Anxi most often cited in scholarship comes from the thirteenth century Comprehensive Record of the Buddhas and Patriarchs (Fozu tongji, 佛祖通記) by Zhipan (志磐): In the first year of Tianbao (天寶, 742/3 CE) the Western Regions, Samarqand,3 the Arabs,4 and the five Kingdoms invaded Anxi (安西) (the Tang court had established four prefectures: Andong, Anxi, Annan, and Anbei). The emperor summoned Trepiṭaka Amoghavajra to enter the inner palace and perform the recitation of the secret language of the Kingdom-Protecting Humane Kings [Scripture]. His Highness personally held the incense brazier and after fourteen recitations His Highness saw some five hundred divine men standing in the palace courtyard. The master said, “This is the second son of King Vaiśravaṇa of the Northern Heaven, dujian (獨健), blessing your Majesty’s prayerful request to save Anxi.” And he asked [the emperor] to lay out food and to then send him off. In the fourth month (May 13–June 11, 742) Anxi memorialized, saying: “on the eleventh day of the second month (March 26, 742), golden-armored men more than a zhang tall were seen in a black cloud to the northeast of the city. In the sky, drum and horns sounded, Goble: The Legendary Siege of Anxi 3 shaking Heaven and Earth. Among the invaders’ banners there were golden rats that gnawed and severed their bowstrings. The five Kingdoms immediately ran off. At that moment, the Heavenly King was visible above the city towers.” His Highness commanded that it be investigated and it was the day the spell was recited. (Now city towers and army encampments set up the Heavenly King because of this.) 天寶元年。西域康居大石五國。入寇安西(唐朝置安東安西安南安 北四府)帝召不空三藏入內。持誦仁王護國密語。上親秉香罏。方 二七遍。上見神人可五百餘立於殿廷。師曰。此北天毘沙門王第 二子獨健。副陛下禱往救安西。請設食發遣。四月安西奏云。二 月十一日。城東北黑雲中見金甲人身丈餘。空中皷角聲振天地。 寇人帳幙間有金鼠齧斷弓弦。五國即時奔潰。須臾見城樓上天王 見形。上令驗之。即誦呪日也 (今城樓軍營立天王者因此)5 The historicity of the events described in this and cognate accounts is broadly dismissed. In his monumental Buddhism under the T’ang, Stanley Weinstein characterizes the account as “suspect” given that the events of