Between Old and New Rome

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Between Old and New Rome Jonas Thungren Lindbärg “A burdensome matter it is today to abandon the delicate and subtle customs of the Latin people, i.e. the Franks, and to return to the Between Old and New Rome dullness of the old Armenians.” Thus wrote the Armenian archbishop Nerses, not without a hint of Armenian and Bulgarian Contacts with the Papacy around 1204 sarcasm, when defending his endeavour to unite the Armenian Church with the Roman in the late twelfth century. What this old dullness was is less clear but it seems that Latin customs had indeed become both Jonas Thungren Lindbärg desirable and powerful, for this ecumenical endeavour met with success and only a handful of years later something similar occured in the Between Old and New Rome Old and New Between Balkans, when a newly founded Bulgarian empire submitted to the Roman Church as well. The rulers of these realms would not only profess their loyalty to the Roman Church but would also carry papal banners into battle and exchange letters with the pope. This study examines how these rulers used their relationships with the Papacy, as well as how the pope used his relationship with them. It is a study of ideas and of symbolic power, of how kingdoms and empires were imagined and expressed. It is a study of the new and the old, of two new power-centres emerging from the old peripheries of the crumbling Byzantine Empire, of leaders weaving together real and imagined histories with new influences in order to establish and profess their legitimate rule. ISBN 978-91-7911-504-3 Department of Culture and Aesthetics Doctoral Thesis in History of Ideas at Stockholm University, Sweden 2021 Between Old and New Rome Armenian and Bulgarian Contacts with the Papacy around 1204 Jonas Thungren Lindbärg Academic dissertation for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History of Ideas at Stockholm University to be publicly defended on Monday 14 June 2021 at 13.00 online via Zoom, public link is available at the department website. Abstract The aim of this thesis is to examine the use of symbolic power at the establishment of the Second Bulgarian Empire and the Cilician kingdom of Armenia, and to further explore and discuss problems of language, translation, ethnography, legitimacy, culture and distinctions between “East” and “West” through these cases. Despite their geographical distance and diverse histories, these regions are united through a past of Byzantine domination and by their entering into unions with the Roman Papacy at this time. The central source of the study is the correspondence between the pope and the rulers of Bulgaria and Armenia. Numerous other sources from and about them are used as well, including historical, theological and eschatological works. Employing the sociological concepts of category and groupness and cultural semiotic concept of repertoire, this dissertation analyses the establishment of these two powers as well as the eastbound ambitions of the Papacy. The study demonstrates that the cultural repertoire of Cilician Armenia was gearing westwards in this age, both through importing foreign items such as Latin titles and through stressing historical and legendary connections with the Roman Empire as a source of symbolic power. The repertoire of the Second Bulgarian Empire was very closely aligned with Byzantine ideas but went through changes too during this time, stressing the importance of Bulgarian history as a source of symbolic power as well as investing that history with connections to the Papacy in Rome. Many and sometimes contradictory ideas of Rome were at play. They could refer back to the ancient Roman Empire, to Byzantium or to the Holy Roman Empire, as well as to the city of Rome and its Papacy. Pope Innocentius III propagated a Rome that was Christian rather than imperial through the eastward expansion of the Roman Church and his engagement with temporal rulers. Armenia and Bulgaria played key roles not only as eastern bastions and possible helpers in crusades but also in showcasing the expansion of papal influence and an order in which the Holy Roman Empire was not exalted but one power among others. The Armenian king Lewon did not acknowledge Byzantium as Roman but showcased his relationship with the Holy Roman Empire as well as the Papacy, having use both for an imperial Rome with associations back to ancient legends and for the Papacy that put him in a better position to deal with Latin neighbours. The Bulgarian emperor Caloiohannes, by contrast, acknowledged Byzantium as Roman and would indeed emulate many Byzantine practices and hierarchies. While he turned away from Byzantium, he did not turn away from Byzantine ideas, bonding with the pope that he knew as the patriarch of Rome in order to be properly crowned emperor. The thesis also shows that there was no contradiction between the Vlach and Bulgarian elements in the foundation of the Bulgarian Empire, arguing that Vlachs and Bulgarians were not reified groups but categories employed for different political purposes. Vlach was a word used to brand someone as barbaric and illegitimate while Bulgarian could be connected with a glorious past and invested with groupness and symbolic power. Similar if not as striking processes can be observed in Armenia, where Lewon made sure to become part of the category of Roman Christian which he had in common with his Latin neighbours, using that to achieve goals that the more exclusive category of Armenian could not. Keywords: Bulgaria, Cilician Armenia, Cultural Semiotics, Cumans, Empire, Ethnicity, Frontier, Innocent III, Rome, Symbolic Power, The Byzantine Commonwealth, The Fourth Crusade, The Latin East, Vlachs. Stockholm 2021 http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-192415 ISBN 978-91-7911-504-3 ISBN 978-91-7911-505-0 Department of Culture and Aesthetics Stockholm University, 106 91 Stockholm BETWEEN OLD AND NEW ROME Jonas Thungren Lindbärg Between Old and New Rome Armenian and Bulgarian Contacts with the Papacy around 1204 Jonas Thungren Lindbärg ©Jonas Thungren Lindbärg, Stockholm University 2021 ISBN print 978-91-7911-504-3 ISBN PDF 978-91-7911-505-0 Printed in Sweden by Universitetsservice US-AB, Stockholm 2021 To Johanna, The show must go on. Acknowledgements It is rather difficult to write a doctoral thesis, more difficult still to navigate the world of academia, at least it is for me. I wish to extend my heartfelt gratitude to all the teachers, colleagues and fellow students who have received me with kindness and made this venture as well as those before possible. I cannot name all that I ought to name but I will name a few. First and foremost I thank my supervisors, Professor Helena Bodin and Dr Linn Holmberg, for all of that sorely needed encouragement as well as for invaluable advice. I also thank Professor Bosse Holmqvist for believing in this project from the outset. I would also like to extend my gratitude to all participants in the research seminar of History of Ideas at Stockholm University. I wish to thank all those involved with the Latin seminar of Stockholm University. Even though I eventually ended up in another department I still feel that I have a home there. I would like to thank Professor Hans Aili in particular, for introducing me to the enchanted world of the Latin language as well as trusting me to become an amanuensis and introducing me to many of the oddities of this world. I wish to thank the Padus-Araxes Cultural Association for two unforgettable summer schools in Venice, especially my teachers Rosine Tachdjian and Sossi Sousanian who helped me with my first stumbling steps on my journey to learning Armenian. My heartfelt thanks also go to Haig, Aline and Zabel for kindly welcoming me into the fold. I am grateful to the Greek seminars of Stockholm and Uppsala, especially to Professor Ingela Nilsson, ever friendly and supportive. I am also grateful for the advice of the external reviewers for my final seminar, Professor Kurt Villads Jensen and Dr Olof Heilo. And last but not least, the municipal library of Filipstad deserves a special mention for complying with the most unusual requests during these strange and trying times. Contents List of Maps .................................................................................................... 1 Prelude ........................................................................................................... 2 Chapter One: Introduction .............................................................................. 3 1.1 The Byzantine Commonwealth and Ideal ................................................................. 5 1.2 Research Questions and Aims ............................................................................... 12 1.3 Theoretical Premises .............................................................................................. 14 1.3.1 Interpreting Ethnographic Discourse: Categories and Groupness ................. 15 1.3.2 Interpreting Culture: Polysystem Theory and Repertoire ............................... 20 1.3.3 Interpreting Legitimacy ................................................................................... 22 1.4 Sources .................................................................................................................. 24 1.4.1 The Letters and Writings of Innocentius III ..................................................... 24 1.4.2 Translation and Transliteration ....................................................................... 25 Chapter Two: The Eastbound Ambitions of Innocentius III .........................
Recommended publications
  • The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the D
    The Politics of Roman Memory in the Age of Justinian DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Marion Woodrow Kruse, III Graduate Program in Greek and Latin The Ohio State University 2015 Dissertation Committee: Anthony Kaldellis, Advisor; Benjamin Acosta-Hughes; Nathan Rosenstein Copyright by Marion Woodrow Kruse, III 2015 ABSTRACT This dissertation explores the use of Roman historical memory from the late fifth century through the middle of the sixth century AD. The collapse of Roman government in the western Roman empire in the late fifth century inspired a crisis of identity and political messaging in the eastern Roman empire of the same period. I argue that the Romans of the eastern empire, in particular those who lived in Constantinople and worked in or around the imperial administration, responded to the challenge posed by the loss of Rome by rewriting the history of the Roman empire. The new historical narratives that arose during this period were initially concerned with Roman identity and fixated on urban space (in particular the cities of Rome and Constantinople) and Roman mythistory. By the sixth century, however, the debate over Roman history had begun to infuse all levels of Roman political discourse and became a major component of the emperor Justinian’s imperial messaging and propaganda, especially in his Novels. The imperial history proposed by the Novels was aggressivley challenged by other writers of the period, creating a clear historical and political conflict over the role and import of Roman history as a model or justification for Roman politics in the sixth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantines, Jews, and Latins in Medieval Bulgaria: Others, Within
    Reviews Рецензии Byzantines, Jews, and Византийцы, иудеи Latins in Medieval и латиняне Bulgaria: Others, в средневековой Болгарии: within and outside Другие внутри the Commonwealth и вне сообщества Dmitry I. Polyvyannyy Дмитрий Игоревич Полывянный Ivanovo State University, Ивановский государственный Ivanovo, Russia университет, Иваново, Россия АНГЕЛОВ П., Чуждите народи в представите на средновековния българин, София, ТАНГРА ТанНакРА ИК ООД, 2013, 262 с. Professor Peter Angelov, the renowned medievalist from Sofia University “St. Clement of Ohrid,” has published a new book, Foreign Peoples as Viewed by a Medieval Bulgarian, following the path laid out in his previous works on images of Bulgaria and Bulgarians in Byzantium and on medieval Bulgarian diplomacy [Angelov 1999; idem 2011]. His new research uncovers unexplored perspectives provided by an imagological approach to the study of the Bulgarian mind during the Middle Ages, and he raises new questions about the rare written, iconographical, and folklore evidence that originated in both domest ic and foreign sources. Angelov chooses as his subjects those who differ from Bul garians by faith (for example, Judaists and Catholics) and by the polities to which they belonged (for example, Byzantines or Westerners, who, in medieval Bulgaria, were called Franks or Latins). Depending on the circumstances, members of each of these groups might be considered by the medieval Bulgarian state and society as insiders or outsiders. Proving that this situation to some extent was rooted in the regional specifics of Bulgaria, Angelov quotes the evidence of writings by Demetrios Chomatenos, arch­ bishop of Bulgaria (1216–1236), which state that the territory of his diocese, with its see in Ohrid, “from ancient times was allowed to be inhabited by peoples of other faiths and by different pagans, namely Jews, Armenians, Ishmaelites, Hagarians, etc.” (p.
    [Show full text]
  • Federal Research Division Country Profile: Bulgaria, October 2006
    Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Bulgaria, October 2006 COUNTRY PROFILE: BULGARIA October 2006 COUNTRY Formal Name: Republic of Bulgaria (Republika Bŭlgariya). Short Form: Bulgaria. Term for Citizens(s): Bulgarian(s). Capital: Sofia. Click to Enlarge Image Other Major Cities (in order of population): Plovdiv, Varna, Burgas, Ruse, Stara Zagora, Pleven, and Sliven. Independence: Bulgaria recognizes its independence day as September 22, 1908, when the Kingdom of Bulgaria declared its independence from the Ottoman Empire. Public Holidays: Bulgaria celebrates the following national holidays: New Year’s (January 1); National Day (March 3); Orthodox Easter (variable date in April or early May); Labor Day (May 1); St. George’s Day or Army Day (May 6); Education Day (May 24); Unification Day (September 6); Independence Day (September 22); Leaders of the Bulgarian Revival Day (November 1); and Christmas (December 24–26). Flag: The flag of Bulgaria has three equal horizontal stripes of white (top), green, and red. Click to Enlarge Image HISTORICAL BACKGROUND Early Settlement and Empire: According to archaeologists, present-day Bulgaria first attracted human settlement as early as the Neolithic Age, about 5000 B.C. The first known civilization in the region was that of the Thracians, whose culture reached a peak in the sixth century B.C. Because of disunity, in the ensuing centuries Thracian territory was occupied successively by the Greeks, Persians, Macedonians, and Romans. A Thracian kingdom still existed under the Roman Empire until the first century A.D., when Thrace was incorporated into the empire, and Serditsa was established as a trading center on the site of the modern Bulgarian capital, Sofia.
    [Show full text]
  • Comparative Analysis of the Process of Initial State Genesis in Rus' and Bulgaria
    Comparative Analysis of the Process of Initial State Genesis in Rus' and Bulgaria Evgeniy A. Shinakov Svetlana G. Polyakova Bryansk State University ABSTRACT There has not been completed yet the typological research of Euro- pean polities' forms (of the complexity level of ‘barbarous’ state- hood, ‘complex chiefdoms’, and rarely – ‘early states’ – in terms of political anthropology), and of the pathways of their emergence. This research can be amplified with the study of the First Bulgar- ian kingdom before Omurtag's and Krum's reforms (the end of the 7th – the early 9th century) and synchronous to it complex chief- dom of ‘Rosia’ (in terms of Porphyrpgenitus) of the end of the 9th – mid-10th century. They have typological similarity in military and contractual character of pathways of state genesis (in ‘Rosia’ it is supplemented by foreign trade) as well as in the form of ‘barba- rous’ (pre-Christian) statehood. It has a multilevel – ‘federal’ – character. At the head there were the Turks-Bulgarians and the ‘Rhos’ (‘Ruses’), whose settlements had limited territory, the ‘slavini- yas’ with their own power structure were subordinated to them and supervised by the ‘federal’ power strong points. The ‘supreme’ power domination is supported not only by the fear of weapon, but also by the treaties based on reciprocity. The common interest was, for exam- ple, the participation in robbery of the Byzantine Empire and interna- tional trade. At first in a peaceful way, later with conflicts, Bulgaria was transformed into a unitarian territorial state by the reforms of the pagans Оmurtag and Krum, and then of the Christian Boris (the latter had led to the conflict within the top level of power – among the Turkic-Bulgarians aristocracy).
    [Show full text]
  • The Formulaic Dynamics of Character Behavior in Lucan Howard Chen
    Breakthrough and Concealment: The Formulaic Dynamics of Character Behavior in Lucan Howard Chen Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2012 © 2012 Howard Chen All rights reserved ABSTRACT Breakthrough and Concealment: The Formulaic Dynamics of Character Behavior in Lucan Howard Chen This dissertation analyzes the three main protagonists of Lucan’s Bellum Civile through their attempts to utilize, resist, or match a pattern of action which I call the “formula.” Most evident in Caesar, the formula is a cycle of alternating states of energy that allows him to gain a decisive edge over his opponents by granting him the ability of perpetual regeneration. However, a similar dynamic is also found in rivers, which thus prove to be formidable adversaries of Caesar in their own right. Although neither Pompey nor Cato is able to draw on the Caesarian formula successfully, Lucan eventually associates them with the river-derived variant, thus granting them a measure of resistance (if only in the non-physical realm). By tracing the development of the formula throughout the epic, the dissertation provides a deeper understanding of the importance of natural forces in Lucan’s poem as well as the presence of an underlying drive that unites its fractured world. Table of Contents Acknowledgments ............................................................................................................ vi Introduction ......................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • In Search of Armenian Nobility: Five Armenian Families of the Ottoman Empire
    J. Soc. for Armenian Stud. 3 (1987) Printed in the United States of America 93 Robert H. Hewsen IN SEARCH OF ARMENIAN NOBILITY: FIVE ARMENIAN FAMILIES OF THE OTTOMAN EMPIRE The importance of the nobility in Armenia before the loss of its independence cannot be overestimated, but the history of this nobility was characterized by a steady decline in the number of families of which it was composed. From about fifty in the fourth century A.D., the number of Armenian princely houses steadily dwindled to some forty-two in the fifth century, to thirty-five in the sixth, and to twenty in the eighth.1 Ultimately, only seven Armenian noble families are known for certain to have survived the fall of the last Armenian monarchy in 1375.2 Of these, five continued to exist in Georgia3 while three others, the House of Artsruni, the House of Siwni, and the House of Orbelian, survived on Armenian soil, the first until the Turkish occupation of Van; the remaining two under Persian and, later Russian rule.4 For all this, however, there are not lacking some Armenian fam- ilies of the Ottoman Empire who claim descent from the princely houses of the Armenia of old, and some of these families have played a conspicuous role in modern Armenian history. The basic problem in dealing with their claims lies in proving their legitimacy on grounds other than those of the family's own traditions, which valid though they may possibly be, by their very nature cannot always be verified. In the egalitarian world of Islam, and especially in the Ottoman Em- pire (which, unlike Russia, recognized no hereditary nobility beyond the imperial house itself), the lack of official recognition of nobiliary descent leaves us with very little support for nobiliary claims.
    [Show full text]
  • Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (Ca
    Conversion and Empire: Byzantine Missionaries, Foreign Rulers, and Christian Narratives (ca. 300-900) by Alexander Borislavov Angelov A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (History) in The University of Michigan 2011 Doctoral Committee: Professor John V.A. Fine, Jr., Chair Professor Emeritus H. Don Cameron Professor Paul Christopher Johnson Professor Raymond H. Van Dam Associate Professor Diane Owen Hughes © Alexander Borislavov Angelov 2011 To my mother Irina with all my love and gratitude ii Acknowledgements To put in words deepest feelings of gratitude to so many people and for so many things is to reflect on various encounters and influences. In a sense, it is to sketch out a singular narrative but of many personal “conversions.” So now, being here, I am looking back, and it all seems so clear and obvious. But, it is the historian in me that realizes best the numerous situations, emotions, and dilemmas that brought me where I am. I feel so profoundly thankful for a journey that even I, obsessed with planning, could not have fully anticipated. In a final analysis, as my dissertation grew so did I, but neither could have become better without the presence of the people or the institutions that I feel so fortunate to be able to acknowledge here. At the University of Michigan, I first thank my mentor John Fine for his tremendous academic support over the years, for his friendship always present when most needed, and for best illustrating to me how true knowledge does in fact produce better humanity.
    [Show full text]
  • Introduction
    Cambridge University Press 0521819458 - Kingship and Politics in the Late Ninth Century: Charles the Fat and the End of the Carolingian Empire Simon Maclean Excerpt More information Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION the end of the carolingian empire in modern historiography The dregs of the Carlovingian race no longer exhibited any symptoms of virtue or power, and the ridiculous epithets of the Bald, the Stammerer, the Fat, and the Simple, distinguished the tame and uniform features of a crowd of kings alike deserving of oblivion. By the failure of the collateral branches, the whole inheritance devolved to Charles the Fat, the last emperor of his family: his insanity authorised the desertion of Germany, Italy, and France...Thegovernors,the bishops and the lords usurped the fragments of the falling empire.1 This was how, in the late eighteenth century, the great Enlightenment historianEdward Gibbonpassed verdict onthe endof the Carolingian empire almost exactly 900 years earlier. To twenty-first-century eyes, the terms of this assessment may seem jarring. Gibbon’s emphasis on the im- portance of virtue and his ideas about who or what was a deserving subject of historical study very much reflect the values of his age, the expectations of his audience and the intentions of his work.2 However, if the timbre of his analysis now feels dated, its constituent elements have nonetheless survived into modern historiography. The conventional narrative of the end of the empire in the year 888 is still a story about the emergence of recognisable medieval kingdoms which would become modern nations – France, Germany and Italy; about the personal inadequacies of late ninth- century kings as rulers; and about their powerlessness in the face of an increasingly independent, acquisitive and assertive aristocracy.
    [Show full text]
  • The Latin Principality of Antioch and Its Relationship with the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, 1188-1268 Samuel James Wilson
    The Latin Principality of Antioch and Its Relationship with the Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia, 1188-1268 Samuel James Wilson A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of Nottingham Trent University for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2016 1 Copyright Statement This work is the intellectual property of the author. You may copy up to 5% of this work for private study, or personal, non-commercial research. Any re-use of the information contained within this document should be fully referenced, quoting the author, title, university, degree level and pagination. Queries or requests for any other use, or if a more substantial copy is required, should be directed to the owner of the Intellectual Property Rights. 2 Abstract The Latin principality of Antioch was founded during the First Crusade (1095-1099), and survived for 170 years until its destruction by the Mamluks in 1268. This thesis offers the first full assessment of the thirteenth century principality of Antioch since the publication of Claude Cahen’s La Syrie du nord à l’époque des croisades et la principauté franque d’Antioche in 1940. It examines the Latin principality from its devastation by Saladin in 1188 until the fall of Antioch eighty years later, with a particular focus on its relationship with the Armenian kingdom of Cilicia. This thesis shows how the fate of the two states was closely intertwined for much of this period. The failure of the principality to recover from the major territorial losses it suffered in 1188 can be partly explained by the threat posed by the Cilician Armenians in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.
    [Show full text]
  • Downloaded from Brill.Com10/04/2021 08:59:36AM Via Free Access
    Chapter 12 Aristocrats, Mercenaries, Clergymen and Refugees: Deliberate and Forced Mobility of Armenians in the Early Medieval Mediterranean (6th to 11th Century a.d.) Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 1 Introduction Armenian mobility in the early Middle Ages has found some attention in the scholarly community. This is especially true for the migration of individuals and groups towards the Byzantine Empire. A considerable amount of this re- search has focused on the carriers and histories of individual aristocrats or noble families of Armenian origin. The obviously significant share of these in the Byzantine elite has even led to formulations such as Byzantium being a “Greco-Armenian Empire”.1 While, as expected, evidence for the elite stratum is relatively dense, larger scale migration of members of the lower aristocracy (“azat”, within the ranking system of Armenian nobility, see below) or non- aristocrats (“anazat”) can also be traced with regard to the overall movement of groups within the entire Byzantine sphere. In contrast to the nobility, however, the life stories and strategies of individuals of these backgrounds very rarely can be reconstructed based on our evidence. In all cases, the actual signifi- cance of an “Armenian” identity for individuals and groups identified as “Ar- menian” by contemporary sources or modern day scholarship (on the basis of 1 Charanis, “Armenians in the Byzantine Empire”, passim; Charanis, “Transfer of population”; Toumanoff, “Caucasia and Byzantium”, pp. 131–133; Ditten, Ethnische Verschiebungen, pp. 124–127, 134–135; Haldon, “Late Roman Senatorial Elite”, pp. 213–215; Whitby, “Recruitment”, pp. 87–90, 99–101, 106–110; Isaac, “Army in the Late Roman East”, pp.
    [Show full text]
  • 2017 Newsletter
    NEWSLETTER FALL 2017 Liminality & ISSUE 11 Memorial Practices IN 3 Notes from the Director THIS 4 Faculty News and Updates ISSUE: 6 Year in Review: Orphaned Fields: Picturing Armenian Landscapes Photography and Armenian Studies Orphans of the Armenian Genocide Eighth Annual International Graduate Student Workshop 11 Meet the Manoogian Fellows NOTES FROM 14 Literature and Liminality: Exploring the Armenian in-Between THE DIRECTOR Armenian Music, Memorial Practices and the Global in the 21st 14 Kathryn Babayan Century Welcome to the new academic year! 15 International Justice for Atrocity Crimes - Worth the Cost? Over the last decade, the Armenian represents the first time the Armenian ASP Faculty Armenian Childhood(s): Histories and Theories of Childhood and Youth Studies Program at U-M has fostered a Studies Program has presented these 16 Hakem Al-Rustom in American Studies critical dialogue with emerging scholars critical discussions in a monograph. around the globe through various Alex Manoogian Professor of Modern workshops, conferences, lectures, and This year we continue in the spirit of 16 Multidisciplinary Workshop for Armenian Studies Armenian History fellowships. Together with our faculty, engagement with neglected directions graduate students, visiting fellows, and in the field of Armenian Studies. Our Profiles and Reflections Kathryn Babayan 17 postdocs we have combined our efforts two Manoogian Post-doctoral fellows, ASP Fellowship Recipients Director, Armenian to push scholarship in Armenian Studies Maral Aktokmakyan and Christopher Studies Program; 2017-18 ASP Graduate Students in new directions. Our interventions in Sheklian, work in the fields of literature Associate Professor of the study of Armenian history, literature, and anthropology respectively.
    [Show full text]
  • The Making of Byzantinism Dimiter G. Angelov Harvard University the Foundations of Byzantine Studies Were Laid During the Age Of
    The Making of Byzantinism Dimiter G. Angelov Harvard University The foundations of Byzantine studies were laid during the Age of Absolutism in France, when Byzantium became a fashionable academic subject because of its perceived similarities with the French monarchy. The Enlightenment, in turn, brought about an almost universal condemnation of Byzantine civilization which was thought to embody exactly what the Age of Reason opposed: an authoritarian political system; a culture permeated by blind religious belief; and a society fervently hostile to any notion of reform. While modern Byzantine scholarship has progressed in the study of the complexities and continuous transformation of Byzantine institutions, economy and culture, there still exist a simplistic and negative assessment of Byzantine civilization and of the Byzantine legacy in southeastern Europe by historians, political scientists and publicists. I use the term Byzantinism to designate a representation of Byzantine civilization as an antipode and an imperfect reflection of Western historical experiences and values. In my view, Byzantinism shares common characteristics with the Balkanist discourse as defined by Maria Todorova, since both Byzantinism and Balkanism try to present a variation within the construct of European civilization and to portray the other “within.” Byzantinism is both a specific discourse about Byzantium with a long history stretching back to the Middle Ages and a reductionist approach which essentializes Byzantium through the application of analytical categories derived, explicitly or indirectly, from Western historical experience. Two main elements of Byzantinism are the notions of caesaropapism and of the unlimited absolutism of the Byzantine emperor. The concept of caesaropapism is based on the subordinate position of the Byzantine patriarch, which differs from the relative independence of the papacy from political authority.
    [Show full text]