Teaching the Presidency: Idealizing a Constitutional Office
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Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism. -
On the Hill with the College's First Congresswoman, Kirsten Gillibrand '88
HOUSE TOUR ON THE HILL WITH THE COLLEGE'S FIRST CONGRESSWOMAN, KIRSTEN GILLIBRAND '88 FIVE DOLLARS Nov/Dec 2007 06-7dam.qxd:06-7dam 10/7/07 11:31 PM Page 7 NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 2007 Change Agent Al Dotson ’82, president of 100 Black Men of America Inc. Contents Page 54 FEATURES DEPARTMENTS 10 LETTERS Climbing the Hill Notebook 44 22 CAMPUS News and notes from around the Green. Becoming Dartmouth’s first congresswoman re- 26 INTERVIEW Trustee board chair Ed Haldeman ’70 talks about quired an election upset for Kirsten Gillibrand ’88. board expansion, apathetic alums and The Wall Street Journal. Winning reelection may be even harder. 28 ONLINE An unassuming student transforms his blog into a force By Dirk Olin ’81 to be reckoned with. By Jake Tapper ’91 32 SPORTS Big Green aquatic teams may have survived extinction five years ago, but they’re still feeling the effects of the financial fiasco. 50 Drug Buster By Carolyn Kylstra ’08 As society softens its take on marijuana, Dr. 34 ALUMNI OPINION How to win—without weapons—in Herbert Kleber ’56 knows better. The psychiatrist’s Afghanistan. By Nathaniel Fick ’99 research shows the harmful effects of pot and other 36 PERSONAL HISTORY A teacher finds an appreciation of the clas- drugs on the brain—and offers hope for breaking sics in an unlikely place: a ninth grade classroom in Brooklyn. the lock of addiction. By Alexander Nazaryan ’02 By Christopher S. Wren ’57 38 TRIBUTE The late Eugen Rosenstock-Huessy made an indelible impression. By Jeffrey Hart ’51 42 READWORTHY Students reflect on their ethnicity 54 The Role Model in two new collections of essays. -
Abraham Lincoln: Preserving the Union and the Constitution
ABRAHAM LINCOLN: PRESERVING THE UNION AND THE CONSTITUTION Louis Fisher* I. THE MEXICAN WAR ..................................................................505 A. Polk Charges Treason ...................................................507 B. The Spot Resolutions ....................................................508 C. Scope of Presidential Power .........................................510 II. DRED SCOTT DECISION ...........................................................512 III. THE CIVIL WAR .....................................................................513 A. The Inaugural Address.................................................515 B. Resupplying Fort Sumter .............................................518 C. War Begins ...................................................................520 D. Lincoln’s Message to Congress .....................................521 E. Constitutionality of Lincoln’s Actions .......................... 523 F. Suspending the Writ .....................................................524 G. Statutory Endorsement ................................................527 H. Lincoln’s Blockade .......................................................528 IV. COMPARING POLK AND LINCOLN ...........................................531 * Specialist in constitutional law, Law Library, Library of Congress. This paper was presented at the Albany Government Law Review’s symposium, “Lincoln’s Legacy: Enduring Lessons of Executive Power,” held on September 30 and October 1, 2009. My appreciation to David Gray Adler, Richard -
Part V Jfk- Media Image and Legacy
PART V JFK- MEDIA IMAGE AND LEGACY 242 Chapter 20 Kennedy’s Loyal Opposition: National Review and the Development of a Conservative Alternative, January- August 1961 Laura Jane Gifford The March 25, 1961, National Review related the contents of a recent subscriber letter in a back-cover subscription appeal. This man, “usually understood to be a liberal” and well-placed in New York Democratic circles, wrote the magazine and explained: Of course I am not in agreement with most of your criticism of President Kennedy; nor do I believe you will get far in your obvious editorial support of Senator Barry Goldwater, but renew my subscription, for I can no longer get along without National Review. I find that National Review is a whiskey I must sample once a week. From every other journalist I get a sensation of either soda pop (and who does not finally gag on effervescent, treacly sugar water), or from the intellectual journals of my own persuasion I now get no more than strained vegetable juices unfermented. So I am now a tippler. Eight dollars enclosed. The advertisement’s writer went on to speculate that perhaps National Review’s rarified appeal stemmed from its very lack of broadmindedness; rather, “it is a magazine of fact and opinion, of discourse and criticism, on the central questions of our age,” questions identified as dealing with how to meet the Communist challenge, “resuscitate the spirit in an age of horror,” guard one’s mind against uniformity in the age of mass appeal, and resist collectivism, preserve freedom and teach love of country, respect for past wisdom and responsibility to the future. -
Jeffrey Hart ʻ51 Professor of English Emeritus
Jeffrey Hart ʻ51 Professor of English Emeritus An Interview Conducted by Jane Carroll July 15, 1997 July 18, 1997 DOH-11 Special Collections Dartmouth College Hanover, New Hampshire Jeffrey Hart Interview INTERVIEW: Jeffrey Hart ʻ51 INTERVIEWED BY: Jane Carroll PLACE: Baker Library Hanover, New Hampshire DATE: July 15, 1997 CARROLL: Today is July 15, 1997, and I am speaking with Jeffrey Hart, Class of ʻ51 and Professor of English, Emeritus. I am curious how you came to choose Dartmouth as the institution for undergraduate learning. HART: It was chosen for me. My father went to Dartmouth, Class of 1921 [Clifford F. Brown ʻ21]. Then he went to Columbia School of Architecture and got his Bachelor of Architecture there; but he was extremely loyal to Dartmouth and I felt that his four years at Dartmouth were probably the happiest of his life. He always seemed to be seriously connected with Dartmouth and I was, as a matter of fact, registered or enrolled in the Class of whatever, enrolled at Dartmouth when I was born. So I grew up understanding that I would go to Dartmouth. However there was a bump in that road since I got heavily involved with junior competitive tennis and felt that I probably would like to go to Stanford. His position was that I could go to Stanford. That would be fine, but he wouldnʼt pay for it. [Laughter] I could go to Dartmouth or I could go to Harvard if I got a scholarship. I did get some kind of tuition break at Dartmouth and that was the best deal, and I was perfectly happy to go to Dartmouth. -
Thomas F. Eagleton: a Model of Integrity
Saint Louis University Law Journal Volume 52 Number 1 (Fall 2007) Article 18 2007 Thomas F. Eagleton: A Model of Integrity Louis Fisher Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Louis Fisher, Thomas F. Eagleton: A Model of Integrity, 52 St. Louis U. L.J. (2007). Available at: https://scholarship.law.slu.edu/lj/vol52/iss1/18 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Scholarship Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Saint Louis University Law Journal by an authorized editor of Scholarship Commons. For more information, please contact Susie Lee. SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW THOMAS F. EAGLETON: A MODEL OF INTEGRITY LOUIS FISHER* In 1975, I was invited to participate in an all-day conference held in Washington, D.C. to analyze Executive-Legislative conflicts. The objective was to survey the meaning of the pitched battles between Congress and the presidency during the Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon administrations. Throughout the morning and afternoon we were joined by senators and representatives. In an informed, thoughtful, and articulate manner they explained different issues, personalities, and procedures. Senior editors and writers from the media sat around the room listening intently. Occasionally I would watch their eyes and expressions to gauge their evaluations. That evening, at the Kennedy Center, we continued the conversation over cocktails and dinner. Again the editors and writers stood nearby to listen. After I finished a conversation with Senator Tom Eagleton, they quickly closed in around me and asked, visibly shaken: “Are other members of Congress this bright?” I assured them they were. -
The Board and Staff of the Dartmouth Review Invite You to Join Us in Celebrating Our 35Th Anniversary
35TH Anniversary Gala The Board and Staff of The Dartmouth Review invite you to join us in celebrating our 35th Anniversary Saturday, May 14, 6 PM The Union League Club 38 East 37th Street New York City Featuring: A Keynote Address by Laura Ingraham ’85, Laura Ingraham is the host of The Laura Ingraham Show, one of the nation’s highest rated talk radio programs. Laura’s frequent guests include presidential candidates, political commentators, and popular entertainers. Before her career in radio journalism, Laura served as Editor-in-Chief of The Dartmouth Review. And a Tribute to Jeffrey Hart by James Panero ’98. James Panero is the Executive Editor of The New Criterion and a frequent contributor to the Wall Street Journal, City Journal, and other publications. He served as Editor-in-Chief of The Dartmouth Review from 1995-96 and is the editor of The Dartmouth Review Pleads Innocent (ISI Books), a history of the newspaper in its own words. The gala will commemorate 35 years of publication of The Dartmouth Review, which has deeply influenced Dartmouth College and beyond. We hope you’ll join us in the celebration, and continue to support The Review as we look forward to many more years of illuminating writing. Host committee Charles Dameron ’11 Kevin Robbins ’98 Nicholas Desatnick ’15 Emily Esfahani Smith ’09 Michael Ellis ’06 Alexis Siegel ’01 Kevin Hudak ’07 Oron Strauss ’95 Roland Reynolds ’87 Deborah Stone ’86 TICket and Table Options __________ TICKET(S) at $250 __________ SAGAMORE SOCIETY TABLE FOR 8 The premier contribution to the event, and to The Dartmouth Review’s mission. -
The War Powers Resolution: Time to Say Goodbye
The War Powers Resolution: Time to Say Goodbye LOUIS FISHER DAVID GRAY ADLER The War Powers Resolution (WPR) of 1973 is generally consid ered the high-water mark of congressional reassertion in national security af fairs. In fact, it was ill conceived and badly compromised from the start, replete with tortured ambiguity and self-contradiction. The net result was to legalize a scope for independent presidential power that would have astonished the Framers, who vested the power to initiate hostilities exclusively in Congress. The resolution, however, grants to the president unbridled discretion to go to war as he deems necessary against anyone, anytime, anywhere, for at least ninety days. As Arthur Schlesinger Jr. has observed, before "the passage of the resolution, unilateral presidential war was a matter of usurpation. Now, at least for the first ninety days, it was a matter of law."! Implementation of the War Powers Resolution has revealed further defi ciencies. After occupying Haiti, the Clinton administration actually cited the resolution favorably as another weapon to add to its ever-expanding arsenal of claims for presidential warmaking power. After nearly twenty-five years of experience, it would be better for both branches-and for constitutional government-to repeal the War Powers Resolution and rely on traditional po litical pressures and the regular system of checks and balances, including im peachment. There is some risk that repeal might indirectly signal a reduced role for Congress, but that role has reached a minimal level anyway, in part because of the War Powers Resolution. Over the long term, outright repeal would be less risky than continuing along the present path. -
S U Prem E Co U Rt Hi St O Ry
2003 VOL 28 NO . 2 JOU RNAL OF S U PR E M E CO U RT HI ST O RY 1059-4329 in March, and November by the Court Historical offices 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148, USA, and 9600 uarslngton 1-800-835-6770 Or 388-8200 or +441865 or +44 1865 381393 (-mail: sut)Scr.ro(aJl:>lackweJ Infurmation for Subscribers copy reguests, claims, ofaddress, and all other )cn"rrmcnr at the nearest Blackwell office addr",,," .:>uoscnpuon Rates for Volume 28, 2003 Institutional Premium Rate print to the current and all available The Americas $104, Rest of World £80; Print and onlIne-only are also available Issue Rates: Insntutions: The Amencas $38, Rest of World £29, Customers in Canada should add 7% GST to the Americas rate or UK and EU should add VAT 5% to the Rest of entitlement to access information and terms and conditions, visit institutions also avaIlable on our website, or on request from our customer service or + 1 781 388-8206 (US office') +44 (0)1865 251866 Keep up wlth new ~ Blackwell we'll send you E-mail Alerts V.#' books yout' field. ::>lgmng IIp IS easy. • choose whlch interests you, and we'll send you a message every other week • OR sdect which books and iournals you'd like to hear aDour, and when your mess;:}gcs Electronic Access Abstract information For information on full-text access, see ----~----~- -~----------~----~~-- Back Issues Back are available from the ng}C-l$SUe rate. mailed Standard Rate, to of world by Deutsche Post Global Mail, Canadian mail bl!cations mail agreement number 40573520. -
Vice Presidential Secrecy: a Study in Comparative Constitutional Privilege and Historical Development
St. John's Law Review Volume 84 Number 2 Volume 84, Spring 2010, Number 2 Article 1 Vice Presidential Secrecy: A Study in Comparative Constitutional Privilege and Historical Development Roy E. Brownell II Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.stjohns.edu/lawreview This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Journals at St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in St. John's Law Review by an authorized editor of St. John's Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 84 St. John’s L. Rev. 423 (2010) ARTICLES VICE PRESIDENTIAL SECRECY: A STUDY IN COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL PRIVILEGE AND HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT ROY E. BROWNELL II† INTRODUCTION ............................................................................. 426 CONSTITUTIONAL STRUCTURE AND COMPARATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL PRIVILEGE ....................................................... 437 I.THE CONSTITUTIONAL NORM OF ENCOURAGING EFFECTIVE DECISIONMAKING ............................................................... 437 A. The Gathering of Information .................................... 437 B. Immunity Against Civil Suit for Official Actions ....... 440 C. Constitutional Privileges and Governmental Structure ..................................................................... 444 1. Separation of Powers and Constitutional Privileges ................................................................ 444 2. Why the Vice President Should Be Treated Like Any Other Constitutional -
The Federalist and the American Constitution, Prof. David Lay Williams
Political Science 393 Prof. David Williams Spring 2019 Office: 990 W. Fullerton, 2205 M-W 11:20-12:50 Phone: 773-325-4906 DePaul University Office Hours: T 11:00-1:30 & by appt. E-Mail: [email protected] The Federalist 1 It is best to email me from your depaul.edu account, since emails from other servers are often first delivered to my DePaul junk mailbox. Much praise has been heaped upon The Federalist since it appeared as a series of essays in the New York newspapers in 1787-88. Thomas Jefferson wrote in 1788 that it was “the best commentary on the principles of government, which ever was written.”2 Alexis de Tocqueville commented in his Democracy in America, “The Federalist is a fine book, and though it especially concerns America, it should be familiar to statesmen of all countries.”3 Gottfried Dietze has called it “the outstanding contribution to the literature on constitutional democracy and federalism, a classic of Western political thought.”4 Clinton Rossiter observed, “The Federalist is the most important work in political science that has ever been written, or is likely ever to be written in the United States.”5 Edward Gaylord Bourne commented, The Federalist is “the most important contribution of our country to the literature of political science.”6 Even critics, such as Charles Beard, have acknowledged that the Federalist is a “wonderful piece of argumentation by Hamilton, Madison, and Jay” and “is in fact the finest study in the economic interpretation of politics which exists in any language.”7 Although written in great haste for the very practical purpose of seeing to the Constitution’s ratification in New York, commentators are right to point to the essays’ timelessness. -
Revisiting Clinton Rossiter's 1948 Constitutional Dictatorship: Crisis Government in the Modern Democracies
Yeshiva University, Cardozo School of Law LARC @ Cardozo Law Articles Faculty 2013 Roman Roots for an Imperial Presidency: Revisiting Clinton Rossiter's 1948 Constitutional Dictatorship: Crisis Government in the Modern Democracies David Rudenstine Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://larc.cardozo.yu.edu/faculty-articles Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation David Rudenstine, Roman Roots for an Imperial Presidency: Revisiting Clinton Rossiter's 1948 Constitutional Dictatorship: Crisis Government in the Modern Democracies, 34 Cardozo Law Review 1063 (2013). Available at: https://larc.cardozo.yu.edu/faculty-articles/170 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty at LARC @ Cardozo Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in Articles by an authorized administrator of LARC @ Cardozo Law. For more information, please contact [email protected], [email protected]. RUDENSTINE.34.3 (clean) (Do Not Delete) 2/15/2013 12:07 PM ROMAN ROOTS FOR AN IMPERIAL PRESIDENCY: REVISITING CLINTON ROSSITER’S 1948 CONSTITUTIONAL DICTATORSHIP: CRISIS GOVERNMENT IN THE MODERN DEMOCRACIES David Rudenstine† TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .............................................................................................................. 1063 I. MY ROAD FROM UNITED STATES V. REYNOLDS TO ROSSITER’S CONSTITUTIONAL DICTATORSHIP .......................................................................... 1064 II. CLINTON ROSSITER’S CONSTITUTIONAL DICTATORSHIP